Tag: history

  • Lagos School of History: An exploratory discourse – 2

    What the Ibadan School of History was largely interested in was establishing the fact that Africa had a past that was worthy of study. In other words, they were following European tradition of history for history’s sake. Most of those involved in the development of this school were not concerned with functionality or application of the study of the African past to solve present problems. It is, however, fair to suggest that exponents of the Ibadan school believed in the continuity of human experience from the past to the present and that the past certainly informs the present and that the present can only be totally understood by studying the past and that the present will have an impact on the future. It will be unfair to say that the Ibadan School of History was only interested in the study of history as an intellectual and academic exercise only and that it was not concerned, with the use of history in solving problems that may face society. However, the question of relevance was not a major question. Critics have also accused the Ibadan School of History for not having been concerned with social and economic analysis whereas its main concern was Islamic and Christian proselytisation and colonialism generally and political issues especially the rise and fall of kingdoms and empires. Publications ascribed to the “Ibadan School” include the following; K.O. Dike Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta 1830-1835 (Oxford, 1956), Akinjide Osuntokun Nigeria in the First World War (1979), B.O. Oloruntimehin The Segu Tuklor Empire (1972), Murray Last The Sokoto Caliphate (1977), T.G.O. Gbadamosi The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba 1841-1980 (1978), Fred I.A. Omu Press and Politics in Nigeria 1880-1937 (1978), Akitoye S. Adebanji Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland 1840-1893: Ibadan Expansion and the Rise of Ekitiparapo (1971), Tamuno Tekena N. The Evolution of the Nigerian State (1972), Omer-Cooper J.D. The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth Century Revolution in Bantu Africa (1966), Freund Bill Capital and Labour in the Nigerian Tin Mines (1981), Ryder Alan F.C. Benin and Europeans 1485-1897 (1977), Cookey S.J. Sodienye Britain and the Congo Question 1855-1913 (1968), Adewoye Omoniyi The Judicial System in Southern Nigeria 1854-1954: Law and Justice in a Dependency (1977), Adeleye R.A. Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria 1804-1906: The Sokoto Caliphate and its Enemies (1971), Yahya Dahiru Morocco in the Sixteenth Century (1981), Ajayi J.F.A. Christian Missions in Nigeria 1841-1891 (1965), Asiwaju A.I. Western Yorubaland under European Rule 1889-1945 (1976), J.A. Atanda The New Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change in Western Nigeria 1894-1934 (1973), P.A. Igbafe Benin Under British Administration: The Impact of Colonial Rule on an African Kingdom (1978), A.E. Afigbo The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria 1891-1929 (1972), J.C. Anene The International Boundaries of Nigeria 1885-1960 (1970) and E.A. Ayandele Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842-1914 (1966).

    The Ibadan School has been successful in its task of establishing the fact of African history and developing a body of literature to be used in historical pedagogy by teachers and providing literature for the reading public.

    The intellectual erudition of the exponents of the Ibadan School was noticed at home and abroad and many of the older scholars found themselves in the editorial boards of many overseas based distinguished journals as well as in councils and academic bodies on education including at one time Professor J.F. Ade-Ajayi serving as Chairman of Council of the United Nations’ University in Tokyo, Japan. Apart from Kenneth Dike who became the first African Vice Chancellor of the University Of Ibadan, others like J.F. Ade-Ajayi, Emmanuel Ayandele, Tekena Tamuno, S.J. Cookey, Omoniyi Adewoye became vice chancellors of Lagos, Calabar, Ibadan, Port Harcourt and Ibadan respectively. Others became federal ministers and state commissioners not necessarily in the areas related to the history in which they specialised. In other words, those who were appointed into political post did not bring any special knowledge arising from their research into the ministerial departments to which they were posted.  The Department of History of the University of Ibadan became a victim of its own success. The Ibadan scholars did not replicate or reproduce themselves and the department became denuded as a result of a high profile appointments of the academic staff to the extent that at one time the history programme at the fountain head of the Ibadan School of History suffered de-accreditation in the hands of the National Universities Commission. This was the greatest tragedy that could happen to Ibadan which in the 1960s and 1970s was designated centre of excellence in African history. Although things have changed for the better in Ibadan but the lingering effect of what happened to the School is still apparent even till today to the extent that Ibadan School of History has become history and hardly does anyone talk about it today.

    The Lagos School of History seems to have learnt some lessons from the Ibadan School. It did not deliberately set out to be different from the Ibadan School since in any case some of its leadership came from Ibadan and were initially those of its weakest link in the Ibadan School. But as time went on and because of its proximity to government, the academic staff of the University of Lagos, Department of History were individually and severally called upon to advise government on policies which government felt they had expertise and over time the academic staff in the University of Lagos’s Department of History began to see sense in applied history.

  • Tambuwal: History will absolve us

    One of the major beauties of democracy is in its innate tenets of freedoms – of choice, expression and association which allows the individual or group if they so choose to participate in the various political processes without coercion. These qualities as envisaged by the proponents of this enduring governance framework creates the needed platform for all political gladiators to negotiate their interests allowing its institutions to mediate peacefully the diverse outcomes to ensure that the system continues sustainably without imploding.

    It is on this plank that I situate the defection of the Speaker of the House of Representative – Hon. Aminu Tambuwal from his erstwhile party the PDP to the All Progressive Congress (APC).

    We believe that the practice of democracy is a process that allows for continuous learning as we test and allow each precept to go through the fire that the various democratic institutions generate. It is this testing and their outcomes that sends the correct signals to all stakeholders on the right actions and steps to take in every given situation and it is these that also builds democratic values, norms and traditions. An accumulation of these invisibles eventually become the foundation for measuring the maturity of such democracies.

    Democracy especially its practice is not a 100 meters dash but a marathon that transcends many ages, individuals and climes. As one in a marathon, it therefore requires serious patience and endurance if we are to make any serious success out of the whole exercise. If our intentions are to make Nigerian democracy very enduring then, we should not be in a haste to take certain actions rather we must allow all the democratic processes to be carefully followed and exhausted before taking any action. It is only on such predicates that such actions taken can be adjudged to be right and democratic but any other way, abridges democratic practice and culture and is thus aberrant.

    Having laid this foundation and understanding so that some may not misunderstand the trajectory of my intervention, it becomes imperative to say clearly that the response of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) –Suleiman Abba under the presumed instruction or acquiescence of President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP is not just irresponsible but does not in any way help in building our democracy. We see it as a slap and derogation of our democratic culture and traditions and has caused a very steep setback to the efforts of well – meaning Nigerians to build democratic culture and practice in the country. It’s indeed a great leap backwards.

    We had thought that in a country that is desirous of ensuring that we move forward and given the recent avowals of the federal Government to enthrone fairness and equity in all its activities especially as we move towards 2015 that this event would have been used as one of those test cases; a watershed. Unfortunately, we are all about to lose the learning which this affords us as a nation to build our democracy. In this unfolding frenzy, the productive side of the entire event will be lost in the melee with everybody going back to business as usual afterwards. This is not the way to build a democracy and this is definitely not the way nations that are aspiring to be amongst the top 20 in the global economy behave.

    The right step was for the PDP which rightly lost its member to the APC or any other aggrieved party for that matter to have sought the interpretation of the courts in this matter before embarking on such ruinous action of withdrawing the official security attached to the Speaker. It is not Aminu Tambuwal that owns that office so, anything that denigrates that office does not denigrate Tambuwal but is a reduction of that hallowed office and a definite reduction in the collective weight of our democratic value and culture.

    If the PDP or for that matter the Police were desirous of pursuing the hallowed path of democracy, the option would be to immediately set in motion the process of getting the courts to decide the fate of the Speaker and this is a right which nobody will query but deciding to usurp the powers of the courts is rather anti-democratic.

    When this has been tested in the courts, the outcomes either way will have positive impact on the political landscape as it will add value to the practice of democracy in Nigeria and help in redirecting future actions in this regard. As political actors learn from this experience, political decisions and actions would become better guided in the future with all stakeholders knowing what the implications of their actions are especially when it has become very glaring that if this is allowed as the PDP has shown in the recent past to rest in the perceived good judgment of some interested parties, there will be an overriding predilection to greater and higher impunity and overdose of partiality.

    While some will argue that the withdrawal of the security details of the honourable speaker does not amount to removal from office, out position remains that it does amount to the IGP and his paymasters arrogating to themselves the power to assume that the speaker has lost his position and seat in the House thus no longer deserves the official benefits of that hallowed office. It is also in this implicit that the case of not just abuse of democratic process is expressed but the desecration of our democratic values.

    How else can we explain the action of the administrators of the House of Representatives who hurriedly removed all paraphernalia of office belonging to the Speaker including portraits from where they were originally?

    We urge the PDP if they feel too concerned over that decision of the Speaker to quit their party to approach the courts and not be afraid about the outcomes of such judicial process as most of the judges are also appointees of the same PDP-led federal government. One wonders why the PDP should be afraid of seeking legal redress in the law courts which they clearly control. This perhaps may turn out to be their greatest contribution to Nigeria’s politics and democracy since they have failed woefully in their effort to give Nigeria a semblance of the benefits of democracy since 1999.

    It even becomes more exigent as we approach the final few months before the 2015 elections that all political actors should eschew any act that may send the wrong signal not only to other contenders in the political arena but to the international community especially our development partners. We must as a nation aspire to get 2015 right so that we can at least regain some of our lost international prestige since the advent of this civilian democracy especially under the watch of the PDP led federal Government.

    Two wrongs they say does not make a right. An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth is a maxim that is not known to democratic traditions. No matter the provisions of Section 68 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, tit for tat as an instrument of governance in this case is not creative and cannot support our quest for higher democratic ideals but lends to the pull down; water it down mentality that seems to have pervaded our polity. It is definitely an ill-wind that will not blow anybody good.

    Our institutions of governance ought to be allowed to work and all democratic processes exhaustively and patiently followed in all situations. Patience is a virtue in governance and whatever position we hold, it is important that we persevere in all things as that is the only way all national stakeholders will have a buy-in into the eventual outcomes. When processes are followed, justice will not only be done but will be seen to have been done. That is the way to carry everybody along and foster unity amongst the diverse cleavages that make up our polity.

    Finally, it is important that we see the opportunity which this event has offered us as a nation in our political learning curve to grab it and use it to assiduously deepen our democratic traditions and practice. We must not lose it and I pray that we all see the collective consequences of our actions so that together we will be awakened into seeing this as a collective action to ensure that those who have allowed themselves to commit that error immediately and gallantly reverses themselves. There is no shame in admitting a mistake but entirely it is adjudged on the side of greatness.

     

    • Honourable Jimoh is a member of Lagos State House of Assembly

  • History repeats itself

    History repeats itself

    ISLAM has five pillars. They are: (1) Faith – believe in the Oneness of Allah, His Prophet, Muhammed (SAW) and the Holy Quran. (2) Salat – the prescribed five times daily prayers. (3) Zakat, giving alms to the needy, a certain portion of one’s wealth, as spelt out in the Holy Qur’an. (4)Fasting, as stipulated in the month of Ramadan and (5) Hajj (pilgrimage) to Makkah, Medina and other holy places in Saudi Arabia.

    This year’s Hajj, in which I participated, has just been concluded. May it please Almighty Allah (SWT) to accept the pilgrimage, the supplications and struggles of all the pilgrims. Amen. As a Talim (student of Islamic religion) or “Omokewu”, one is far too junior to sermonise on Hajj and Umrah. That is best done by our well-verzed teachers and leaders (Imams). Nevertheless, I humbly intend to share my modest observations / experience with the public through this piece, based on my 1989 and 2014 Hajj. Allah works in mysterious ways, and I cannot find a better title for this piece, a testimony of His amazing ways in human lives, than the above – “History repeats itself”.

    This piece captures the lessons drawn by me from the 1989 and 2014 Hajj performed by me, as I analyse the original lessons and the follow – ups with – RoH (abbreviation for Repeat of History). Because of the sanctity of the fulcrum on which this piece is based, Hajj, I state, on my honour, that all the names, places and dates mentioned herein are true and correct.

    First Lesson – I had the good fortune of serving four (one civilian and three) former governors of old Oyo State (present Oyo and Osun states) as press secretary between 1983 and March 30, 1989. They were the late Chief ’Bola Ige, retired Major-General Oladayo Popoola, retired Brigadier – General Adetunji Olurin and the late Brigadier – General Sasaenia Oresanya. On my last day in office as his press secretary on March 30, 1989, I paid the late Governor Oresanya a goodbye visit, as it were, in his office. After protocols, he said “Alabi, make a wish, any wish, and I will grant it”. After a long pause, I rose from my seat, thanked him for the unprecedented offer and replied “Your Excellency, can you please sponsor me to Hajj”? He nodded and told me to consider it done.

    I departed the Governor’s Office and started a six-month accumulated leave. RoH – Sometime in March, this year, the Nikhai / introduction ceremony of one of the late Alhaji AbdulAzeez Arisekola Alao’s daughters, Lubabah (now Mrs. Elias Adeojo) was held at Aare’s Oluwo, Ibadan home. The officiating was led by Professor Kamil K. Oloso. As he handed over the microphone to me to co-ordinate the protocol / family introduction aspect of the programme, Prof Oloso said “Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi, the Aare Alaasa Olubadan is Alhaji AbdulRasheed.

    He performed the pilgrimage in 1989, while I was the Chairman of the Oyo State Pilgrims Welfare Board”. Amongst the distinguished personalities at the ceremony was the Governor of Oyo State, Senator Abiola Ajimobi. He noted my introduction by Prof. Oloso and stamped my historic second Hajj, just as it happened during his predecessor’s (the late Governor Oresanya) tenure. Second Lesson – There was a threat to the 1989 Hajj. It was the costliest in Nigeria, in that the fare was increased by almost 1000%.

    Many intending pilgrims could not meet up with the cost, but I was among the lucky ones because my sponsor, Governor Oresanya, kept his promise. May his noble soul continue to rest in peace. Amen. True to his name, Sasaenia, the late General and former military governor was a unique being. RoH – The Ebola virus disease also posed a threat to this year’s Hajj. We thank Allah for the personal sacrifices of patriotic medical personnel like the late Dr. Ameyo Adadevoh for their commitment and government’s quick action that led to its curtailment.

    The fact that the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia closed her eyes to the threat, especially Nigeria, was and still in a miracle. Third Lesson – On the day of my departure for Hajj in 1989, a former protocol officer in the Governor’s Office, Ibadan who would years later rise to become a permanent secretary in present Osun State Civil Service, Mr. Kola Fatunmbi, saw me and others about to board the state pilgrims board chartered bus from Ibadan to the Murtala Muhammed International Airport at Ikeja, Lagos State. Kola stopped the protocol bus in which he was, came out shouting “Congratulations, sir,” and gave me a big bearhug. I thanked him and wondered why my pilgrimage would attract so much hilarity. Kola proved me wrong when he said “Egbon, your pilgrimage is one.

    The other is your appointment as the pioneer Public Affairs Manager of Odu’s Investment Company Limited which the board has just ratified”. I did not know that the Odu’a Board would meet that day in Oyo State Governor’s Office and ratify my appointment. In no time, the news was on the air and one could not have wished for a better departure news. RoH – As I boarded the Oyo State Muslim Pilgrims Board chartered bus on September 24 this year from its Olodo Office, Ibadan to Ikeja, a senior official of the Local Government on whose Traditional Council I am priviledged to sit, Mr. Folaranmi, called my cell number wanting to know my whereabouts. I told him I was on my way to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia via Ikeja. When I asked him the reason for his call, he replied,

    “I have good news for you, sir”. I thanked him and my mind went back to Kola Fatunbi in 1989. Lesson Five – The day my group departed MMIA, Ikeja for Jeddah in Saudi Arabia in 1989 was the day the incumbent President Omar Bashir toppled the Sudanese government in a military coup. Sudan is today divided into North and South. Our aircraft flew into the already – closed Sudanese airspace inadvertently. We, the pilgrims, were oblivious of the violent change of government and the several threats to our pilot to turn back to Nigeria.

    The pilot and his crew disclosed all these to us after the new Sudanese authorities led by Omar Bashir had allowed us to proceed. “On compassionate grounds because the aircraft was conveying pilgrims to Saudi Arabia”. We were told to start praising Allah for the concession as the aircraft’s fuel could not last a detour! You can therefore imagine our plight on learning of the near disaster on landing at Jeddah Airport without a single official of the State Pilgrims Welfare Board on board with us, nor any on the ground at Jeddah to welcome/receive us, the very terrified first-timer pilgrims. An adhoc pilgrims caretaker committee was therefore constituted immediately by the contingent at the airport.

    I was made the secretary and Alhaji Mikhail Adeogun, then General Manager (Marketing) Concord Press Limited, chairman respectively of the committee. We took charge of affairs. Allah and the pilgrims support gave us total success. RoH – this year, in the celebration of Tarwuyah and Dhul-Hijjah, pilgrims moved, as it is the norm, from our “comfort zone” in Makkah to Mina, a journey of about six hours. On arriving in Mina, pilgrims experienced hot weather condition due to a technical breakdown in the A/C system of the open tents at the pilgrims General Camp 20.

    Temperature was very hot and unbearable. We, the pilgrims in cabin 17, however, bore our hardship with very rare calm. An elderly pilgrim who I respectfully refer here to as a veteran, because he was a member of our 1989 (Oyo State) contingent, Alhaji Rahman Mustapha, in consultation with some elders in our cabin of about 80 pilgrims, set up a committee to make our civil protest known to the Saudi authorities through the Association for Hajj & Umrah Operators of Nigeria (AHUON) and the Nigeria Hajj Commission (NAHCON) My humble self and Professor Dikhrulahi Yagboyaju of the Political Science Department of the University of Ibadan were chosen as chairman and secretary respectively of the “Majekobaje” Committee.

    We prepared and signed a formal civil protest paper on 5th October on the pilgrims hardship. Our paper was tabled at the 7th October post Arafat meeting of Tour Operators with NAHCON at its office in Khalidiyah, Makkah. I attended that meeting. Sixth Lesson – Professor (then Dr) K.K. Oloso was the Chairman of the old Oyo State Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board in 1989. As I stated earlier in this piece, he it was who publicly announced my performance of that year’s hajj at a Nikkai ceremony in Ibadan this year. RoH – This year, twenty –five years after his 1989 chairmanship, Professor Oloso led the Oyo State Hajj contingent as the Amir-ul-Hajj. When he saw me at the AHUON/NAHCON meeting in Makkah, he shook my hands and I added some nods to silently remind him of 1989.

    In concluding this piece, I wish to nurge our political office holders and public officers on the need to borrow a leaf from their Saudi counterparts on how development evolves from vision, good planning and progressive ACTION. I saw a lot of the foregoing in 2014 in Saudi Arabia when placed side – by – side with the facilities provided us (pilgrims) in 1989. And as we departed Saudi Arabia for our countries last week, the Saudi authorities were intimating us with their plans for better services/facilities come 2015.

    In my dynamic group of four at this year’s Hajj were Professor Yagboyaju, Honourable Justice G.I. Sunmonu and Honourable Justice Olalekan Owolabi, both of the Oyo State Judiciary. And what helpful instructors, they all were to me, their Talim. I cannot but also mention the unprecented courtesy and charity of two Saudi policemen to my humbleself, Malam Malik Mustapha, a 2001 graduate of the University of Medina and now an entrepreneur in Sabo, Ibadan and four other pilgrims (one man and three women) whose taxi fares from the Holy Ka’abah to our hotel (after our Tawaf) in Makkah were paid for by the (policemen)! Their kind act was my first experience of such in life and a miracle to all those I recount the story to. The 2014 Hajj Arafat Day on a Jumat (Friday) is indeed a rare blessing and repeat of history.

  • Lesson from history

    Lesson from history

    Preamble

    Let me start today with a Qur’anic admonition which I have frequently quoted in this column but which has consistently meant nothing to the rulers of Nigeria. It goes thus: “…Beware of a calamity that may descend not only on the perpetrators of injustice amongst you; and be warned that Allah’s retribution can be very severe on the unjust…”

    Q. 8:25.

    History is an invisible teacher. It teaches the experience of the past to the inexperienced people of the present with a view to guarding them towards a safe future. Some people perceive history as the best teacher because it warns against the vanity of human wishes as much as it encourages the emulation of impeccable exemplariness of the past.

    Others call it a bad teacher because it does not practically prevent people from falling into the quagmire of life.

    From whatever angle it is observed, however, history remains the undisputable teacher of all teachers which can be described in any way by anybody depending on the side of the divide to which each observer belongs. Thus, for as long as human beings remain in existence, passing through the coast of history will never cease to serve a meal of lesson.

    In the past couple of years, Libya stood out as a bastion from where the smoke of history was oozing out into the firmament of Africa and the Middle East for some misguided African rulers to inhale some scents of experience from. Of all the Middle East countries so engulfed in political turmoil, perhaps the least expected to join the fray was Libya. And that assertion would have become an axiom if (Gaddafi) the then 69 year old despot of that country had heeded the warning of history by reacting sensibly to the premonition coming from the neighbouring Tunisia.

    Misconception

    There had been a general but erroneous belief about the trend of the foraging revolts in the Middle East which started in 1979 with the fall of the imperial monarch of Iran, Muhammad Pahlavi, who styled himself the Shah-n-Shah (King of King). But the truth is that the revolts actually began two years earlier (1977) in Egypt. It was called ‘Egyptian Bread Riots’.

    The two-day riots of January 18 and 19, 1977 were a spontaneous reaction by hundreds of thousands of peasants to the World Bank and IMF mandated removal of state subsidies on foodstuffs. The then President, Anwar Sadat, had, in response to IMF’s recommendation, increased the price of a loaf of bread by just one Piaster (an equivalence of one Nigerian Kobo). The policy was the height of insensitivity, on the part the government, to the murderous plight of the masses at that time.

    By the time the dust settled, about 79 people had been shrouded for burial while over 800 others became patients in the casualty sections of many hospitals in the country. The riots ended only after the reversal of that obnoxious policy and the restoration of the removed subsidies. That singular incident, added to the general discontent in the land hitherto caused by the evident class dichotomy, eventually led to the assassination of President Sadat three years later (1980).

    From thence, Egyptians became conscious that the only language understandable to their government was violent revolt. Thus, in 1986, barely six years after the death of Sadat and the assumption of office as President by Hosni Mubarak, another major riot broke out in Egypt.

    On February 25, 1986, about 17,000 Egyptian conscripts of the Central Security Forces (CSF), otherwise known as Egyptian Para-military Force staged a violent protest in and around Cairo city destroying two major hotels and targeting the properties of the upper and the middle classes. The riots caused by a rumour that the government had decided to increase the then two-year compulsory national service to three years without any commensurate remuneration lasted three days with official casualty figure put at 107 while over 2,000 people were said to be terribly injured.

    Unlike Sadat who quickly reversed his foodstuff subsidy policy, the only lesson that Hosni Mubarak could learn from that experience was the use of force against the protesters. Ever since, Egypt had become a delicate gun powder waiting to explode anytime. If there was any surprise about the recent Egyptian revolution that ended Mubarak’s 32-year regime ignominiously therefore, it was the delay of the time of that explosion.

    With the Iranian and the Egyptian experience, one would have expected other rulers in the region to learn a lesson but as a Yoruba adage goes,” a dog that would die in perdition will never respond to the whistle of the hunter”.

    Tunisian experience

    In Tunisia, the protests leading to the flight of the tyrannical President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali to Saudi Arabia were instigated by the gruesomely symbolic suicide of one Mohammed Bouazizi on December 17, 2011. The 25-year-old College graduate had used his University certificate as a collateral to obtain a bank loan to venture into retailing some farm products having realised the futility of looking for job in a country where about 14 per cent of the populace was unemployed.

    But when his consignment of farm products were confiscated by government officials for not obtaining permit to sell farm products, the young man concluded that his country didn’t need him anymore and decided to commit suicide by setting himself ablaze. He died in a hospital a few days thereafter.

    The public reaction to his death was unimaginably spontaneous.

    Violence erupted across cities and towns as already aggrieved youths trooped to the streets burning whatever could be burnt and maiming whoever could be captured among government agents. The demand was no longer for reforms but for the removal of the President. By that time, the President tried to address some of the issues against which complaints were made. But then, it had become too late for such efforts to yield any sensible result. When the coming signals were no longer positive he knew that the die had been cast and decided to flee the country thereby ending his 24-year-old regime with historic ignominy.

    The case of Bouazizi who set himself ablaze and was nationally pronounced a martyr as well as the father of the revolution was just an atom in the complex story of longstanding discontent in Tunisia.

    There were many other cases of the like but three main factors can be said to be the immediate precipitates of the Tunisian revolution.

    These were corruption, unemployment and insensitive affluence publicly displayed by government officials.

    Gaddafi’s reaction

    While those revolts were going on in Tunisia and Egypt, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s impression was that the Presidents of both countries were mere jellies who could hardly manage their matrimonial homes. It was far from his imaginary dream that the surging political tsunami in the Arab world could come near Libya let alone consuming him. After 42 years of unbridled despotism, Gaddafi reopened the film of Pharaoh’s history for the world to behold. Like Saddam before him, he lost all that he lived for, including most of his children.

    The story of the Tunisian, the Egyptian and the Libyan revolutions, cannot be relayed in isolation. There seems to be more of the like to tell in the very near future. That story is not in any way dissimilar from that of Syria or Yemen. And if the hanged President Saddam Hussein of Iraq had not met his doom in the hands of his imperial friends turned enemies, he would have probably met a Waterloo in the hands of his own people.

    In virtually all the Arab countries, education is free from the primary school to the university. There is no problem of electricity, water, roads, rail system, food and housing. The only two areas in which the people of those countries have problem with their governments are unemployment and lack of freedom to partake in governance.  And for those two reasons, a political tsunami swept the length and breadth of what is called the Middle East like a hurricane.

    Morocco and Algeria

    The Moroccan monarch and Algerian President were only lucky to have heeded the warning tune of that tsunami in time thereby escaping its consequences. The lesson they learned from the experiences of their colleagues quickly served them in good stead. Otherwise, they would have ended up like Gaddafi or Mubarak.

    Here in Nigeria, where none of the above mentioned infrastructures is available despite the enormous material resources with which the country is naturally endowed the rulers’ stock in trade is to ferry the scarce resources of the country illegally to some other African countries under the guise of arms purchase. Rather than utilising those resources to boost the general standard of living and thereby uplift the status of the country, the priority of our government is to squeeze the citizenry dry through the removal of a non-existing subsidy on oil and callous imposition of frivolous increase on the tariff of electricity in even when it is evident that Nigeria has no stable electricity despite the so-called privatisation of the public power sector.

    While the Tunisians became restive over 14 per cent unemployment figure, Nigeria is proudly grappling with about 72per cent  of unemployment rate even as the government keeps drumming the tune of becoming one of the 20 most economically viable countries in the world. What a grand self-deception?

    The warning here is for the doubting ‘Thomases’ who are still in the dream land in Nigeria and the rest of Africa to open their eyes and clearly see the vanity of human wishes in the cited Arab nations. Such tendentious talks as: “IT CAN’T HAPPEN HERE IN NIGERIA” only belongs to parochial people who still live in the primordial time. To avoid becoming like flies dying in the bottle of wine, men of reason had better learn from the experiences of others before some others begin to learn from their own experiences.

    The role of justice

    Justice is fundamentally sacrosanct in the reckoning of Allah. It is the scale with which good governance and pious leaders are measured.

    An unjust nation ruled by an unjust leader is Hell in which just peasants are roasted. But where you have people who are educated enough to know their right; where you have people who are conscious of their common affinity; where you have people who believe in God and His capability to bring justice to an unjust nation, let no one think that such people can be exploited indefinitely. Those in power in Nigeria today who think they can live perpetually on injustice should remember that the likes of Saddam Hussein, Muammar Gaddafi and Hosni Mubarak never thought that nemesis could afflict them one day. Their episodes are now part of history. Prophet Nuhu (Noah) never prayed for the destruction of his nation and people even after many centuries of preaching to the deaf. His prayer only came when, one day, a small child carried on the shoulder of his father asked for a stone to be thrown at him (Nuhu) just as most people in the nation had been doing to him for several centuries.

    He then concluded that with the example of that little child it became evident that even the great grand children of that generation would continue atrocities in the land and remain hostile to God just like their parents. Thus, when he prayed to God for the change of the generation, it was divinely accepted with ‘automatic alacrity’.  The rest is history.

    In history, we also learn how the people of Prophet Lut (Lot) were destroyed by divine order for indulging in homosexuality and the people of Prophet Shu’ayb were subjected to ruins for commercial cheating. We are also told in the Qur’an about the plight of the people of ‘Ad and Thamud who transgressed in the land. Each of these people was punished for a particular crime following their refusal to repent and show remorse. Thus, they came to serve as a lesson for others after them. Unfortunately, all the crimes that led them into ruins are committed in Nigeria today and the so-called leaders are the champions of those crimes.

    Nigeria for instance

    The current situation in Nigeria is by far worse. Here is a country where corruption has graduated from a crime to a pride, and both conscience and shame have taken a permanent flight thereby decimating the future for the generations yet unborn. Here is a country where vices are tied to the aprons and ethnicity and religion while ministers and some criminal merchants (masquerading in the cloak of religion) are audaciously stealing public funds and ferrying them to other countries for keep with no regards for any consequences. Here is a country where well known unremorseful criminals are granted state pardon and rewarded with national honours at the expense of conscience and shame. Here is a country where the so-called privatisation policy is being formulated not for the growth of national economy but for the benefit of the formulators who see themselves as the inheritors of the nation’s wealth. Here is a country where pseudo-clerics serve as suppliers of arms and ammunition of crooks even brigands enjoy patronage of the government in the perpetration of atrocities. Here is a country where official insurgency against the citizenry is a political instrument for silencing the voices of dissent and for self-perpetration in public office.

    When such vices as mentioned above are perpetrated in a society, religion is often seen as the last bastion to which the populace look for solution. But when religion itself becomes the haven of crimes as in the case of Boko Haram and various forms of fraud in religious sanctuaries in the country what else remains as hope for the innocent few in that society?

    To think that such crime can be committed without nemesis is to live in a fool’s paradise. Therefore, let those in Nigeria who refuse to learn from ancient history try to learn from the recent one. To be forewarned is to be forearmed. A word is enough for the wise.

  • Nigeria @ 54: A chequered history

    Some 54 years ago, after much agitation and struggle for political, racial, economic, social and financial freedom, Nigeria attained got independence. Imperialism and Western domination by our colonial masters prior to the attainment of independence was fingered as the cause of the many challenges facing the nation at the time. Then, Nigeria was chafing under rule of Her Royal Majesty, the Queen of England and her emissaries, who took the best of the nation to England and left us with little or nothing to fend for ourselves.

    Then, Nigerians were slaves in their own country. We laboured, while the colonial masters ate from our sweat. Our situation could be likened to a case of a farmer with all the sophisticated farming tools but still with a poor harvest despite the fertility of the farmland.

    Then, racism was a major determinant of social status and political relevance. Majority of the black race at the time believed that it was ordained by God for them to be inferior and thus accepted the tag and behaved as subordinates in their thoughts, actions and decisions; we were contented with being servants of the white. The white, on the other hand, expanded their civilisation to the fullest and lived as ‘gods’ of the black in their own continent.

    It is no wonder that a few well-informed and brave Nigerians then, who are today, regarded as nationalists, fought to a standstill, the continuous enslavement of not just Nigerians but also our brothers in other countries on the continent.

    After sustained agitation for independence, Nigeria finally got freedom with much expectation and hope. Relief finally came the way of the country and its citizens as people of same colour and with identical cultural origin were expected to understand themselves better.

    In the early years of independence, Nigeria and its citizens were in a hurry to develop and experimented with various forms of government to see which suits the country the most.

    One military intervention after another did not allow stable democratisation. Men in uniform neglected their primary role of defending the territorial integrity of the nation and chose rather to become insatiable potentates in their quest for power, which was evident in the way they threw away esprit de corps and overthrew one another to assume leadership.

    With the exception of the Olusegun Obasanjo and Abdulsalami Abubakar regimes, men in uniform clung tenaciously to power; they were booted out by aspiring military dictators.

    Rather than continue with the policies of the previous administration, successive juntas preferred to start afresh and jettison previous developmental strides, if there was any.

    Thus, after years of independence and struggle for freedom, Nigeria was still virtually in the same place. Men in uniform made a mockery of civilian rule for the total emancipation of the people as they were more concerned with enriching their pocket rather than developing the country. Corruption had already reared its ugly head at that age of Nigeria’s growth.

    The advent of the 4th Republic in 1999 brought a lot of hope and reprieve to the people. Almost 16 years of democratic experiment, the much desired reprieve is yet to happen. Civil rule came with it a lot of agitations and more ways in which citizens could express their fundamental human rights as enshrined in the Constitution. Perhaps, this could be said to be the beauty of democracy as people sought for more ways to be relevant and contribute to national discourse.

    While a school of thought is of the opinion that the Nigeria remains a dream after 54 years as independent nation, others point to the fact that major world powers took hundreds of years to attain their current status and that the country could not be an exception.

    However, some of the indices to which one could use to measure a country’s growth as a yardstick for its progression such as the standard of living, education, health care, employment opportunity etc are nothing to write home about.

    For instance, prior to the discovery of oil in Oloibiri in 1958, much emphasis was laid on agriculture as a major source of revenue generation for the country but since the discovery of oil, agriculture, which had the capacity of employing millions was relegated to the economic backyard and this could be said to be the genesis of the high unemployment rate ravaging the country.

    Nowadays, agriculture is seen as an occupation for the poor and less privileged even though it could be the solution to the ever growing unemployment challenge of the country.

    Furthermore, corruption has now become a norm in virtually all segments of our national life. These days, everybody believes that all those at the corridors of power steal with the pen and the younger generation is already buying into this idea that is being implanted in them. Thus, corruption has eaten deep the fabric of the public sector to the extent that there is hardly any job, admission, promotion, transfer or salary increment that does not come with one form of inducement or the other. This scenario has made our service rendering system questionable.

    Hunger and starvation are fast becoming part of life in Nigeria, even as our population is exponentially growing beyond our imagination. No additional infrastructure is being put in place to prepare for the escalating population. The number of sick people is rising daily without the corresponding medical facilities and personnel to cater for their need.

    It can be said, without fear of contradiction, that the combined effect of hunger, terrorism and lack of adequate medical facilities in the country is worse that the effect which the civil war had on the Nigerian economy.

    As we marked 54th independence anniversary, we must first look within ourselves and bring back the “can do” spirit that is in all of us. The notion that everybody at the corridors of power is corrupt is not completely true as the nation still has men and women of impeccable character, who have not soiled their conscience and who still believe in the progress of the nation.

    Efforts must be made to ensure that young people follow in the footsteps of the few patriots who are still in positions of authority to bring Nigeria back on track towards achieving its objective of becoming one of the top 20 economies of the world in the year 2020.

    Yes, Nigeria has had a chequered history since independence but all hope is not lost. Effort must be made by those in authority to implement good policies that will touch the lives of average Nigerians and those seeking to aspire to key offices must endeavour to continue projects that they inherited from their predecessors.

    At 54, it is high time the people changed their orientation about the country. We only have one country and we must work as a team to ensure that it is great again. This can only be done if we, in our own little way, ensure that the needed change begins with us. We cannot remove a speck from someone else’s eyes without first removing what is preventing us from seeing clearly with our own eyes.

     

    Philip, is a graduating student of Electrical, Electronics and Computer Engineering, DELSU

  • Chima wins Norwegian League, targets history

    Chima wins Norwegian League, targets history

    Daniel Chima has expressed delight after Molde clinched the Norwegian Premier League title with four games to spare, following their 2-1 win over home team Viking on Saturday in the 26th round.

    The victory at the Viking Stadion (Stavanger) means Molde have opened up an unassailable 13-point lead over nearest challengers for the Tippeligaen crown, Odd Grenland, who lost ground after drawing 2-2 with Aalesund.

    ”This year has been my best season in Molde. I got to play a lot of games which built my self confidence in the game.

    ”The reason we have the title now is that we kept our focus and didn’t drop our guard for a moment. The name Molde scares most teams,” a delighted Chima told SL10.ng.

    Having wrapped up the title in style, there is a possibility that the Molde number 27 will become the first foreigner to win five titles in four seasons, if the newly crowned Tippeligaen champions don’t stumble against Odd Grenland in the Cup final.

    ”We are aiming for the Cup title as well to win it back-to-back. I am among the four foreigners in the history of Norwegian football to win gold four times in a row.

    ”Winning the cup will break the record and make me and my teammate the two foreigners to win five gold in four years in Norway,” Chima concluded.

    The 23-year-old joined Molde four years ago, and has played 104 games in the league (with 30 goals) since making his debut against Brann on August 1, 2010.

  • Ikuforiji and history as the Speaker turns 56

    Ikuforiji and history as the Speaker turns 56

    For the  longest serving Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Adeyemi Sabit Ikuforiji, who turns 56 on Saturday, 24th August, 2014, he indeed is a man of history.

    Born  in the ancient fishing town of Épe, in the old Épe Division of Lagos State, which now  falls into the Lagos East Senatorial District of the state, Ikuforiji is making history in Yorubaland, (comprising of the old Western Region ), as the longest serving House Speaker, having been head of a state Assembly for three terms and indeed one of the very few such nationwide.

    After having his elementary education in his native Épe town, he proceeded to Épe Grammar School for his secondary education and came out on top when the result of his West African School Certificate was released in 1975, thus  making  history as the only student, out of the pack of over a hundred final year students in his set, to receive a ‘Grade One’ pass in the whole division, having had distinctions in all the subjects that he sat for in the examination.

    And as was the practice at the time, he was offered automatic scholarship to study abroad by the Lagos State Government.

    A lover of self development, Ikuforiji soon found himself in Romania where he earned his Bachelor and Master’s of Science Degrees in Economic Planning and Cyber metrics.

    While  schooling abroad, Ikuforiji had shown great skills in his ability to lead others as he was twice elected as the Secretary-General of the National Union of Nigerian Students  and President, National Union of Nigerian Students in Romania between 1980 and 1981.

    As a patriot, Ikuforiji immediately returned home to undergo the mandatory one year National Youth Serving Scheme. His place of primary assignment was the Federal Housing Corporation where he served diligently.

    Back home, Ikuforiji proofed himself as an expert at multi task as he found time to take active part in the political activities around him. Between 1982 and 1983, he was able to squeeze time out of his busy schedule to be the Secretary-General of the defunct Unity Part of Nigeria (UPN) in his Épe Ward 4 and later as an active member of the then Social Democratic Party in 1989.

    Ikuforiji  then registered for his Master of Public Administration programme ,  (MBA) at the University of Lagos  and finished it in record time.

    He was immediately hired by the then Afribank of Nigeria, Plc , (now Keystone Bank.), where he proofed his worth as a future leader.

    After serving for some time at Afribank, Ikuforiji soon set up his own outfit but soon travelled out to the United States of America where he  lectured briefly at Wake Technical Community College in North Carolina.

    The Lagos State Speaker however succumbed to pressures on him to return home  and take active part in the politics of his state by those who believed in his ability to positively impact the lives of Lagosians,

    And having cut his political teeth much earlier as a grassroots politician, he was elected as a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly in 2003.

    Die to his sterling leadership qualities, coupled with the special favour of the Almighty, Ikuforiji  was unanimously elected by his 39 other colleagues as the Right Honouravle Speaker on the 29th of December, 2005.

    Since his assumption of the Speakership of the Lagos State House of Assembly in 2005, when the former governor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, held sway,  up till the present moment when Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN.) presides, enormous pro-people and pro-development accomplishments have been recorded across the state.

    As the nation’s economic capital, the enormous peace that has prevailed in Lagos State since 2005 is what one can trace to the unique cooperation that has existed between the executive and the legislative arm of government.

    With the pro-active nature of the Lagos State House of Assembly under  the leadership of Ikuforiji, essential legislations to move the state forward are passed without delay. This has indeed helped the state to emerge as a mega city, (the sixth such in the whole world).

    And going by general public opinion expressed from time to time, the Lagos State House of Assembly  is seen, locally and internationally as the best state legislature in Nigeria, due largely to  the high quality of it’s leadership and  members.

    As a most responsive and people-focused legislature, several legislations have been passed from time to time , such that continues to make Lagos State the most peaceful, accommodating and economically viable one for all.

    Some of the numerous legislations that were passed by the Ikuforiji-led Assembly , which have greatly transformed Lagos State include: Creation of New Local Government Areas  (Amendment) Law, 2005; Lagos State  Number Plate Production Authority Law, 2006; Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority Law, 2007; Lagos State Signage  and Advertisement (Amendment)  Law 2007;  Lagos State’s Citizens’ Mediation Centre Law, 2007; Lagos StateSecurity Trust Fund Law, 2007.

    It is on record for instance that the Lagos State House of Assembly under Ikuforiji remains the only such that has full  financial autonomy today.  And in terms of training and retraining of it’s elected legislators and staff members, the leadership of Ikuforiji has continued to attach utmost importance to the issue of training  due to his strong belief that only such can bring out the best from affected officials of state.

    In the area of infrastructural renewal, a visit to the Lagos Assembly complex shows that it remained the most transformed State Assembly complex in the country.  Apart from having  commissioned it’s ultra modern and e-compliant Assembly Chamber some two years ago, the shortage of office  spaces for legislators, their aides and other staff members have since become a thing of the past as the Assembly now has a functional 5- storey office.

    complex. And the twin wing of the 5-storey complex is nearing completion.

    Asked to comment on the relationship existing between the Lagos Assembly and the Executive arm of the state government in a recent interview, the Épe born Speaker declared: “ I want to reassure Lagosians that they have  no reason whatsoever to fear the cordial relationship between the legislature  and the executive in Lagos. If anything, they should celebrate it. There is none in the country that can compare with the Lagos House of Assembly in the entire federation. It is independent, it is autonomous, in its thinking and in its actions, and it serves the interest of the over 20 million Lagosians to the best of its interest and to the best of its knowledge.”

    Asked to also comment on his intention to vie for the position of the state chief executive come 2015, Ikuforiji declared: “ For me, I know  God crowns . When it is time, the Almighty will shine the light on who will take Lagos  to a higher pedestal . My prayer is that the Almighty will choose  the next governor without creating any rancor among our people. “

    And on his trial by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) the Lagos State Number Three Citizen believes that : “ I’m not going to die on the Cross because I’m not Jesus. I know my destiny will be fulfilled. And I know the court will eventually come, judge and make  its  own ruling in our favour by the grace of the Almighty. “

    A Muslim, the highly cerebral  Lagos State Speaker, is  a bundle of courage, perseverance, vision,  stickler for excellence,  a strong believer in human capital development, and lover of good governance. He is happily married to Pastor (Mrs.) Mayowa Ikuforiji and blessed with children.

     

    —Adebayo is the Chief Press Secretary to  Adeyemi Ikuforiji, the Speaker of Lagos State House of Assembly.

  • After Ade Ajayi, will history end? (II)

    The publication of “Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885” by the late Professor Kenneth Onwuka Dike, the first indigenous Vice Chancellor of University of Ibadan marked a watershed in Nigerian history. The book, which is fallout of the late professor’s doctoral thesis of the same title, cleared the path for Ade Ajayi and the other historians of the same disposition to follow the lead. But suffice it to say that in terms of what is described as African history for Africans and from the perspective of the African, few will question that the late Prof. Ade Ajayi has a greater part of that glory.

    Dike – who was the first African to achieve the completion of Western historical scholarship – brought his misgiving about the training he received to a positive use with the setting up of the University of Ibadan History department, the Historical Society of Nigeria and the Nigerian National Archives all of which served the evolution of the Ibadan School of History and the project of national transformation.

    Keith A. P. Sandiford, in his book “A Black Studies Primer: Heroes and Heroines of the African Diaspora,” wrote that Dike, as the head of the organizing committee of the First International Congress of Africanists in Ghana in 1963, sought for a strengthened meticulous non-colonial focused African research, and to introduce native speakers to history and for people to view African history through a common eye.

    In his essay “Kenneth Onwuka Dike, ‘Trade And Politics,’ and the Restoration of the African in History,” Ebere Nwaubani argued that Dike was the first modern scholarly proponent of Africanist history. His publications were a watershed in African historiography. “He studied Western history within an intellectual framework that was seriously racial, imperialistic and triumphal. Within the context of such scholarship, it requires nothing less than a radical turn of mind for him to reject Western history and its methodology for a regional one in the service of Nigerian identity.”

    For the benefit of those who might not know, Historiography – simply put – is the scholar’s device for interrogating issues. It refers to a scholarly attempt to recapture or reinvent history as a discipline. In this regard, what is at stake is the necessity of recapturing the history of Nigeria decimated by the colonial ideology and strategy of Eurocentricism.

    What is also needed then was the urgency of recalibrating the methodology for writing that history that would sufficiently serve the purpose of progressive completion of the process of political freedom and independence in order to make the living together of different nationalities to have true meaning.

    To this end, the challenge of rewriting history becomes a critical one since the past of any nation or culture serves as the spectacle for reappraising the possibilities of the future. This is why I quite agree with the words of German politician, Karl-Heinz Hansen: “A people not prepared to face its own history cannot manage to face its own future.”

    As each generation must necessarily write its own history, Dike set the foundation for Ade Ajayi and other prominent historians of that era to build upon. It is thus in this context that one can appreciate the profundity that informed the inauguration of the Ibadan School of History. This school of history was born out of necessity, not only for the reconstruction of a past that lay in ruin under dubious colonial strategy, but also more important because of the exigencies of a postcolonial/post independent present already compromised in all ramifications.

    The Ibadan School evolved essentially as a historiographical challenge to the manner in which Nigerian history had been written by the colonialists. In this sense, we can say that historiography itself commences from the desire to reinterpret the past. According to the American historian Edward W. Bennett; “History, too, has its uses, such as the provision of a ‘usable’ past.” The Ibadan School was therefore motivated by the urgent need to wrest the interpretation of the Nigerian historical past from the intellectual clutch of the premeditated British colonialists.

    As one of Dike’s foot-soldiers that deployed intellectual resources, J. F. Ade-Ajayi alongside historians like, Saburi Biobaku, Adiele Afigbo, Emmanuel A. Ayandele, Tekena Tamuno, Obaro Ikime and foreign historians like Michael Crowder, J. B. Webster, Robert (Abdullahi) Smith and others gave Nigerian and African history meaning. The significance of the Ibadan School of History to the reclamation of a usable past towards charting a smooth path for Nigerian postcolonial development cannot be overemphasized.

    The school echoed a nationalistic historical programme around which history can be reinvented for the sake of Nigeria. In this sense, history would not just be an attempt at an objective agglomeration of facts. It is precisely this tenacity that recommends the Ibadan School of History as a commendable forerunner of the national project in Nigeria.

    With over 60 publications, Ade Ajayi’s scholarly output is formidable by any standard in a country where a scholar has to contend with bureaucratic/political distractions and material deprivations which has grown in the last couple of years. This great scholar’s point of departure always is that history is not just a narrow specialisation or prism to be studied and written for its own glory and sake.

    He believed strongly that the discipline should not even be seen from the prism of merely a search for truth, but that the truths history reveals must be spoken to power, not in the spirit of confrontation, or to make the writer popular for a moment, but to make society better. This was why he approached former President Olusegun Obasanjo on the need for the reintroduction of history to primary and secondary schools. Unfortunately that has not been done to date.

    It is in this spirit that he turned his prodigious scholarship on the processes and problems of national integration, education, public policy and administration, analysing, clarifying and illuminating issues and pointing the way forward for Nigeria.

    Perhaps the best tribute to pay him is to assert that he de-colonised the African narrative by his writings. His area of research focused on Yorubaland, where his intellectual interrogation, curiosity and discoveries were more pronounced. As a historian, he adopted a dialectic approach by not looking at events in isolation, but as parts of bigger historical forces. His dialectical approach equally x-rays societies in broader and deeper perspectives, including the dynamics of cultures, religion, work activities and other ways of life.

    Anyone who goes through his works will find these embedded in such works as “Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century” and “Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891.” He was also a collaborationist and an editor.  He co-edited “A thousand Years of West African History,” as well as “History of West Africa” with Michael Crowther.

    The true goals of history are understanding and interpreting the past. Historians have made repeated calls for a new history or a close study of the recent past of the Nigerian history; a past which will be made more germane to the problems and issues confronting us today. For example, one of the problems facing our rulers today is that of ethnic and religious tension all of which resulted from the fact that colonial rule brought people together in new ways and for new purposes as the colonial rulers sought to forge new administrative structures.

    Our nation is among that part of the world now generally referred to as emerging economies or societies in transition. Without a clear sense of identity based on sound historical education, we are in danger of merely drifting along with others. Although we are in the age of globalization; but we must not fail to appreciate that international community is an aggregate of nations, each with its own distinctive character. We failed here because we did not start with a national character; we developed one under stress of circumstances, but with good leadership we can arrive at a common ground.

    In closing out, it will appropriate to reemphasise that we need a clear national ideology that will define a common future for the citizens. A clear example is from Italian history. Their leader provided a clear focus for their effort at unification by interpreting the history of their society and prospecting from it the ideology of Risorpemento (resurgence), the political and social movement that agglomerated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy in the 19th century. The British also have their ideology of unity in diversity which we seem to have copied without actually believing in it.

  • After Ade Ajayi, will history end? (1)

    The notion or postulation of the end of history as a dialectical process was first coined by the great 19th century German philosopher Friedrich Hegel. He believed that history follows progression through a constant dialectical struggle of ideas: between thesis and antithesis which form a synthesis which become a thesis for the next stage of dialectics with a newly created antithesis. It was later used by Karl Marx who believed that the direction of historical development was a purposeful one determined by the interplay of material forces, and would come to an end only with the achievement of communism.

    In 1992, American political scientist, Francis Fukuyama published his very popular book, “The End of History and the Last Man.” The book is an expansion on his 1989 essay “The End of History?” published in the international affairs journal The National Interest. In the book, Fukuyama argues that the advent of Western liberal democracy may signal the endpoint of humanity’s sociocultural evolution and the final form of human government. He became an unlikely star of political science, dubbed the “court philosopher of global capitalism” by John Gray.

    The “end of history” thesis has been repeated enough to acquire the ring of truth – though, as with other academic endeavours, it has also been challenged. Some critics have cited 9/11 as a major counterexample. Others have pointed to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the Arab spring, the rise of the Islamic State and other global developments as proof that ideological contests remain.

    But Fukuyama was careful to stress that he was not saying that nothing significant would happen anymore, or that there would be no countries left in the world that did not conform to the liberal democratic model. “At the end of history,” he wrote, “it is not necessary that all societies become successful liberal societies merely that they end their ideological pretensions of representing different and higher forms of human society.”

    My intention today is to honour a man who gave the discipline of history in Nigeria and Africa “respect” and charted a course which African history has followed ever since. Emeritus Professor of history, Jacob Adeniyi Ajayi passed on last Sunday at the University College Hospital (UCH) Ibadan, Oyo State at the ripe age of 85.

    Only a few months ago I wrote a three part series on the dearth of historical consciousness in Nigeria which was fallout from his 85th birthday celebration. Without fear of contradiction, I make bold to say the late Prof J.F Ade Ajayi was one of the best historian to come out of our shores.

    I started the article with this quote from the eminent scholar: “The nation suffers with no sense of history. Its values remain superficial and ephemeral unless imbued with a deep sense of continuity and a perception of success and achievement that transcends acquisition of temporary power or transient wealth. Such a nation cannot achieve a sense of purpose or direction or stability, and without them the future is bleak.”

    It was the late professor who in 1999 pointed out to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that the challenges he faced when he came to power are historical in nature. Recall that in the east, there was a visible resurgence of the Biafra cause championed by Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB). In the West and North, The O’odua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) and the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) were pushing for an Oduduwa and Arewa republics respectively. There were also agitations for “self-determination” and “resource control” in other parts of the country.

    In his wisdom, Ade Ajayi approached Obasanjo and pointed out that Nigerians suffer from lack of historical consciousness which was why the event of that time seemed “strange.” He advised the president to think seriously about reintroducing the teaching of history to primary and secondary schools’ in the country so as to always put things in proper perspective. It was reported that Obasanjo issued a presidential directive to that effect. But sadly that directive has not been acted upon to date.

    The reason, according to Prof Akinjide Osuntokun; another distinguished emeritus professor of history is not farfetched. He said Ade Ajayi did everything in his power to return the learning of History to schools, unfortunately without success. It is not for lack of trying but perhaps because Nigeria is now dogged with the primitive acquisition of resources by members of the governing elite and their surrogates to the denigration of the larger good of society.

    As we mourn this eminent scholar and historian of repute, few can doubt there is a need to insist on preserving the collective memory of the nation. We must encourage an objective pursuit of historical truth by looking back once in a while, especially when confronted with challenges. The present security challenge is a case in point. We should be bold to research how we lived in pre-colonial times, for instance. Was there a link between the groups the British eventually brought together to form Nigeria? How were they relating with each other? Do they have things in common? Do they have a history? Etc.

    Among scholars of his age and beyond, Ajayi was particularly respected for the thoroughness of his researches and the fact that he gave character to the study of African history. As an early writer of Nigerian and African history, he brought considerable respect to what later came to be known as the ‘Ibadan School of History’ and African research. He was known for the arduous research and rigorous effort he put into his work.

    The Ibadan School of History is a group of scholars interested in introducing African perspectives and historiography to African history and focusing on the internal historical forces and dynamics that shaped African lives. Ade Ajayi favours the use of historical continuity more often than focusing on events only as powerful agents of change that can move the basic foundations of cultures and mold them into new ones. Previous forms of history – especially colonial history – focuses largely on events that specifically excludes Africans from historical developments.

    Ade Ajayi – following the trail of great scholars of same orientation and disposition like late Prof Kenneth Onwuka Dike – was able to change this perception. He employs a less passionate style in his works, especially in his early writings, utilising subtle criticism of controversial issues of the times. By extensive use of oral sources in some of his works – such as pre-20th century Yoruba history – he was able to weigh, balance and reconcile each and all of his sources, uncovering a pathway towards facts in the period which was scarce in written and non-prejudiced forms.

    This position radically challenged and altered the postulation by the late British historian; Prof Hugh Trevor Roper who in 1963 said: “perhaps in the future there will be some African history to teach. But at present there is none, or very little: there is only the history of Europe in Africa. The rest is largely darkness and darkness is not a subject of history.” He added that African history is “the unedifying gyrations of barbarous tribes in picturesque but irrelevant corners of the globe.” These comments were broadened and captured in a later article which called Africa “unhistoric.” This spurred intense debate between historians, anthropologists, sociologists, in the emerging fields of postcolonial and cultural studies about the definition of “history” itself.

    By extensive use of oral sources in some of his works he brought recognition to a source most western scholars term as being “unscientific.” oral tradition has thus become a veritable tool for historical reconstruction, particularly in places like Africa where written sources in the western mode were lacking. Ajayi also tries to be dispassionate in his writings, especially when writing about controversial or passionate subjects in African history.

    His style of rigorous research presented new pathways in African historiography and augmented awareness among scholarly circles outside the continent to African methodologies and perceptions. By weighing sources both written and oral, he was able to find new issues of interest that formed the basis of British colonisation of Nigeria, balancing official British documentation of the event with additional material. Through his writings, African history gradually became “accepted” in the history profession.

  • Van Gaal undaunted by weight of history

    From the moment he was appointed Manchester United boss, it was clear Louis van Gaal would be doing things differently to his predecessor.

    His first words told their own story: “This club has big ambitions; I too have big ambitions. Together I’m sure we will make history.”

    It was a bold declaration, one that was a welcome move away from the usual ‘media speak’ that accompanies such statements.

    Most striking, though, was how greatly Van Gaal’s words differed from those often uttered by the beleaguered – some would say hapless – man he replaced.

    Indeed, when David Moyes first spoke to the press upon his introduction, he had this to say: “I’m inexperienced in a lot of things and there were some brilliant managers who could have quite easily taken this role but the biggest confidence I got was that Sir Alex Ferguson said to me ‘you’re the next Manchester United manager’.

    “I hope we play the same way, with the same traditions and entertaining, exciting football.”

    While ‘hope’ was not in the vocabulary of Ferguson, Moyes was forgiven; he was new after all.

    Yet those comments proved the first of many missteps. From the repeated suggestions United were ‘trying to improve’, to the claim that Liverpool were favourites ahead of their Premier League meeting at Old Trafford.