The June 12, 1993 presidential election was a watershed. It has remained a reference point in national history. Domestic monitors and foreign observers were unanimous that it was the freest and fairest in the country. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU reminiscences on the annulment and its damage to national unity.
TWENTY-FOUR years after, the nation is yet to recover from the damage. There was a pan-Nigeria movement. Its sole aim was to end military rule and elect a leader with a national outlook. The military laid thorns on the way. The people endured the tribulation. Nigerians, irrespective of their tribe and religion, thronged the polling booths to elect Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola as president. Up to now, they are still awaiting the results. The effort was in vain.
The June 12 presidential election was the unifying factor for the heterogeneous country. The exercise ended the partisan divisions cruelly exploited by self-serving leaders. However, to the consternation of voters, the most credible poll was annulled by former President Ibrahim Babangida, the self-styled ‘Evil Genius.’
Human rights activists and pro-democracy crusaders have described the cancellation as the greatest act of betrayal by the military. Never has a country been ambushed by a soldier of fortune. The criminality led to wild protests, which nevertheless, failed to force the military to retrace their steps. The victor, Abiola of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), became a prisoner for four years. He never returned from detention.
The scenario underscored the illusion of hope. The late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, saw the future. Having worked with the military, he could understand their mindset. The former Premier of defunct Western Region knew that it was relatively easier for the camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a military leader to voluntarily hand over power to civilians. Even, Gen. ‘Jack’ Yakubu Gowon, a seemingly benevolent leader, under whom he served as Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) and Federal Commissioner for Finance, was reluctant to leave office, until he was shoved aside in a coup organised by his cousin, the late Col. (later Maj.-Gen), Joe Garba. Awolowo knew that Babangida, the ‘clever boy’ from Minna, was full of prevarication.
When the eminent politician was invited to participate in the discussion on the political future of the country by the Political Bureau headed by Dr. Cookey, he shunned the invitation. Awolowo declared that Nigeria had embarked on a fruitless search for democracy, adding that, when they imagined that the new order had arrived, they would be terribly disappointed.
The former Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) leader had psychologically studied IBB’s maneuverings. He doubted his commitment to democracy and ability to successfully moderate a transition process. After returning to his Ikenne, Ogun State home from a visit to the former military president at Doddan Barracks, Lagos, the seat of government, Awo summoned the meeting of his supporters. There, he reviewed the political situation in the country, contending that the military regime was not keen about the transfer of power to civilians. He urged them to exercise caution and learn to deal with the military president with a long spoon. Few months later, the indomitable Awolowo passed on.
Between and 1986 and 1993, Nigeria became another IBB laboratory, where various kinds of experiments were carried out. The Babalakin Panel, which the military set up, turned in a beautiful report. It was buried by coup plotters, led by IBB. It was not exhumed. Cookey’s Bureau became a serious talk show. On three occasions, the transition programme was postponed by IBB without any convincing explanation.
Babangida came up with more tricks to dazzle the political class. He cajoled unsuspecting politicians into forming political parties, which, according to the guidelines, should have national spread.
When the National Electoral Commission (NEC) chaired by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu came up with their result sheets, they, in IBB’s reckoning, failed to measure up. The hammer fell on the 23 political associations. They were consigned to the dustbin of history.
Up came two political parties; the Social Democratic Party (SDP); a little to the left, and the National Republican Convention (NRC); a little to the right. Politicians struggled to join either of them.
The attention of Nigerians was on the programme. As the implementation of the electoral time-table proceeded, there were distractions. New elements were included on regular basis. Politicians were banned and unbanned. In fact, some of the politicians were broke at that stage. Some of them were detained, released and re-arrested.
In 1990, the human rights’ community was fed up. Fiery Lagos lawyer, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who was hounded into detention by the administration, cried out that the entire transition programme was a fraud. He urged more commitment on the part of the military. He also enjoined Nigerians never to sleep on guard. His compatriot, Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti (now late), advised Babangida to be more serious and committed to the democratic enterprise.
Nigerians were determined. They succeeded in electing governors and state and federal legislators. But, it remained one more hurdle to cross. The presidential election was the ultimate. Big wigs were in the race in both parties. However, after successful primaries, the exercise was cancelled and participants were banned. Suddenly, the parties were in want of candidates. It was at that stage that Abiola appeared on the scene.
Abiola was a veteran presidential aspirant, even at that stage. Ten years earlier, he had vied under the banned National Party of Nigeria (NPN). On the order of the then Transport Minister, Dr. Umaru Dikko, he was denied nomination form. The party office was shut at him. It was not his first baptism of fire. Earlier, he had contested for the NPN national chairmanship at a time President Shehu Shagari and prominent members of the party caucus were rooting for the late Chief Adisa Akinloye. Abiola lost his deposit at the primary.
When he emerged as the SDP candidate, Abiola was perceived as a stranger. Alhaji Baba Gana Kingibe, who later became his running mate, following pressures by the 14 SDP state chairmen, described him as someone who was on the sideline only to come and reap where he did not sow. Abiola was said to have consulted with his longtime friend, Gen, Babangida, who gave his blessing. Doubts were expressed because of his conservative antecedents. Many did not give him a chance. Within months, the gaps were closed. He apologised to the Awoists over his alleged sins against the Awolowo political family. The group, led by Chief Adekunle Ajasin, resolved to support him. Many people had a change of heart. They recalled his philanthropic activities. His message of hope, particularly the abolition of poverty, was captivating. His rival, NRC’s Othman Bashir, his former colleague in the NPN, was no match. Ahead of the poll, their fate was decided at the presidential debate. During the debate, the SDP flag bearer demonstrated the grasps of the situation; the economy, politics, security and other challenges. Across the country, Abiola was the choice.
On poll day, nature was kind to Nigeria. The weather was benevolent nationwide. Nigerians were united by the festival of political change. On long queues, they were orderly as they cast their votes for their preferred candidates. There were no reports of violence, snatching of ballot box and brutality by security agents.
The electoral umpire was impartial. In fact, results could also be collated by party agents in that atmosphere of transparency and openness. News filtered that MKO had won. The prices of goods and services crashed. Joy was bold on the faces of Nigerians. People started celebrating the new dawn. A quit notice has been issued to the military rulers.
However, as the election results trickled in, further announcement was abruptly suspended, following an order from above. There was suspense. There was tension. It persisted. Anxiety enveloped the country. Voters were bewildered. Democracy was truncated. Abiola polled 8,341,399, which represented 58.36 per cent, defeating his rival, Tofa. Even, in Kano, where Tofa hails from, the SDP won. Fawehinmi also said that Abiola won in the Army barracks.
The annulment underscored the illusion of hope and the capacity of few soldiers to trample on popular will. More than two decades after, the fond memories of the horror has not faded away. It was a dark moment, which heralded a chain of events, including prolonged crises, the setting up of the interim contraception, the enthronement of Abacha regime and the renewed clamour for popular rule by pro-democracy forces.
Abiola was a man of valour. He was brave and bold. The Aare Ona Kanknfo of Yorubaland could not run away from battle. He did not go to sleep after the injustice. He fought the military without the gun. He resisted frantic attempts to compromise him. At Epetedo, Lagos, he declared himself President, based on the unofficial results. He took a great risk and its consequence.
On the podium, he declared: “On that day (August 27, 1993), the people of Nigeria, through their democratic expressions of June 12, 1993, expected me to assume the reins of government. I fully intend to keep that date with history.”
However, on that day, what was in place was not the Abiola Presidency, but Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government (ING) contraption, which Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd) described as lamentable, but understandable. Gen. Babangida had bowed out in shame a day before, having failed to elongate his stay in power.
After the Epetedo Declaration, Abiola incurred the wrath of the military. Soldiers and other security agents were after him. He jetted out of the country. At that time, the frontline propagandist, Uche Chukwumerije, who was Secretary for Information, derided him as the first Aare Ona Kankanfo to have deserted the battle. Abiola came back, struck the wrong deal with Gen. Sani Abacha, who promised to handover to him, but reneged on his hypocritical promise.
As the June 12 battle dragged on, crusaders were weary. Religion and ethnicity were invoked. The struggle adorned an ethnic colouration. Gradually, the rank of June 12 travellers was divided. Some crusaders, including Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Abubakar Rimi, Alao Aka-Bashorun and Ebenezer Babtope, were trapped in the Abacha Government. It was suicidal to resign.
Abiola was sent into ‘prison’ without trial. He never returned alive. His wife, Kudirat, was murdered on the streets of Lagos. His business empire were crippled. His supporters, including prominent SDP leaders, activists, youths, and students, were dispersed. The National Democtatic Coalition (NADECO), Afenifere, Eastern Mandate Union and other cried foul. They could not force back the hand of the military. Political jobbers put the June 12 poll behind them as they jostled for seats in the 1994 National Conference set up by Abacha.
“After using some SDP and NRC ministers in his cabinet to stabilise his regime, he later discarded them. Political jesters, including Lamidi Adedibu, came up with a curious message and an assurance of inexplicable bail conditions for the custodian of the popular mandate. Abiola turned it down, vowing not to let Nigerians down. He died in controversial circumstances without realising his dream for Nigeria.
June 12 continued to torment the military after Abiola’s death. Although Abacha passed on before Abiola, the symbol of the struggle was not released by Abacha’s successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar. The circumstances surrounding his death has remained in the realm of conjecture. Up to now, Abiola has not been adequately immortalised by the Federal Government.
The June 12 struggle may be described as a lost battle. It gave birth to the clamour for restructuring by Afenifere. It also led to power shift to the Southwest. However, the beneficiaries of the struggles in 1999 were the same class of politicians, military confederates and cronies, who truncated it.
Since June 12, the nation’s quest for credible election has been a mirage. The sanctity of the ballot box is still a struggle. In 1999, 2003, 2011, and 2015, there were floodgates of litigations, following presidential elections. In 2007, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua acknowledged that he rode to power on the back of a flawed election.
In 2011, there was a violent eruption in the North, following the presidential poll in which Dr. Goodluck Jonathans challenger, Gen. Buhari, headed for the court after rejecting the results.
Governorship and parliamentary elections have not fared better. In 2007, governorship polls were disputed in almost all the states of the federation. The post-election litigations dragged on till the next election.
In 2015, the nature of pan-Nigerian movement for power shift made rigging impossible. Former military haed of state, Ge. Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) defeated Dr. Jonathan of the PDP. But, has the new dawn wiped away the tears of Nigeria? Has it led to the abolition of poverty? Where is the new hope?
