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Tag: Ibrahim Babangida

  • Kutigi, Peterside and national conference

    Kutigi, Peterside and national conference

    MOST commentators have applauded the appointment of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Idris Kutigi, as Chairman of the National Conference billed to start this week. Having been CJN for nearly three years between 2007 and 2009, and having also served in the apex court for about 15 years, he is enthusiastically described as a sterling choice, a man of integrity and erudition, a man who has earned respect. It is difficult not to concur. But the false impression is given that once a great choice of conference chairman had been made, it would be impossible for the conference’s integrity not to be reinforced and validated as a prelude to a fundamental restructuring of the country.

    While the integrity and competence of Justice Kutigi cannot be doubted, and assuming his age would let him function optimally, history does not at all support the high hopes the incurable optimists among us are nursing about the conference itself. The Second Republic constitution was kick-started with the exceptional works of Rotimi Williams and Justice Udo Udoma, and that constitution was anchored on the prevailing mores and political milieu of the time. But the constitution also floundered on those mores and milieu, not to talk of the abysmal incompetence and undisciplined approach to politics of the political elite of the day. There was also the great works of Justice Anthony Aniagolu in the Constituent Assembly of 1989 during the Ibrahim Babangida regime. That one too floundered on the general and specific ambition of the regime of the day to subvert the republic and coronate the military leader as civilian leader.

    Then, of course, there was the Olusegun Obasanjo effort to rework the constitution, not to talk of the Justice Alfa Belgore exercise commissioned by President Jonathan to tinker with the 1995 Abacha effort, perhaps because of his interest in the single term provision. Justice Niki Tobi had advised the Abdulsalami Abubakar government to dump it. As proof that virtually all the efforts to remake the constitution were motivated by selfish considerations, Chief Obasanjo deliberately thwarted his own fair efforts with his third term agenda. There is nothing to show that President Goodluck Jonathan is motivated by patriotic considerations or even a hunger to bequeath a great legacy, having become reluctantly converted to a process he had denounced harshly and contemptuously as superfluous.

    Moreover, it is hard to explain why anyone should think President Jonathan capable of the discipline required to push through the conference’s recommendations. There is indeed hardly any panel or committee he set up that received his prompt attention or unalloyed support. He loathed being arm-twisted to do the ‘needful’ on the Stella Oduah matter, a panel he himself set up. He has ignored the 2012 Stephen Oronsaye report to reform government agencies, and he has scoffed at the 2012 Nuhu Ribadu report on petroleum revenue, not to talk of his stubborn pleasure in circumventing the heads of agencies and panels to actualise his plans, just as he is doing with INEC.

    The northern part of Nigeria has not convinced anyone it is enthusiastic about the conference, maybe fearing that President Jonathan is full of chicanery, or as some say, because the region has profited from the current diseased constitutional arrangement. The Southwest on its own has been more uncritically fanatical about the conference, perhaps a reflection of the charlatanry and internal schism that have underpinned the region’s politics for decades, than it believes the president capable of any altruism. There are, however, many others gushing over the conference. Among them is Atedo Peterside, a notable Nigerian investment banker and rousing public commentator with often scabrous and sweeping views on national issues. He is a delegate to the conference, and has done his best to convince everyone it is either we had the conference or we perished.

    Last week, Mr Peterside tendered his trenchant views on the conference cynically, sarcastically, abusively and unreasonably. Describing those of us who criticise the Jonathan conference as misguided intellectuals, even putting the word intellectuals in quote, he followed up by deriding us as malcontents who would needlessly scrutinise the delegates list no matter how short or long, whether 492 or 1000. He excused the president’s lack of vision in embracing the idea of restructuring earlier on by suggesting implausibly that ‘politicians are not always visionaries.’ Then he rounds up on media professionals, whom he erroneously believes oppose the conference, by summing them up as a ‘pen-pushing and lazy elite.’

    Mr Peterside is famously often pro-government, perhaps because nearly all bankers are. Whoever heard of a radical banker? But while he is at liberty to support any cause no matter how mischievous, he demeans the little reputation he has by seeking to deny us our right to show up President Jonathan for the hypocrite he really is, and by couching his opinions in unflattering and conceited phrases.

  • No surprise Nigeria stagnated for decades

    No surprise Nigeria stagnated for decades

    Much more than the mileage the Jonathan presidency hoped to achieve with the emblazoning photograph of past Nigerian rulers wearing their medals and displaying their centennial award certificates late last month, the picture actually tells a far more poignant and iconic story. There were seven of them: Abdulsalami Abubakar, Muhammadu Buhari, Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun Obasanjo, Shehu Shagari, Ibrahim Babangida and Ernest Shonekan. Smack in the middle was, of course, President Goodluck Jonathan himself. Given his predilection for sham celebrations, it is surprising he did not seize upon the same argument of the centenary to award himself a certificate of honour. In any case, Dr Jonathan was the only one in the pictures published on March 1 newspapers not brandishing a certificate. Others dutifully wore their medals and/or displayed their certificates, thereby indicating their concurrence with the queer and questionable philosophy behind the centenary as well as the disgraceful rational for picking the honourees.

    The photograph, though powerful and resonating, nevertheless tells the very depressing story of futile uniformity and lack of rigour. It tells the story of former rulers whose unquestioning perspective and fondness for the meretricious led them to embrace a project as wasteful as it is truly and totally mendacious. None of the seven questioned the ideological basis for the centenary, nor joined issues with the financially oblique accounting system that made the celebrations possible. None of them was politically conscious enough to appreciate the centenary’s distortionary effects on our history and identities. There was none of them with enough sagacity to disprove the base and conflicting logic that underlined the compilation of the list of honourees, thus indicating that the former rulers were insensitive to their own individual legacies and unable to disambiguate legacy as a word and concept.

    The group photograph of former rulers should illustrate the power and glory of Nigeria, of our best men and leaders, of the rich custodians of our politics, culture and essence. Instead, the group photograph illustrated something so surrealistic it is a miracle the country has not collapsed under the weight of their collective obscurantism. They had no idea what our history says, of how we were humiliated and traumatised with a lasting injury by colonialism, of how Lugard’s foundational rule and years of self-misrule combined to misshape our values and enthrone a vicious form of mental and economic slavery. It was therefore okay by them to celebrate, and to carry out that sickening exercise in company with one another, the liar with the perjurer, the tyrant with the murderer, the inept with the experimentalist.

    The photograph inferentially tells the numbing story of how and why the country decayed so badly for decades, and by their admission, now needs revolutionary work to salvage, if indeed, as one of them said, it can still be salvaged. If they could not question Dr Jonathan’s frivolity and rebuff it, if they did not understand the history of the country they led for decades, and if they were unable to share its pains and sorrows, how indeed could they fashion brilliant and workable plans for its development and greatness? How could they make it the pride of the black race? To participate in Dr Jonathan’s revelry, they must have gone to extraordinary lengths to muffle their consciences, and to shut the tap of remorse which a clear mind and ample soul sometimes lead a decent man and patriot to demonstrate.

    The photograph of the eight men reminds us how our country was ruined. Gowon dishonoured his word and rendered it impotent; Shagari’s stolidity and indulgence clogged the national arteries until we choked; Buhari had little or no appreciation of the rights and freedoms of man, and how man is ennobled by these attributes; Babangida was the inappropriate watershed between the age of innocence and the age of vice, as he gave birth to the worst in us; and Shonekan was the bemused and amoral inheritor of a stolen legacy. Abubakar’s misguided and messianic reign produced the highly schizoid Obasanjo who had, and still has, no capacity for differentiating between truth and falsehood. And Obasanjo archetypically begat meddlesomeness in such a manner that the country’s ruin was complete under his predecessors.

    Yes, it was just one simple photograph published in newspapers. But, alas, it told a million sad stories, unknown to the former rulers who lined up quizzically for the photograph on February 28, and perhaps unfeeling.

     

  • Nigeria has come to stay, says Obasanjo

    Nigeria has come to stay, says Obasanjo

    •As Buhari, IBB, others inspire younger generation

    Former Presidents and Heads of State have expressed gratitude to President Goodluck Jonathan for the Centenary awards he gave them in Abuja on Friday.

    They declared that Nigeria has come to stay having survived for the past 100 years.

    Seven past leaders -Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, General Yakubu Gowon, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, General Muhammadu Buhari, General Ibrahim Babangida, Chief Ernest Shonekan and General Abdusalami Abubakar were honoured as ‘outstanding promoters of unity, patriotism and National Development’ at the State House, Abuja.

    The former Nigerian leaders called for greater security and unity in the country and charged the future generations to strive to take the country to greater heights by achieving giant’s strides than the old and outgoing generation.

    Obasanjo said: “The award means Nigeria is making progress. If Nigeria survived the first 100 years, it means that Nigeria has come to stay.”

    Buhari: said: “The award means a lot to me to be qualified to be recognised by Nigerians. My wish for Nigeria is security.”

    General Babangida said: “The award means a lot. Most of us that were awarded today, the younger generation should try to emulate us because they will survive their sources of inspiration and aspiration.”

    On his part, Abdulsalami Abubakar said: “Nigeria has come a long way and we thank God. The future generation should try and do better than what we have done and keep this country together.”

    “The award means a lot to me. It makes me feel to work harder for the unity and progress of the country.” Shonekan stated

     

     

  • Jonathan calls Council of State meeting on security, others

    Jonathan calls Council of State meeting on security, others

    President Goodluck Jonathan will today meet former Heads of State and governors on the platform of the Council of State to address some pressing national issues.

    There were concerns among the governors that President Goodluck sidelined the statutory bodies (including the Council of State) recognised by the 1999 Constitution, for the Economic Management Team (EMT) he created, in taking critical economic decisions.

    Investigation by our correspondent revealed that all members of the Council of State, including governors had been notified.

    Other past Heads of State expected at the session are ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo; ex-President Shehu Shagari, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida; Chief Ernest Shonekan; and Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.

    It was not clear last night whether Chief Obasanjo and Gen. Buhari would attend the meeting.

    There was an open exchange of letters between President Jonathan and Obasanjo which might prevent the latter from attending the Council of State.

    Also, Gen. Buhari is actively involved in opposition politics and it was learnt he would want to be careful on his contributions to national issues at such a session to avoid a backlash.

    A source, who spoke in confidence last night, said: “We have issued notice to all council members as statutorily required. We expect a full house.

    “All I can tell you is that the Council of State is a non-partisan body. And some of the issues which have negatively heightened tension in the country might be discussed at the session.

    “The President will also brief Council of State members on some national issues, achievements and challenges facing the country.”

    Responding to a question, the source said: “We have not got a firm commitment yet from Obasanjo on his attendance.

    “But there is no way some members will not revisit his face-off with a sitting President. The truth is that some of them had intervened in the last one month to resolve the crisis of confidence between the two leaders.

    Some of the issues likely to be discussed are:

    •the 2014 Budget

    •the proposed National Conference;

    •the extension of the State of Emergency in three states in the Northeast;

    •the crisis in Rivers State and fresh security challenges in Plateau, Borno, and Yobe with attacks on military formations;

    • the change of Service Chiefs

    •disagreement between the President and ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo on the state of the nation;

    •proposed Constitution amendment;

    •Reduction of political tension in the country;

    •growing intolerance among political parties;

    •the ongoing mutual suspicion between the President and some governors;

    •the state of the economy, especially accruing revenue from oil and global challenges in the industry, and

    •preparations for the 2015 poll which may dominate the third and fourth quarter of this year among others.

    It was gathered that the National Security Adviser, Mr. Sambo Dasuki, might brief the Council of State on the security problems nationwide.

    Another source added: “Definitely, we will get briefing on the worrisome security challenges in some parts of the country and what had been put in place to address these.

    “As a matter of fact, the Council of State session is long over due. Some of us have been calling for it because we believe two heads are better than one if they are not rotten.

    A governor said: “We got notice of the meeting but we have been unhappy that the President had failed to convene the Council of State meeting in spite of some challenges. He had been depending on his Economic Management Team (EMT) instead of the constitutionally recognised body like this.

    “You can imagine that the Council of State had no input into the 2014 budget. We had no privilege of the economic direction of the nation. This was not the practice in the past.

    “Maybe the crisis in PDP might have overstretched the presidency to the extent that it could not summon a meeting of the Council of State.”

    Another governor said: “In spite of the agenda, we have some issues to table at the Council of State session. We won’t play fool gladly.”

    Sections 5 and 6 of the Third Schedule (Part 1) to the 1999 Constitution say: “The Council of State shall comprise the following persons – (a)The President, who shall be the Chairman(b) The Vice President, Who shall be the Deputy Chairman; (c )All former Presidents of the Federation and all former Heads of Government of the Federation; (d)All former Chief Justices of Nigeria; (e)The President of the Senate; (f)The Speaker of the House of Representatives; (g)All former Governors of the States of the Federation; and (h) The Attorney-General of the Federation

    “The Council shall have power to – Advise the President in the exercise of his powers with respect to the – (i) National Population census and compilation, publication and keeping of records and other information concerning the same. (ii) Prerogative of mercy. (iii) Award of National Honours. (iv) The Independent National Electoral Commission (including the appointment of members of that Commission). (v) The National Judicial Council (including the appointment of the members, other than ex officio members of that Council), and (vi) the National Population Commission (including appointment of members of that Commission; and

    “Advise the President whenever requested to do so on the maintenance of public order within the Federation or any part thereof and on such other matters as the President may direct.”

     

  • Aisha Babangida’s new love

    Aisha Babangida’s new love

    Rather than devoting her time to brooding over the losses of the past, Aisha Babangida has chosen to tuck her heartbreaks into the dustbin of history and embrace a new love. But it is not one that could lead her to marital vows any time soon. The pretty first daughter of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (rtd) has done away with all amorous entanglements for now to devote her mind to philanthropy.

    CelebWatch gathered that she has found solace in helping the masses with her Better Life for Rural Women project. She is no longer regular on the social space as she has been spending the best of her time combing through the nooks and crannies of the nation in a bid to better the lots of rural women like her late mother did.

    Aisha has widened the scope of the initiative began by her mother by taking it beyond the shores of Nigeria. Some African countries have been brought into the scheme, necessitating its rechristening from Better Life for Nigerian Rural Women to Better Life for African Rural Women.

  • Why Abe Ibrahim is absent at socials

    Why Abe Ibrahim is absent at socials

    POLO-LOVING Abe Ibrahim is in high heavens. Abe who is one of the aides of General Ibrahim Babangida, and boss of Soveran Oil, sources said, has struck a business deal abroad, one of the reasons he is absent on the social arena.

    Abe Ibrahim, a one-time captain of Lagos Polo Club, we gathered, now shuttles between Nigeria and America, where his new business concern is located.

  • Can African leaders emulate Mandela?

    Can African leaders emulate Mandela?

    His assessment of Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim, a First Republic Parliamentarian and Minister of Health from Borno, smacked of emasculation. To him, Ibrahim, the rich businessmen, was an unserious politician bidding for power.

    Throughout his life, Aminu Kano had championed the cause of the repressed and deprived masses. Obasanjo simply dismissed him as a figure renowned for carrying placards, adding that he could even protest against himself.

    Former President Shehu Shagari also fell under his hammer. He described him as a slow and dull President, who was not in effective control.

    Obasanjo described Mohammadu Buhari and the late Tunde Idiagbon, his juniors in the Army, as autocratic military rulers, who held the nation in its jugular.

    Apart from flaying former Military President Ibrahim Babangida for detaining Buhari and Idiagbon after toppling them, he also criticised his economic policies. On the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), Obasanjo disagreed with Babangida on the implementation process, saying that adjustment must have human face, human heart and milk of human kindness.

    When Babangida tinkered with the transition timetable, Obasanjo rallied prominent Nigerians to protest the elongation of military rule. He was one of the leaders who suggested the Interim National Government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan.

    He said, the option was regrettable but understandable. The suggestion nailed the coffin of the “June 12”. Of course, Obasanjo said the winner of the historic presidential poll, the late Chief Moshood Abiola, was not the messiah.

    The late Gen. Sani Abacha sacked the interim contraception that was set up by Babangida. He also imprisoned Obasanjo after he was roped in a phantom coup. He was saved by divine intervention.

     

    Between Mandela

    and Obasanjo

     

    From grass, Obasanjo rose to grace. He had a second chance. He emerged as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate in 1998. When he became the civilian president, Nigerians had high hopes. His commonwealth leaders welcomed him back to power with optimism. Their confidence was intact.

    Former United States President Jimmy Carter hailed his re-emergence. He said, judging by his leadership qualities, he would justify the trust of a model of transparency and a leader committed to higher ideals. It was a wasted expectation. The previous achievements were not repeated.

    Obasanjo could not fight the infrastructure battle adequately. He left behind a prostrate nation, agonizing over lack of electricity, good roads, good hospitals and good schools.

    In 2003, there were complaints about electoral malpractices. It was a child play to what happened in 2007.

    The leader of Campaign for Democracy (CD), Dr Joei Okei-Odumakin, alluded to a large scale electoral fraud unrivalled in Nigeria history. He said the malpractices had created a hollow in the leader’s record of transparency outside power. Many also doubted his commitment to the sanctity of the ballot box. Up came the third term project, which was knocked out by credible politicians and the media.

    As the election drew nearer, there was confusion. Court orders were disobeyed by the leader. The anti-graft body, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was misused to witch hunt perceived political enemies. Council allocations in some states were seized, thereby aborting grassroots development.

    Obasanjo ran a large administration. The cabinet size was huge. According to critics, it was largely unproductive. The dividends of democracy were scanty.

    When the former President now exposed the ballot box to a virulent attack, all hopes were totally lost. Democracy thrives on periodic elections as a means of choice, rejection, endorsement and change of leadership. This right reinforces the strength of the voting public and it is a predictor of democratic survival.

    The former President had shocked the anxious nation that the contest would be a do-or-die affair. Hell was let loose on poll day. It was akin to war. Domestic and foreign monitors said it was the worst in the history of the country.Three years after, the cases were still in court. The victories allotted to Obasanjo’s favoured candidates were later upturned by the judiciary after he vacated the exalted seat.

    Before he left, it was impossible to right the wrongs.

  • Edo Assembly suspends two council chiefs

    Edo Assembly suspends two council chiefs

    Hon Roland Alari and Chief Roland Ibierutomwen are currently running from pillar to post to retain their jobs. They were both elected and sworn in the same day as chairmen of Uhunmwode and Orhionmwon local government areas respectively.

    Orhionmwon and Uhunmwode used to be one local government until Uhunmwode was carved out of it in 1991by the administration of General Ibrahim Babangida.

    Both council chiefs have the same fate of being suspended from office by lawmakers in the Edo State House of Assembly though for separate reasons.

    They also preside over local governments that are yearning for development when compared to other flouring local governments in the state.

    Apart from major highways that criss-cross both local governments, there are no other good roads linking communities except the roads under construction by the state government and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC).

    Basic amenities like electricity, water, quality healthcare that are supposed to be provided by the local councils are conspicuously absent.

    Chief Ibierutomwen, who is a former lawmaker, was suspended indefinitely for travelling to Italy alongside all elected council officials for the purpose of studying local government administration.

    Trouble started for Chief Ibierutomwen when the Orhionmwon Youth Congress (OYC) caused traffic gridlock on the Benin-Onitsha highway and protesting at the gate of the council secretariat over allegations of corruption.

    Some of their placards read: “Stop looting Orhionmwon treasury,” “Develop Abudu now” and “Probe Ibierutomwen’s trip to Italy now,” among others.

    Leader of the protesting youths, Mr John Osazuwa, said they were informed that Chief Ibierutomwen abandoned his duty at Abudu and travelled to Italy.

    In a petition to Governor Oshiomhole and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the OYC stated that “whereas Orhionmwon prides itself as the foremost oil and gas producing community in Edo State, several communities in the council are neglected. Dilapidated roads, markets, schools and health centres are begging for attention.”

    They called for a probe into the circumstances under which the chairman approved millions of Naira for the trip to Italy to understudy local government administration.

    Some officials of Orhionmwon council told Niger Delta Report that the trip to Italy was approved, but Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Lucky James challenged them to show evidence of the approval.

    James, who also absolved the Deputy Governor, Dr. Pius Odubu said no state government officials would approve such ‘a funny trip.’

    Meanwhile, his counterpart, Roland Alari was suspended for two months at the first instance for allegedly leading thugs to assault councillors at the legislative chambers and stopped them from removing their leader, Douglas Idahor.

    It was learnt that Alari’s attempt to stop the removal of Douglas was to pre-empt the councillors from commencing impeachment process against him.

    Alari was said to have been at loggerheads with the councillors for not carrying out some resolutions passed by them. The resolutions included buying officials vehicles for principal officials of the house, refurbishing official bus of the councillors to bring them to work from Benin, refurbishing their official residence at Ehor as well as refusal to approve funds for seminars to enable them to improve their competence and legislative duties.

    Sources say the chairman bought official car for Douglas without addressing other resolutions. This, according to the source, caused the councillors to reason that their leader has compromised and become insensitive to their plights.

    Another source said Alari’s trouble started when he refused to provide support for the mobile clinic bought by Hon. Elisabeth Ativie representing Uhunmwode constituency in a bid to lessen her electoral chances in the future.

    It was further learnt that Alari told Ativie that he would not use council fund to support what was supposed to be a constituency project of a lawmaker.

    Besides, the move by Hon. Ativie to ensure the taking over of a health centre at Obadan by the Federal Government was frustrated because Alari allegedly insisted that it was the council fund that was used to build the now-moribund health centre.

    Following the suspension of Alari, the people of Ehor, administrative headquarters of Uhunmwode, have vowed to use the Freedom of Information Act (FOI) to probe past and present leaders who they blamed for the area’s under-development.

    The traditional ruler of Ehor, His Royal Highness (HRH) David Igiehon, traced the under-development of Ehor town and the entire local government area to past local government chairmen who he accused of amassing wealth for themselves.

    He said: “The chairmen that have ruled the local government in the past only went to the council to amass wealth for themselves. The chairmen do not have a residential house within the local government during their time. Though there are only 10 wards in Uhunmwode local government area, these chairmen had formed another illegal Ward 11 where they reside and rule the 10 wards from there.”

    Chairman of the Ehor Development Forum, Mr. David Uduebor who spoke at the first Ehor National Day, said they were jubilant when Uhunmwode was created out of Orhionmwon with Ehor as its headquarters.

    He said: “All sons and daughters of Ehor were joyful over the creation of the Uhunmwode local government area. Our belief was that at last our sufferings and neglect by the Orhionmwon Local Government Area had come to an end.

    “It is sad to state that virtually all previous administrations at the local government headquarters have utterly neglected the development of Ehor town. One wonders where the billions of Naira allocated to this local government have gone to since 1991.

    “You cannot see any development in Ehor town let alone its environs. The Ehor Development Forum says enough is enough. Henceforth, we shall demand to know how Federal Allocations which are published in national dailies are spent. The Freedom of Information Act shall be put into action.

    “The Lucky Igbinedion administration established a pineapple juice industry at Ehor. The buildings were constructed and machinery installed. In a commando type of action, cranes were brought into Ehor and the machines were removed to unknown destination to the amazement of everybody.

    “The government went ahead and sold the purported industry. Till date, as I speak to you, the proposed industry remains a mirage. This is what that utterly neglected people of Ehor will call the only visible state intervention.”

  • Babangida’s govt knew about Dele Giwa’s death –Debo Bashorun

    Babangida’s govt knew about Dele Giwa’s death –Debo Bashorun

    Major Debo Bashorun (rtd) was the embattled press secretary of the ex-military President Ibrahim Babangida. He is about to release an explosive book on the death of Dele Giwa and the alleged government involvement. He spoke on this and other issues to Associate Editor, Taiwo Ogudipe.

    WHY has it taken you so long to come up with this book?

    Launching this book at this particular time is deliberate. But the book has been ready since 1994 when I was in the United States. I was already through with the manuscript but I was looking for an ideal situation or timing where the book will not be misconstrued to project what it does really meant to be. I’ve chosen this time to come out with the book so that nobody would say I’m being sponsored by some politicians either on the right or the left, or that somebody has given me money. So, I’ve decided to come out clean now for the public to judge and to know what transpired when I was in the presidency of General Babangida.

    How did you start your military career?

    I got into the army as a private soldier. The story of how I did that is very interesting. I had a job with one of the big commercial companies in Lagos. I was sort of given a little promotion and I went somewhere to celebrate it with my girlfriend. That was immediately after the first military coup in the country in 1996. A soldier whom I later understood to be a recruit came in and badgered on us. We gave him drinks. He wanted to snatch my girlfriend and take her away. I resisted. He rained blows on me. He thereafter went to Abalti Barracks (in Lagos) to get his colleagues and came to sack the whole area. That was when I made up mind that I was going to join the army to correct that injustice.

    Where exactly did the incident happen?

    It was at the Boundary Hotel, Idi Oro (in Lagos). At that material time, Lagos Colony and Western Region had their boundary at Idi Oro.

    How was your growth in the army?

    I got into the army, I was trained and as soon as we graduated, I was posted to Ibadan. It was at Ibadan that one of the guys who were with me as recruits came back after a brief foray to the war front with the rank of lance corporal with just a stripe. I was still a private soldier. I was thinking if he could become a lance corporal, I should be one too, knowing full well that we knew each other during the training. We knew those who were better than us and those who were not as good as us. So, this guy came in and started telling us stories about the Civil War. I got mesmerised and said I was going to fight in the war front to get some promotion myself. And that was how I did it.

    I had my baptismal fire in the Second Division at the Onitsha Sector. I was wounded. I came back to Lagos as a staff sergeant. I was sent to the Armed Forces Resettlement Centre at Oshodi. It was one of those days when the then Colonel Benjamin Adekunle used to go around snatching soldiers from the streets. He came to that unit and I was one of those who were sent to the Third Marine Commando. We were shipped to Port Harcourt which had just been liberated.

    I became a platoon commander, a battalion commander. My battalion was 31 Battalion, 12th Brigade under the command of Lt. Col. Macaulay Isemede. One Captain Sotayo was the Brigade Major. We had the likes of General Lawrence Onoja in the brigade too.

    How did you get to be with Babangida?

    After the Civil War, I realised that infantry officers are not all soldiers. As good as they came that time, there wasn’t any future for them. So I decided to look for something else that could guarantee me a future. On my own, I decided to become a journalist. I started reading on my own and I took the exam to the Nigerian Institute of Journalism where I had my first stint with journalism in 1971. I took subediting course. The NIJ was then at Apongbon (in Lagos).

    It took a while for me to get into the Information Unit. I virtually had to force myself to get into where I thought I might be useful. In the infantry they were not allowing soldiers to leave. But I put pressure on the authorities, sending letters of request. Eventually, they caved in. So I joined the Public Relations Corps which was then under the command of Brigadier Folusho Shotomi. He groomed me and sent me to sandwich courses here and there. That was how I learnt through the ropes.

    The first coup made IBB Chief of Army Staff. Prior to that time, I had a two-year stint undergoing the editor course at the Nigerian Institute of Journalism then at Victoria Island in 1980. I also just came back from a UN assignment. I was posted to become the public relations officer to the then Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Wushishi. That was where I first met IBB who was then the Director of Army Staff Duties. We got along fine. He was the person who actually created the environment for me to thrive. Gen. Wushishi was one officer you wouldn’t want to work with. He did not care about the welfare of the junior officers. But Babangida was a different kettle of fish then. He was very popular in the army, very well liked. That was when we got together.

    During the second coup, he moved from being the Director of Army Staff Duties to become the Chief of Army Staff. Babangida sent for me and he said I was to be his public relations officer. The relationship blossomed and I got involved in his domestic issues, his flagstaff house, the staff there, the family and such other things outside official scope that he asked me to carry out. So, we became very close and friendly.

    Eighteen months after that, he and his team struck and he became the head of state after they toppled General Buhari. And he just took me along to continue to work for him and I became press secretary to him.

    Babangida had a very good press then. How did that come about?

    Short of praising myself, the Nigerian press was very generous to him because of his antecedents as the Chief of Army Staff. He was then detribalised. He called people by their first names. He looked into the welfare of soldiers and officers under him as well as those who were not even under him. So when the coup against Buhari happened, the ovation was very loud for Babangida, saying here was the man who would solve the problems of the country. Everybody was saying He was God sent.

    But as time went by, it was discovered that not all that glittered was gold. We thought at the initial stage that we were going into a welfarist government. Gradually, things were taking a turn for the worst. The people were becoming poorer through our policies. And those who dared protest were either thrown into detention or brutalised. Those were the accusations that General Babangida himself on assuming office levelled against the government of Generals Babangida and Idiagbon. When he started getting into these, some of us who were closer to him tried to appeal to him. But you know in the army there is a limit to how you can go.

    Was he not listening to his advisers?

    You remember Chief Olu Falae was one-time Secretary to the Government and Head of Service. He was a professional to the core. But it is one thing in the military for you to be a professional and it is another thing to be under a commander who doesn’t care what you know. So that’s the problem with the army. There are still traces of that in the army today but the army is changing. Thank God. However, it is not what you know in the army. There is a saying in the army that if you know your rights and you are not given, what can you do?

    However, I wasn’t privy to the meetings between Babangida and the likes of Falae. But some of us were sounding boards to what was going on. We collected data from newspaper clippings and so on. We collected bits of information from friends and from what people were saying and handed them over to him. But it was left for him to either take action the way we thought it should be done or he did it his own way.

    Some observers were of the opinion that your regime seemed to liberalise drug running, a malaise that General Buhari was accused of handling in a draconian manner. What do you have to say about this?

    Well, the records are there for everybody to see. When we were in the army, as chief of staff, one of the assignments that I catered for was handling people coming in and out through the airports. I would be sent to clear the people. At the material time, I wasn’t aware that anything was wrong.

  • Convoy car count: Who leads the pack?

    Convoy car count: Who leads the pack?

    Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo, covered the typical convoy of a Nigerian official and reports on the officials that are entitled to use convoys in Nigeria.

    DETERMINING the number of vehicles in the convoy of Nigerian leaders from the federal, state and local government levels largely depends on the function the government official is billed to attend, either within his domain or beyond.

    Let’s start with the convoy of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    In the era of former military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, a former Aide-De-Camp to a former Military Governor during the era told The Nation under the condition of anonymity that Babangida’s convoy while on official duty outside Abuja, consisted of at least 60 vehicles. But within Abuja, the former president’s convoy of cars was put at between 20 to 30 vehicles.

    Shedding further light on why the former president’s convoy outside Abuja is usually long, the retired Lt. Colonel of the Nigerian Army said, “Usually, there is an advance party of officials from the Presidency mainly comprising of protocol officials and security operatives on ground at least two days before the president’s arrival. Once the C-in-C arrives, this team of advanced party, the host governor and officials of the state government in addition to the large contingent of security agents, including army personnel and operatives of the State Security Service (SSS) are driven in a long convoy to wherever the President planned to visit. That accounts for why you see nothing less than 60 vehicles or even more in such convoys. This excludes the police dispatch riders who are no fewer than 10.”

    The draconian days of late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, was no less different. As a result of the near-paranoid approach to the safety of the late leader by his security handlers, led by his Chief Security Officer (CSO), Maj. Hamza Mustapha and assisted by the Aide-De-Camp, Lt. Col. Abdallah, the convoy of vehicles in Abacha’s entourage is close to 30 vehicles, most of which are occupied by his stern looking bodyguards (BGs), members of the Strike Force (SF), SSS operatives and soldiers dressed in military camouflage.

    The above painted scenario was also prevalent while Abacha’s successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, presided over the country’s affairs from June 8, 1998 to May 29, 1999.

    Sometimes in December 1998, during an official visit by Abubakar’s deputy, late Vice Admiral Mike Okhai Akhigbe, to Lagos to inspect the National Stadium in Surulere, which was one of the centres used for the 1999 Under 20 World Cup, hosted by Nigeria, no less than 30vehicles were in the entourage of the former number two man and his host, then Colonel Buba Marwa.

    Fast forward to the Chief Olusegun Obasanjo Presidency from 1999 to 2007. Sometime in 2006, The Nation’s reporter once witnessed the presidential convoy, which took off from the then President’s Ota Farm on its way to the Lagos Airport en route Abuja.

    A conservative estimate of the number of vehicles in the entourage was in the region of 25, with most of it manned by security agents in dark suits.

    Obasanjo’s late wife, Mrs. Stella Obasanjo, was not left out in the craze for long convoy common among most Nigerian leaders and their spouses.

    Sometimes in 2004 during the wedding of one of the then Vice President, Atiku Abubakar’s daughters, Stella Obasanjo arrived the International Conference Centre, Abuja, venue of the reception in a convoy of 28vehicles, which included six Mercedes Benz S600, in addition with the full complement of six well-attired police outriders.

    In the current dispensation under President Goodluck Jonathan, political office holders from the President down to the governors, ministers, and local government chairmen with the exception of just a few, seem to get a lot of kicks having scores of vehicles in their entourage.

    Some months ago, during a private visit to Lagos for the launch of fund for the construction of his church located in his hometown, Otuoke in Bayelsa State, President Goodluck Jonathan arrived the Civic Centre, Victoria Island venue of the launch in a convoy of 30vehicles and three police outriders.

    And in a You Tube video watched by The Nation’s reporters a few days ago, the President arrived at an unspecified public function held in Abuja in a large convoy of 47cars consisting of Peugeot 406 brands, Toyota Landcruiser SUVs and Mercedes S600 (Maybach). This excludes the six police outriders who normally signal the arrival of the President.

    Perhaps to provide additional security cordon around the President, a detachment of policemen numbered about 20 rode on horses which formed a semi-circle around the President’s official vehicle.

    State governors, ministers, not different

    State governors and ministers in Nigeria are not left out in the love for long convoy of cars accompanying them either on private or official duties.

    For instance, one of The Nation’s reporters sometime in 2008, sighted the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Godswill Akpabio, leaving the Calabar Airport en route Uyo, his state capital in a convoy of over 20 state-of-the-art SUVs in addition to four police outriders on expensive BMW motorbikes.

    While he ran Kwara State from 2003 to 2011, ex-Governor Bukola Saraki (now a senator), known to be a freak for vintage cars long before he emerged as governor, is also said to move in a large convoy of vehicles within his state.

    But the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Babatunde Fashola, is however acknowledged as an exception. The governor, as most Lagosians are aware, moves around without the blaring of siren in a convoy of at most six to seven cars.

    For official events, particularly the inspection of government projects, the governor sometimes joins members of the State Executive Council in a 24-seater Toyota Coaster bus.

    Federal ministers, The Nation gathered, have also imbibed the culture of moving around in siren-blaring convoy of almost ten vehicles either in Abuja, their official base, or during private or official visits to any state within the country.

    During his stint as the Minister for Power, late Chief Bola Ige was once reported to have raised an eyebrow after taking a headcount of almost 21 vehicles in his entourage. Even at that, his protocol aides only managed to reduce the convoy vehicles to a ‘modest’ 11.

    Officials entitled to convoy

    In response to the abuse of using siren by some Nigerians, the Police authorities sometime ago issued a statement stating the list of government officials entitled to move around in siren blaring cars.

    Though the directive has largely being obeyed in the breach, investigations revealed that no such pronouncement has been made in respect of government officials entitled to move in a convoy of cars and the number of vehicles that should accompany them.

    However, it is not difficult to decipher the category of public officials who go around in siren blaring convoy.

    They include the President, the Vice President, Chief of Staff to the President, Senate President; his deputy, Speaker of the House of Representatives and his deputy, Chief Justice of Nigeria, governors and their deputies, Speakers of states Houses of Assembly, their deputies and local government chairmen.

    The list also include Principal Officers in the National Assembly, other lawmakers Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Ministers and Ministers of States.

    In addition, service chiefs, comprising the Chief of Defense Staff, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff and Chief of Air Staff, the Inspector General of Police, General Officers Commanding (GOCs) of Army Divisions and their counterparts in the Navy and Air Force, Brigade Commanders of strategic army formations, Deputy and Assistant Inspectors General of Police and Commissioners of Police in charge of state commands, Comptroller General of Customs, Immigrations, Prisons, top generals and their equivalents in paramilitary forces.

    Also National Chairmen and leaders of major political parties, influential captains of industry, top clergymen are known to move from one location to another in long and flashy convoy of posh automobiles.

    How government convoy vehicles are chosen

    The Nation’s investigations revealed that the number of vehicles in the entourage of elected public officials, particularly the President and governors, are largely determined by their Chief Protocol Officers, who are also in charge of the itinerary of their principals.

    The Chief of Protocol, it was learnt, also draws the list of officials (excluding security operatives) who accompany the President and governors on official and private trips.

    For instance, besides the vehicle occupied by the President, other vehicles in an average presidential convoy include at least three spare Mercedes Benz S600 (in case the main vehicle unexpectedly breaks down on motion), a pilot Landcruiser SUV, back-up pilot cars mainly Peugeot 406 also occupied by SSS operatives, scores of SUVs filled with other security personnel, other vehicles equipped with security gadgets, to mention but a few.

    The man who controls the convoy

    The personnel in charge of Nigeria’s presidential escort codenamed (Prescort) are under the supervision of the Escort Commander, who is a Police officer not less than the rank of a Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP).

    In case of the governors, the Escort Commander in the rank of an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) or a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) is in full control of the movement of the convoy. However, he reports to the Aide-De-Camp who oversees the entire security apparatus of the President or the governor. The ADC, as a matter of convention, usually sits at the back of the car right beside his boss.

    Also prominent in such convoys are operatives of the Department of Security Service (DSS), who sources say report to the Chief Security Officer (CSO) to the President or the governor.

    How much control does a principal have?

    A source told The Nation that control over the attitude of personnel in a convoy largely depends on the governor and his ADC.

    The source cited an instance where the Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Fashola on assumption of office, gave a firm instruction that under no circumstance must his convoy exceed a maximum of 80 to 100km.

    “But if the personnel in the convoy knows that their principal will not reprimand them for over speeding, they indulge in such dangerous practice without a care in the world,” said the source.

    But The Nation however gathered that some governors, who are quite touchy about their safety, are usually blackmailed by their security details into believing that driving at slow speed on highways can be risky especially when the convoy comes under an attack.