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Tag: June 12

  • June 12 Honours…knocks on Bayo Onanuga and Co, Alex Ibru (4)

    June 12 Honours…knocks on Bayo Onanuga and Co, Alex Ibru (4)

    The fourth instalment of this series was written along with the third, but was not published immediately after it because other questions which demanded equal and urgent attention came up. I thought it would appear only on my FACEBOOK page (at John Olufemi Kusa). For two reasons, I decided to conclude it on this page. First, some readers of this column who are not FACEBOOK patrons requested a print copy. The other is the reply to the series by Mr Kingsley Osadolor, Editor of The Guardian on Sunday, before I took my bow from The Guardian newspapers.

    When I was advised by the editorial staff of The Nation newspaper to expect Mr Osadolor’s rejoinder, I replied that he had a right of reply. I had been examining criticisms of President Bola Tinubu’s 12 June 2025 Democracy Day Awards. Many critical radio stations in Lagos spiked the awards in respect of the journalists I mentioned in the headline.

     In other informed circles, there was a division about Mr Alex Ibru. I tried to argue in his favour and reflect the divide.

     I was an insider at the Guardian, and, so, can speak about the roles I thought each person played to deserve or to not deserve the awards.

    KINGSLEY OSADOLOR

    He was a voracious reader like Mr. Debo Adesina, Deputy Editor (News) on the daily title, The Guardian and Greg Obong-Oshotse, à founding reporter. However, his penchant for uncouth language still hangs about him like weighty dross, as can be seen even in a simple rejoinder.

     Wasn’t this why he needed to be well supervised as editor?

    My presentations addressed SERIOUS QUESTIONS, which he avoided. Some of those questions were. ( 1) Did The Guardian newspaper back out against the fight for democracy after publisher ALEX Ibru joined the cabinet of despot Gen. Sani Abacha?

    (2)Under pressure from publisher Alex Ibru, did the Editors of The Guardian, led by him, go to Abuja to beg Abacha to forgive them for opposing his government and reopen the newspaper? In other words, did they bow to tyranny?

    3). Was it the front page publication by editor Kingsley Osadolor titled INSIDE ASO ROCK which he did not present to Director of Publications/Editor-in-Chief Femi Kusa for vetting which was the last straw which broke the camel’s back in Abacha’s tolerance of The Guàrdian’s opposition?

    4) If it was not this publication which càused the trouble, às editor Kingsley Osàdolor tried to make us believe in his rejoinder to the àssertion that it was, Why did he flee his home and go into hiding within a few minutes of being informed by personnel from the company’s security department that government security agents hàd taken over the company premises? If we did not know why Abacha shut The Guardian, why did Mr Osadolor go into hiding? While escaping, why did he not stop over at my residence which was about 50 meters away from his on a straight line to inform his boss, as , about what had happened? Mr Osadolor’s rejoinder gave rise to other important questions which I will address in earnest.

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    Rather than address these questions, he went for THE PERSON, like the snake which attacks the hand which lifts its lair to expose it. What have the remarks of Emeka Izeze, Wole Agunbiade and Ogbuàgu about me got to do with the questions being unravelled?

    THE GOSSIP MILL

    Mr Osadolor gave the impression that they all often gossiped about their Editor-in-Chief.

    His intent was to paint the latter as an incompetent laughing stock. I would like to remove Mr Emeka Izeze from the gossip matrix, because he wàs, and I believe he still is, a pastor of the Deeper Life Church and, as such, should know what The Bible says about gossips and idolaters since, as a pastor, his dream is to become an inheritor of paradise after earth-life. In my view, therefore, he would not deliberately get involved in gossip as Mr Osadolor suggested. I am aware there is no leader on this earth who is not an object of gossip by rustic subordinates.

     The Guardian was filled with persons who were still at the level of gossip in their earth lives.

     I was near the News Editor’s office one day when someone in the newsroom said something about a prominent member of the Editorial Board in relation to Professor Wole Soyinka.

    Next day, the object of the gossip came to me to say he had heard what I said about him. My reply was that I was beyond such things. I could give up the speaker, but I declined to, because he would be devoured.

    When Chief Rotimi Williams was speculated dead, I invited Political Editor Akpo Esajere to my office. With two other reporters and a photographer he was to go to the home of Chief Williams under whose love and support Mr Alex Ibru grew up. Chief Williams was, through this fatherly relationship, our legal adviser at no cost to us. As speculations could be untrue, I instructed Mr Esajere to not frontally enter into the assignment. He was to park the pool car outside the gate of Chief William’s house.

    Thereafter, he was to go in to greet papa and tell him he was driving by and couldn’t pass by the king’s palace and not drop in to say “kabiyesi”. That was if he found him hail and hearty. If the old man was still on his feet, Mr Esajere was to do an interview with him not related to health for publication next day to defuse the speculation. If the matter was on the other side, he was to employ his free will and act professionally. Happily, Chief Williams was on his feet. What happened after?

    Some gossips telephoned Mrs Maiden Ibru, wife of Mr Alex Ibru, that I had upset the family of Chief Williams by breaking to him speculations in town about his health. Mrs Ibru informed her husband. Which wife would not? Mr Alex Ibru was furious. Who in his shoes would not? He spoke roughly and angrily with me. I asked Mr Esajere to explain to Mr Alex Ibru what happened.

     THE DUST SETTLED.

    This is where the conveyance of assignments through memos bring benefits. I hope Mr Osadolor is better educated about the memos his rejoinder accused me of writing when I could easily have verbally conveyed instructions.

    I will expand on this soon. Before then, please permit that I cite another example of unwholesome gossip which Mr Osadolor eulogised.

    One day, Mr Alex Ibru called me to his office to tell me the Ibos said I disliked them. I had just returned from Abeokuta where I had a meeting with the Managing Director of Ogun State Property and Investment Company (OPIC) in respect of land I was encouraging our reporters to purchase at OPIC Isheri North Estate through passbook savings account.

    I had about 14 passbooks in my French suit inner pockets. I brought out those passbooks and about nine of them belonged to Ibos. Silence fell.

    All he told me was that I should be more careful with my people. I learned later that the lie was fomented by a young Ibo woman whose life and her uncle-in- law’s I had saved from the Buhari-Idiagbon military junta by refusing in detention to disclose her as the source of the information which landed Mr Tunde Thompson, our Diplomatic Correspondent and Mr Nduka Iràbor, assistant news editor in jail for one year. The appeal I will like to make to Mr. Osadolor in respect of gossip in any work place is that while children will behave like children, elders should behave like elders. I know that many elders, irrespective of this Yoruba admonition, will ever behave like children. This is because their egos had not grown to become child-like but were still childish and there is a great difference between childlikeness and childishness.

    I do not gossip since I knew about the spiritual dangers of gossip which I may touch upon if space permits. Were I to be a gossip, Mr Lade Bonuola could have gossiped to me that my appointment as Editor of The Guardian in succession to him was on the way. It was announced at the gala party to celebrate the fifth anniversary of The Guardian. I was not there, but working in the office, as Deputy Editor, to co-ordinate running copies from the event for publication next day. Suddenly, my eyes fell on a copy announcing me as the new editor. I thought a mistake had been made and immediately put a reporter in a pool car to tell Mr Bonuola so at Sheraton Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos. He sent me a confirmatory note which he signed and he returned to the office soon after.

    It was not in 1983 when The Guardian came into being that subordinates anywhere on earth began to gossip about their bosses. So, I should not be surprised if Mr. Osadolor and other subordinates of mine gossiped about me. Are all gossips true? If I may help his case with more gossip, I once led editors to a Nigerian Guild of Editors conference in Abuja. We could not easily find an aircraft to bring us back to Lagos. Our travel cash was running out. Many of us relocated to my room, to reduce hotel cost. When we returned and they cleared their travel loans, some of them made claims for the days they slept in my room. If I approved them simply because they were editors, would I not be guilty of complicity? Of course, I did the right thing, and they were unhappy. Should I expect them to not gossip about me or be frightened of their gossip? Mr. Osadolor may also like to hear this about Mr Izeze when he was editor and I was his Editor-in-Chief. We had complaints from Abeokuta by the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Ogun State that our correspondent there converted to personal use monies sourced from certain individuals for the welfare of their group. I forwarded the petition to Mr. Izeze. What did our books suggest? Anyone whose hands were soiled by such things had to go. Mr. Izeze recommended he be brought to Lagos for some time. I could overrule him, but I decided to not. A few months later, this reporter returned to Abeokuta. Weeks or so later, he was murdered at night in the house he built. Mr. Izeze and I saw his blood everywhere. We attended his funeral in Ibadan. The wailing of his extended family members touched me. I do not know how Mr. Izeze felt. Could Tunde Oladepo’s life not have been saved if he was dismissed as our books said? If I overruled Mr. Izeze, it would be said I was not allowing editors breathing space or enough leg room in matters which concerned their staff. Mr. Oladepo himself may end up giving me a bad name.

    Mr. Osadolor cannot say he was unaware of latter day ethnic politics at The Guardian from which some persons profited.

    ETHNIC PRESSURES

    I do not know if he was aware that Mr. Andy Akporugo whipped up Edo/Delta/Uhrobo sentiments against Ibos and Yorubas and trapped Mr. Alex Ibru into his game plan. When Dr. Stanley Macebuh, as Managing Director, had troubles with Mr. Alex Ibru and the board decided that he was importing and selling sugar, an activity considered to be “divided loyalty” in management, was this not thrown up as a Yoruba manipulation which knocked Ibo and Yoruba heads? Mr. Osadolor should salute the candour of his Editor-in-Chief who protected him and some other newsroom staff who, without an approval by the company, enrolled for the study of law at the University of Lagos. For three or four years, I covered their tracts. I did the same for proof readers and even approved study leave with pay for two of them . In my office, Gbenga George and the secretary will not forget this generosity. Gbenga was office assistant. Both were part time students of the Yaba College of Technology! I digressed to remind Mr. Osadolor that he had a prejudiced opinion of Mr. Femi Kusa, his Editor-in-Chief.

    IZEZE AND OSADOLOR

    I suspect where the prejudice is coming from. Mr. Alex Ibru wanted me to make Mr. Osadolor my successor as Editor of the daily title as I moved from the office of the Editor to that of the Director of Publications/Editor-in-Chief in succession to Mr. Lade Bonuola who became Managing Director in succession to Dr. Stanley Macebuh, who had to go in view of the sugar importation crisis. Mr. Ibru wanted me to recommend Mr. Osadolor as Editor. I did not know he has discussed it with Mr. Lade Bonuola whose opinion I did not know. Mr. Osadolor was from Edo State and that suited Mr. Akporugo’s politics more than Mr. Izeze, who was an Ibo. I believe Mr. Osadolor joined our system from African Guardian magazine run by Mr. Akporugo and which Mr. Ibru disbanded when it became a drain pipe on the finances of The Guardian. Mr. Ibru persuaded me to accept Mr. Osadolor as Deputy Editor to me before this time. He spoke glowingly about Mr. Osadolor, especially in view of his first class degree from the university, about which Mr. Osadolor always referred, whenever his attention was invited to a misjudgement on his part. As I always informed him in the memos he mentioned as detested by him, he forgot that some other persons, too, were first class materials. I informed him in writing, a university degree was a mere promise of ability, and that what constituted ability in the work place were EFFICIENCY and EFFECTIVENESS. These perspectives are taught, in a responsible master’s degree programme in business studies.

    Back to the MAKING OF EMEKA IZEZE EDITOR OF THE GUARDIAN. At that time my recommendation to Mr. Ibru counted more than that of Mr. Akporugo. Simply, I told Mr. Alex Ibru we had just had a rumpus and Ibo staff exit over Dr. Macebuh’s forced retirement. In the British tradition of newspapering which we adopted in Nigeria, the Editor of the Sunday title became the Editor of the Daily Title and the Deputy Editor of the daily title became the Editor of the Sunday title. This progression was disturbed in The Daily Times, and it led to its destabilisation. Mr. Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Editor of the Sunday title, had hoped to become Editor of the daily title when Chief Areoye Oyebola was dramatically removed as Editor and Mr Segun Osoba (as he then was), from outside that progression, succeeded Mr. Oyebola in August 1975 and was himself succeeded by Tony Momoh four months later. Alhaji Jose removed Mr. Oyebola from office because, as Editor, he failed to come to the office on the heels of a military coup to produce his paper. Mr. Osoba went to Alhaji Jose’s house to bring him to the office and, together, they produced the newspaper for some days. Alhaji Jose bypassed Mr. Gbolabo Ogunsanwo as well because he did not come to the office as he thought the events belonged to not the Sunday title but the daily. If my memory serves me right, the Deputy Editor of the daily title who should have become the Editor of the Sunday title became, instead, Editor of the daily title by way of double promotion. Hell was let loose, as it were, in the Daily Times, paving the way for General Olusegun Obaasnjo, then Head of State, to forcibly acquire 60 percent of the shares of the newspaper on behalf of the government.

    I told Mr Alex Ibru journalists know themselves. If they could rebel against Alhaji Babatunde Jose, a fellow journalist who was chairman of the Board and the Managing Director as well, who was Mr. Alex Ibru? Ibos left The Guardian with Dr. Stanley Macebuh. By our structure, Mr. Emeka Izeze, an Ibo, was senior to Mr. Kingsley Osadolor from Benin. If Mr. Emeka Izeze was bypassed and Mr. Osadolor was implanted, would this not be another bad signal to the Ibos?

    Mr. Alex Ibru agreed. Mr. Izeze became Editor of the daily title, and Mr. Akporugo and his ethnic jingoists lost out. I salute the courage of a member of his auxiliary troops once again. I did when he opened up to me recently, seeking forgiveness. I did not realise our problems in the newsroom often ended in the inner chambers of some native doctors! When I doubted the rendition, he confirmed that he was recruited to be the driver of the lead man who was seeking extra terrestrial powers. It was then I realised Mr. Alex Ibru could have been under a spell! I say “could”, because during our heated last telephone conversation when he spoke to each of us directors of the company, he kept shouting that he never asked Mr. Akporugo to set one ethnic group after another.

    •To be continued.

  • Sultan, Oyinlola, Dasuki, Bawa, 34 others in Umar’s list of 38 military June 12 heroes

    Sultan, Oyinlola, Dasuki, Bawa, 34 others in Umar’s list of 38 military June 12 heroes

    Less than two weeks after he was conferred with Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former military governor of old Kaduna State, Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar (rtd) has unveiled  38 other military officers that played vital roles in the struggle for the validation of June 12, 1993 presidential election.

    Lt.Col Umar named Sultan of Sokoto Muhammadu Sa’adu Abubakar;  former Lagos State  Military Administrator Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Administrator of Ekiti State,   Mohammed  Bawa and ex-National Security Adviser(NSA) Sambo Dasuki among them.

    He described the 38  as ‘’unsung heroes’’  who risked their ‘’careers and even lives’’ for the cause.

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    Lt.Col Umar, who formally accepted the national honour on Sunday, said there were other military personnel in the same category whose names he could not remember.

    The former military governor, however, apologised to them.

    Other officers contained in a statement he made public include Lt. Col Lawal J. Isa, Lt. Col  U.F. Ahmed,   Lt. Col M.L. Gwadabe, Lt. Col  J. Temlong, Lt Col  Musa Shehu, Lt. Col  Chris Eze, Lt. Col H.M. Dzarma,    Lt. Col  Isa Jibrin, Lt. Col  J. S Oshanupin and  Lt. Col. A. Oloruntoba  (Kabiyesi Olugbede of Gbede Kingdom in Kogi State).

    Also listed are  Lt. Col. Moke, Lt. Col. Happy Bulus,   Col. J Okai, Col. E. Ndubueze, Lt. Col. Yakubu Muazu, Lt. Col. Yahaya Abubakar (current Etsu Nupe), Maj. Abba Maimalari,  Maj. Jamil Tahir, Maj. Buzugbe, Maj. L.P. Aprezi and  Maj. M.K. Yake.

    Others are  Maj. J Dawah, Maj. Suleiman  Wali, Maj. Dauda Komo, Maj. Lucky Torrie, Maj. J.S Zaruwa, Maj. M. Sumaye, Maj. Sani Bawa, Maj Ndaliman, Maj Ahmed,   Lt. Col J.B Ahmadu, Capt.Junaid Bindawa  and Capt. Lar.

    Lt.Col Umar, who  expressed concern over the non-recognition of the officers, revealed that when President Tinubu notified him of the honour to be conferred on him, his ‘’first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.’’   

    His statement reads:  “When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the national award of Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR)  on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes. Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.

    “Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs. While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this national honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.

    “It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.

    ‘’The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election, won over 80 per cent of the Armed Forces votes demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.

    “There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others. I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.

    “Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col. MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October 1993.

  • Presidency reaffirms Tinubu’s pro-June 12 credentials

    Presidency reaffirms Tinubu’s pro-June 12 credentials

    • Lamido’s claim far from truth

    The Presidency yesterday flayed former Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido over his remarks on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s role in the pro-democracy struggle.

    It said that his claims that the President only joined the struggle after the formation of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) was false, revisionist, and historically dishonest.

    The presidency reaffirmed the President’s pro-June 12 credentials, noting that he never at any stage deserted the battle he joined at the outset when he was a senator.

    According to the Presidency,  Lamido, then national secretary, and the national chairman of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), the late Chief Tony Anenih, and not President Tinubu, traded off the mandate of the late Chief Moshood Abiola.

    Abiola won the June 12, 1993 poll, which was, adjudged to be free and fair by domestic monitors and foreign observers.

    The historic poll was annulled by military President Ibrahim Babangida, who stepped aside in August 1993, after installing the Interim National Government (ING) headed by the late Chief Ernest Shonekan.

    Three months after, in November, 1993, the Defence Minister, Gen. Sani Abacha sacked the ING, dissolved all democratic structures and installed himself as military head of state.

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    Lamido, who spoke on television, said that President Tinubu did not initially joined the June 12 battle and his mother, the late Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, President-General of Market Traders’ Association of Nigeria, supported the callous annulment.

    During the dark period, the eminent market leader, not only decried the annulment, but also displayed courage by going to Aso Villa, Abuja to plead with Babangida to rescind his decision and de-annul the election.

    Rejecting Lamido’s claims, the Presidency said in a, statement by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, that Lamido’s assertion was a “distortion of history.”

    It said: “Alhaji Lamido’s claims represent a distortion of history and a regrettable attempt at revisionism. He alleged that President Tinubu only rose to prominence after the formation of NADECO and claimed that Tinubu’s mother, Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, mobilised market women to back the annulment. These allegations are patently false.

    The Presidency clarified that Alhaja Mogaji never rallied support for the annulment of the election, adding that if she“had she done so, she would have lost her position as market leader in Lagos”.

    Revisiting Lamido’s role during the crisis, it  accused him of failing to defend the party’s mandate.

    The Presidency said: “Alhaji Lamido, as secretary of the Social Democratic Party (SDP)—the party whose candidate, MKO Abiola, won the June 12 election—was among those who failed to oppose the military’s injustice.

    “Lamido and the then-chairman Tony Anenih surrendered the people’s mandate without resistance.”

    Shedding light on President Tinubu’s involvement and commitment, the Presidency maintained a consistent opposition to the military regime before the complete collapse of democratic institutions under General Abacha.

    It also recalled that President Tinubu, who represented Lagos West District in the Third Republic, spoke on the Senate floor on August 19, 1993, categorically condemning the annulment.

    Quoting from the Senate record, the Presidency noted that President Tinubu had described the annulment as “another coup d’état, ” warning against the injustice and abuse of power.

    President Tinubu had stressed: “We have a government that made the law and abused its law. Therefore, the present military administration, by virtue of abrogation and violation of its own decree, has committed a crime. “

    The Presidency also recalled Tinubu’s alignment with Abiola after his return from abroad where had gone to drum support for his mandate and his subsequent defiance of the Abacha regime, following its dissolution of the interim government.

    It recalled that President Tinubu, along with Senators Ameh Ebute and Abu Ibrahim, was arrested and detained at Alagbon Police Station in,l Lagos, when they attempted to reconvene the Senate in defiance of the junta.

    According to the Presidency, during the period, PresidentTinubu funded mass protests against the annulment, including the shutdown of the Third Mainland Bridge.

    It also said that after Abiola’s arrest on June 22, 1994, the president joined other pro-democracy activists in fleeing the country and lived in exile for nearly five years.

    The presidency said when on exile, he continued to finance resistance activities, adding that “ agents of the junta bombed his home in Balarabe Musa Crescent, Victoria Island.”

    It also highlighted the president’s  contributions to NADECO and support for NALICON, an international campaign, led by Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka.

    The Presidency emphasized that President Tinubu’s role in sustaining NADECO and backing for the pro-democracy movement were pivotal to resisting military rule and restoring democracy.

    It added: “It is well-known that Tinubu played a leading role in the agitation against the June 12 annulment.

    “Many NADECO leaders and journalists in exile and at home openly admitted that Tinubu sustained them and provided them with funds for the struggle. “

    Berating Lamido for a shortfall in historical perception, the Presidency said “with his narrative, he appeared confused about the role of NADECO as an offshoot of the June 12 crisis which provided a platform to channel the struggle.

    It also dismissed Lamido’s remarks as part of a broader political agenda being advanced by what it described as the “Coalition of the Disgruntled.”

    The Presidency stressed: “We do not want to believe that Alhaji Lamido suffers from what psychologists call tall poppy syndrome. However, the conclusion is inevitable as it appears that Lamido is envious of Tinubu’s democratic credentials.

    “Revisionism does not serve the cause of truth or our nation’s interests,” it added, calling on Lamido to fact-check his claims and avoid misleading the public.”

  • My father and the unfinished legacy of June 12

    My father and the unfinished legacy of June 12

    • By Olisa Umar Maduagwu Jr.

    As Nigeria marked another Democracy Day on June 12, I found myself reaching for more than memory—I reached for meaning. And what I found was not only the familiar name of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, whose sacrifice we rightfully commemorate, but a deeply personal artefact that has long rested in the quiet of my family’s archives: a letter dated January 25, 1993, written and signed by MKO Abiola to my late father, Senator Alhaji Umar Mmadagwu.

    My father, elected under the National Republican Convention (NRC) to represent the Orlu Senatorial Constituency in Imo State during the Third Republic, received this letter at a time when Nigeria stood at a delicate crossroads. The military had promised a transition to civilian rule; the people were hopeful, and yet the winds of uncertainty blew strong across the land.

    The letter was more than a correspondence; it was a window into a moment when Nigeria teetered between democratic promise and autocratic relapse. In his thoughtful prose, Abiola captured the anxieties of the time, escalating inflation, widespread unemployment, low industrial output, and the deepening chasm between Nigeria’s social classes. He lamented not just the material hardship endured by the masses, but the moral failing of a nation increasingly consumed by sectional interests and partisan squabbles.

    Abiola’s words were reflective, prescient, and deeply human. He called attention to the growing inequality that was stretching the fabric of national unity to breaking point. He warned against a narrow politics that focused on the sharing of a shrinking national cake, and instead urged a national focus on productivity, innovation, and collective purpose. He appealed for a reorientation of governance around justice, equity, and national cohesion.

    He envisioned, in his own words, an “indivisible, indissoluble Federal Republic under God”—a Nigeria bonded not only by legal structures but by shared faith in its moral and constitutional destiny.

    What remains remarkable, and heart-wrenching, is the humility with which he declared his intention to seek the presidency. “I offer myself not as your leader but as your partner,” Abiola wrote. “I present myself not as one having all the solutions to the nation’s problems, but as someone who believes that the search for enduring solutions must begin with the building of a genuine national consensus.”

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    That sense of partnership, of shared stewardship, is rare in today’s political lexicon. In Abiola’s vision, leadership was not about the triumph of one ideology over another, but about national inclusion and mutual accommodation. He called for a bipartisan approach to major issues, for respect between the executive, legislative, and judicial arms of government, and for a revival of the rule of law. It was a vision grounded in service, not supremacy.

    But that vision never had the chance to unfold. The annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election by the military regime was a brutal interruption—not only of a democratic process, but of a national awakening. The hopes of millions were silenced overnight. Among the casualties were the newly elected legislators of the Third Republic, including my father, whose tenure was summarily dissolved. Their voices were muted. Their wages withheld. Their legacy largely forgotten.

    And so, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently conferred posthumous national honours on some of the heroes of the June 12 struggle—MKO Abiola, his wife Kudirat Abiola, Professor Humphrey Nwosu, journalists, and other pro-democracy actors—I felt a mix of pride and grief. These recognitions are overdue and noble. But they are also incomplete.

    We cannot afford a selective reading of history. If June 12 is to be remembered truthfully, it must also honour those elected lawmakers who, in the face of military intimidation and financial inducement, refused to ratify the annulment. These legislators—Senators and Representatives from across Nigeria—were the institutional bulwark against the erosion of the popular will. Among them, notably, was President Tinubu himself, elected to represent Lagos West under the banner of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    These lawmakers paid a heavy price. Their parliament was disbanded. Their entitlements frozen. Their service dismissed as a footnote. And yet their resistance was crucial. Without their refusal to lend legitimacy to the annulment, the moral thread of our democratic aspiration might have snapped entirely.

    Today, more than three decades later, many of these men are gone. A recent statement by John Fasogbon, spokesperson for the surviving lawmakers from the Southwest, revealed that of the 598 lawmakers elected in 1992, no fewer than 271 have died without ever being paid their lawful salaries and allowances. The remainder, now elderly, live without pensions or any formal recognition. Theirs is a silence not of irrelevance, but of betrayal.

    The injustice here is not merely economic—it is historical. Nigeria cannot continue to celebrate June 12 as a watershed in our democratic journey while excluding those who safeguarded that dream in parliament. They stood with the people when it mattered. They risked everything. They are as much the architects of our democratic inheritance as those whose names dominate headlines.

    To his credit, former President Muhammadu Buhari took a bold step in 2018 by recognising MKO Abiola as the rightful winner of the 1993 election and posthumously conferring on him the nation’s highest honour, the GCFR. He also declared June 12 our new Democracy Day. President Tinubu has commendably built on that foundation by extending honours to other figures of the struggle.

    But the arc of justice remains incomplete.

    President Tinubu, who himself was a product of that same aborted National Assembly, holds the moral authority and institutional power to rectify this oversight. He knows first-hand the significance of that legislative resistance. His presidency could yet be remembered as the one that completed the work of June 12—not only by remembering its icons, but by honouring its unsung guardians.

    This call is not just about my father. It is not about a cheque. It is about dignity. It is about truth. It is about writing history with both honesty and honour.

    If Nigeria is to mature democratically, we must learn to remember rightly. We must remember those who stood when standing meant sacrifice. We must show future generations that service to the nation, even when thwarted, is never in vain.

    Let Abiola’s letter be a testament. Let it remind us that June 12 was never about one man. It was a collective cry for justice, a refusal to be silenced, and a commitment to nationhood forged in adversity. Let us honour all who carried that torch, and let us do so in the spirit of an indivisible, indissoluble Federal Republic under God, as Abiola envisioned.

    To President Tinubu, I say this: You have already begun the noble work of healing memory. Now, complete the circle, by remembering all who stood for that ideal and by finishing the work of democracy they began.

    •Mazi Maduagwu Jr. writes from Abuja.

  • Democratic dividends: Building on legacies of June 12

    Democratic dividends: Building on legacies of June 12

    Nigeria recently marked the anniversary of its most symbolic election. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reflects on the democratic gains of June 12 and how Nigeria can build on them in a time that tests both leadership and citizen resolve

    More than three decades have passed, yet the echoes of the June 12, 1993, presidential election still reverberate through Nigeria’s political consciousness. That election, which is widely hailed as the freest and fairest in history, was more than a democratic milestone—it was a collective leap of faith.

    Nigerians, across ethnic, religious, and regional lines, were united behind a shared belief that their vote could count and that democracy could deliver. It was a glimpse of what Nigeria could become if its people, not power brokers, held the pen of history.

    But that democratic moment was cut short. On June 23, 1993—just 11 days after the election—the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the results, citing alleged electoral irregularities and legal disputes.

    Yet many Nigerians and international observers believed the real reason was fear: that a civilian government led by Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, a southern Muslim with widespread national support, threatened the entrenched interests of the military and the political elite. The decision sent shockwaves through the country.

    Decades later, the truth that Nigerians long held onto was finally acknowledged. In a rare and belated admission, former Military President Ibrahim Babangida recently confirmed during the public presentation of his memoir, “A Journey in Service: An Autobiography”, that Abiola did indeed win the June 12 election.

    While the statement came years after the fact—and long after the damage had been done—it marked a significant, if symbolic, shift. For many, it was not just a vindication of the democratic will but a reminder that history cannot be buried forever. Truth, even when delayed, has its power.

    The annulment sparked mass protests, civil disobedience, and international condemnation. It marked not just the reversal of a democratic election but the betrayal of a nation’s collective optimism.  “I remember standing in line for hours, under the sun, to cast my vote,” recalled Mr. Idris Salako, a retired teacher who voted in Lagos.

    “For the first time, it felt like our voice mattered, like we were choosing hope over fear. When they annulled the election, it was like a betrayal of our hopes and aspirations for a better life. The annulment of June 12 represents not just a stolen mandate, but a profound rupture in Nigeria’s democratic evolution,” Salako added.

    Today, June 12 serves not just as a historical commemoration but as a living benchmark. It invites reflection: how far has Nigeria come, and how far is it willing to go to keep the democratic promise alive?

    What made June 12 unforgettable wasn’t just the high voter turnout. It was the defiance of cynicism. In Abiola, Nigerians saw a candidate whose “Hope ’93” manifesto transcended old divisions. His campaign was not just a slogan—it was a vision of unity, inclusion, and economic fairness.

    More than 30 years later, that vision remains partially fulfilled. Questions still hang over Nigeria’s electoral integrity. Delayed results, allegations of rigging, and judicial decisions that raise eyebrows have all contributed to a legitimacy deficit in the electoral system.

    If the spirit of June 12 is to endure, electoral credibility must become non-negotiable. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, himself a key figure in the June 12 struggle, acknowledged this in his Democracy Day address last year:

    “Let us recommit to the values of inclusivity, accountability, and transparency, ensuring that our democracy not only endures but flourishes for generations to come.”

    Read Also: June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    Yet, for democracy to continue to flourish, structural reforms are essential. Civil society groups, political opposition, and citizen coalitions have been advocating for legal and technological safeguards in voting processes. These efforts are acts of democratic participation.

    June 12 was never just about voting. It was a fight for the right to speak, to assemble, and to dissent without fear. Abiola was jailed not for insurrection, but for standing by a democratic mandate. His wife, Kudirat, paid with her life for echoing that cause.

    In today’s Nigeria, the frontlines have shifted. Digital platforms are now battlegrounds for truth, disinformation, and political expression. Journalists face intimidation, and peaceful protesters are at times met with force. Yet, there are also moments of restraint and dialogue that signal democratic maturity.

    During last year’s Democracy Day broadcast, in response to labour’s call for a national strike, President Tinubu stated, “We did not seek to oppress or crack down on the workers as a dictatorial government would have done. We chose the path of cooperation over conflict.”

    Such gestures are encouraging, but they must be matched by consistent policies that protect freedom of expression and the right to dissent. These freedoms are the lifeblood of democracy.

    A central demand of the June 12 movement was the establishment of institutions capable of checking power. Yet, questions persist about the neutrality of the judiciary, the electoral commission, and law enforcement bodies.

    Recent court rulings on disputed elections in several states have deepened public scepticism, casting doubt on the impartiality of both the judiciary and the electoral umpire. Transparency advocates, including Yunusa Ya’u, convener of the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room, have called for full disclosure of INEC’s financial operations, highlighting persistent opacity in logistics and budgeting. These concerns go beyond administrative complaints; they speak to the heart of democratic legitimacy.

    The strength of a democracy lies not only in the fairness of its institutions but in the public’s belief in that fairness. Perception is as vital as the process.

    There is a strong relationship between democracy and economic development. When Abiola campaigned under “Hope ’93,” he wasn’t just promising political freedom—he was championing economic justice. He envisioned a Nigeria where prosperity was shared, not concentrated.

    That vision still resonates. Inflation, unemployment, and inequality have worsened in recent years. The removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira, while considered necessary for long-term reform, have imposed short-term hardship on millions.

    As a means of diversifying the economy, the Tinubu administration has budgeted N54.99 trillion this year—the largest in Nigeria’s history—to finance infrastructure and human capital development.

    But citizens are asking a crucial question: Will the benefits of this budget be felt where it matters most? For many, the gap between policy intent and everyday experience remains wide.

    The opposition, including the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), has called for more targeted economic strategies—ones that protect vulnerable communities while addressing structural inefficiencies. This is the kind of policy-driven dialogue that sustains a healthy democracy.

    From memory to mandate

    Under President Muhammadu Buhari, June 12 was officially designated Nigeria’s Democracy Day. The move was long overdue. But for President Tinubu, who once faced exile for defending June 12, the challenge is not symbolic. It is substantive.

    “Both triumphs and trials have marked our progress,” Tinubu recently said, adding: “each serving as a reminder of the preciousness of our democratic principles.”

    The weight of history now demands action. For democracy to thrive, reforms must be both institutional and cultural. As former Governor Aminu Bello Masari aptly put it, “Democracy is about the government of the people, not just politicians.”

    Who are the architects of Nigeria’s democracy? The story of June 12 was not written in statehouses—it was written in the trenches: by the market woman who waited hours to vote, the student who faced tear gas, and the journalist who risked everything to report the truth. These are the real architects of democracy.

    To honour their sacrifice, democracy must be embedded in daily governance and lived realities, not just observed during elections.

    To honour the spirit of June 12, Nigeria must not only strengthen its public institutions but redesign them for resilience. This should involve legal and administrative safeguards to shield the judiciary, INEC, and anti-corruption agencies from political interference. Electoral processes should be auditable, technologically secure, and accessible, beginning with the phased implementation of electronic voting, as successfully piloted in countries like Ghana and Kenya. A credible democracy demands not just free elections, but also a voting process that inspires confidence from start to finish.

    Likewise, the protection of journalists, whistleblowers, and peaceful protesters must be enshrined in law, with clear enforcement mechanisms. Freedom of speech and dissent must be defended not just in principle, but in practice.

    Civic education should be integrated into school curricula nationwide. Young Nigerians must learn the history, responsibilities, and rights that come with democracy. Participation must be taught and encouraged from an early age.

    In addition, citizen engagement must be institutionalised at all levels of governance. Regular town hall meetings, participatory budgeting, and public feedback platforms should become the norm, not the exception. Governance must be a dialogue, not a monologue.

    And most crucially, economic reforms must be inclusive, because growth that does not lift the people is not progress—it is disenfranchisement.

    As Nigeria commemorates the 29th anniversary of Kudirat Abiola’s assassination, her legacy remains vital to the democratic narrative. In a joint statement, her daughter, Dr. Hafsat Abiola, and women’s rights advocate Dr. Joe Okei-Odumakin called for renewed commitment to democracy and greater inclusion of women in leadership.

    “Kudirat believed it was a mistake for mothers to focus solely on raising their children without ensuring that the world was ready to receive them,” the statement read.

    The call for gender equity is not a side issue—it is central to democratic progress. A just and inclusive Nigeria can only emerge when both men and women shape the nation’s future. As they noted, “Nigeria’s problems are not greater than the Nigerian people, if men and women work together to solve them.”

    Democracy as a daily mandate

    Progress will not be easy, but it is within reach—if every stakeholder, from the presidency to the polling unit, upholds democracy not as a ceremonial ritual but as a shared, everyday commitment. June 12 gave Nigeria more than a memory—it offered a mandate. That mandate calls for institutions that serve, leaders who listen, and citizens who participate with purpose.

    The path forward is not paved by nostalgia, but by courage. To make democracy real, Nigerian leaders must summon the will to reform, to include, and to trust in the collective strength of the people.

    June 12 was a vision. The task now is to live it.

  • June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    There were many actors in the fight for democracy after the annulment of Nigeria’s June 12, 1993, presidential election under the military dictatorship headed by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. It was, therefore, predictable that the recent list of people rewarded with national honours for their roles in that struggle could not be exhaustive. However, the 66-person list released by the President Bola Tinubu administration was more remarkable for its omissions.

    The president announced the names of the honourees during his Democracy Day address to a joint session of the National Assembly on June 12, saying, “As we mark a 26th year of unbroken democracy, it is right to honour those who have made sacrifices in the past, braving all the odds and the guns to ensure we have a regime of democracy in our country.”

    There were reactions highlighting omissions. Among the noteworthy ones was a statement issued by Chief Tokunbo Ajasin, son of the late Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin. He said: “It is unconscionable that the leader of the group (NADECO) best known for fighting the military and bringing about the much-touted democracy never got a single mention in the scheme of June 12 celebration/anniversary.”  He added that his father “in his lifetime doubled as the Leader of Afenifere and NADECO, the two organisations that were the arrowheads and in the forefront of the fight against military dictatorship.”

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    He also said: ‘While Chief Ajasin was the leader of NADECO, Chief Anthony Enahoro was the Deputy leader, and Mr Ayo Opadokun was the General Secretary. None of these names appeared on the published list!” He asked: “So, what happened?”

    Another striking reaction that drew attention to omissions came from Dr Kayode Fayemi, a former governor of Ekiti State and a notable participant in the June 12 struggle, in an interview on Channels TV on June 12. Fayemi, who coordinated the Kudirat Abiola Radio abroad, a strong pro-democracy medium, said: “Those who were the drivers of that project were not recognised today. According to him, “There were so many voices, people who risked their lives. But they were not the ones mentioned today.”  

     It is unclear how the list was produced, and it is also uncertain if some names were intentionally omitted. The list is not, and indeed cannot be, exhaustive, partly because individuals may be omitted due to extraneous considerations.

    However, perhaps the controversy about omissions could have been less intense if the presidency had been more history friendly. 

  • President Tinubu and June 12

    President Tinubu and June 12

    By Tunde Rahman

    Around this period in 1993, precisely on June 12, 1993, the day of that historic election, this writer operated in two different but mutually reinforcing capacities. While I was the Political Correspondent of the old Daily Times, covering the then-unfolding electoral process in Abuja, I was also an officer in the Nigerian Election Monitoring Group monitoring the poll in the federal capital. 

    It was an important day in the nation’s life, as it was in my journalism career. The late Professor Omo Omoruyi, an intellectual giant and the brains behind General Ibrahim Babangida and his transition programme, who designed most of the electoral ideas introduced by that regime, including Option A4, had put the election monitoring group together.

    As the Political Correspondent of the Daily Times, I had an uneasy sense of foreboding when the then National Electoral Commission, which had been announcing the results of the election on a display board mounted at the commission’s headquarters then at Area 10, Abuja, suddenly stopped adding new results after results from 14 states had been announced. I promptly filed a story on this strange and disturbing development. 

    The next day, the late Dr. Femi Sonaike, Editor of the Daily Times at the time, ran a front-page editorial demanding the continuation of the publication of the results. I was beside myself in ecstasy at the NEC HQ, celebrating the editorial and Dr. Sonaike’s bravery and boldness. For a government-owned newspaper, the editorial was an unforgivable affront to the military. As it turned out, that was the last edition Dr. Sonaike edited as Daily Times Editor. He was instantly removed from office.

    Then began a sad spiral of events, culminating in an announcement formally annulling that free and fair election. A dark pall descended on the nation. The country erupted in turmoil, with almost daily protests against the election’s annulment. The rest did not simply become history, as they say, but a profound history with compelling lessons.

    This piece is not an odyssey of my journalism career. It’s about President Bola Tinubu and the undocumented contributions to June 12, particularly after that annulment. Tinubu played a frontline role in the conception and later agitation of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which stridently fought for the de-annulment of June 12.

    At the time of the election, he was a Senator of the Federal Republic. In defiance of the military, he and others reconvened the Senate that had gone on recess, during which they demanded the de-annulment of the poll or immediate termination of military rule.

    For his agitation, the military hounded him. His residence at Balarabe Musa Crescent in Victoria Island, Lagos was petrol-bombed by agents of the junta who thought he had been burnt alive. 

    However, he escaped abroad and continued the agitation, providing direction and funding for NADECO Chieftians abroad. All of that had been widely publicised and commended.

    Many may also recall that iconic and viral picture, which circulated online, where Asiwaju Tinubu was seen behind the late Bashorun MKO Abiola as Abiola went to confer with the late dictator, General Sani Abacha, on the June 12 matter. 

    The significance of that event signposted Asiwaju’s relationship with MKO as a trusted ally and his essential role in the then-unfolding struggle. Asiwaju Tinubu, it was learned, warned the late MKO to tread cautiously and be wary of Abacha or the military over June 12. As he often says, the military uniform is called camouflage, and camouflage, according to him, is a synonym for deception.

    It is thus unsurprising that much of his contributions, particularly after June 12, remained indelible years after the death of Abiola, owner of the stolen mandate. The profundity of June 12 is evident in the fact that its ghost has refused to go away years after the restoration of democracy in 1999. 

    President Olusegun Obasanjo, who inherited power on a silver platter and his Peoples Democratic Party, carried on as though oblivious of the historical import of June 12 and the ominous pall that its years of neglect had cast on the nation’s democratic system. Although the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua inaugurated the Justice Muhammed Uwais Electoral panel to reform the nation’s electoral process after admitting his election in 2007 was flawed, he battled ill-health for the better part of his presidency to think of June 12. 

    President Goodluck Jonathan also remained seemingly unfazed about that annulled poll. For 16 years after the democratic renewal, the PDP government carried on with the utter neglect of June 12 and its symbolic place in our democracy.

    However, President Buhari took bold steps to resolve the June 12 conundrum and put Abiola in his rightful place even in death. Recognising him as the winner of June 12 and as President, Buhari bestowed on MKO posthumously, the highest national honour of GCFR reserved for presidents. 

    He also declared June 12 a national public holiday. Buhari gave Abiola’s running mate in the election, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, the second-highest honour of GCON. Buhari’s gesture won him admiration and commendations.

    Many didn’t know that Asiwaju Tinubu had made the recommendation to President Buhari.

    Addressing the National Assembly last Thursday, President Tinubu again commended Buhari for this critical decision: “Let me pay tribute to former President Muhammadu Buhari for reaching back into history to rectify a national misdeed by making June 12 Democracy Day and by officially acknowledging Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola and his running mate, Babagana Kingibe, as the victors and thus duly elected President and Vice President respectively of Nigeria after the June 12, 1993, elections.”

    President Tinubu completed the restitution for Abiola and other heroes of democracy that Thursday. He conferred posthumous national honours on Kudirat Abiola, MKO’s wife, and other heroes. Agents of the military junta killed Kudirat on the streets of Lagos in the wake of the June 12 struggle.

    It is relevant to state that certain things are instructive about President Tinubu and June 12. Tinubu became President in 2023, 30 years after June 12. Is this simply a coincidence or divinely ordained? 

    The late MKO Abiola christened his campaign manifesto “Hope 1993: Farewell to Poverty.” President Tinubu called his own Renewed Hope Agenda for a Better Nigeria.

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    Now, has the ghost of June 12 been finally laid to rest? Is MKO’s vision for Nigeria alive in Tinubu’s presidency? Vice President Kashim Mustapha Shettima thinks so.

    Speaking during the public lecture commemorating the 26th year of unbroken Democracy, VP Shettima said decades after the June 12 debacle, providence returned the baton of Abiola’s struggle for a better Nigeria to “one of his most trusted lieutenants—President Tinubu.”

    He affirmed that, based on the final account of Abiola’s life, the military could not take away or extinguish hope. “It is this faith in the promise of Abiola’s vision that has renewed the hope of this nation,” he said.

    The work is not entirely done. Although the recent resolution of the National Assembly adopting June 12 of every year for the Presidential Address is a step in the right direction, as it will help to institutionalise June 12 and immortalise Abiola, I think MKO deserves full recompense for his contributions and for paying the supreme price for Nigeria’s democracy. The government should pay the debts if actually it owes Abiola some money, as his family claims.

    In the meantime, President Tinubu’s pronouncements last Thursday at the hallowed chamber of the National Assembly stand as homage to resilience and a bold reminder of what might have been.

    -Rahman is a Senior Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

  • Rain of honours for June 12 heroes, others

    Rain of honours for June 12 heroes, others

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu yesterday conferred national honours on over 60 Nigerians – living and posthumous – in recognition of their contributions to the democratic journey and roles in the pro-democracy struggle.

    Among them are eminent Nigerians, who are leading lights of this newspaper.

    They are: The Nation Editorial Adviser Prof Olatunji Dare; Chairman of The Nation Journalism Foundation and columnist Prof. Adebayo Williams, board member Hon. Olawale Osun and ex-columnist Prof. Segun Gbadegesin.

    They were conferred with Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON).

    The President announced the awards during his maiden State of the Nation address to a joint session of the National Assembly in Abuja on Democracy Day.

    The late Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, wife of the late Chief Moshood Abiola, was posthumously awarded the Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR).

    The late Abiola won the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election that was annulled by Military President Ibrahim Babangida.

    President Tinubu described the late Kudirat Abiola as “the heroine of the June 12 struggle,” drawing loud applause from lawmakers and guests.

    He said the award was for her role in resisting military rule, a struggle that ultimately led to her assassination.

    “We must celebrate the courage of those who stood against military repression and injustice,” the President said.

    Also honoured posthumously is the late Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters (No. 2 man during the Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo military administration between 1976 and 1979.

    Gen. Yar’Adua was given the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) honour.

    President Tinubu recognised many living figures who played key roles in the promotion of democratic ideals and civil rights with various national honours.

    He said: “As we mark the twenty-sixth year of unbroken democracy, it is right to honour those who have made sacrifices in the past, braving all the odds and the guns to ensure we have a regime of democracy in our country.

    “The honours are not just symbolic, but a national acknowledgement of those who defended truth, fought repression, and expanded Nigeria’s democratic space.

    The living recipients are Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka (GCON), publisher of Vanguard, Sam Amuka-Pemu (CON), who was celebrated on the eve of his 90th birthday. Other journalists Kunle Ajibade (OON), Nosa Igiebor (OON), Seye Kehinde (OON), Kayode Komolafe (OON), Dapo Olorunyomi (OON) and Bayo Onanuga (CON).

    Also honoured are: Ayo Obe (OON), Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah (CON), Senator Shehu Sani (CON), Governor Uba Sani (CON), Femi Falana, SAN (CON), Prof. Shafideen Amuwo (CON), and Luke Aghanenu (OON).

    Others are Labaran Maku (OON), Dr. Tunji Alausa (CON), Abdul Oroh (OON) and Odia Ofeimun (CON).

    The rest are Felix Morka (CON), Ledum Mitee (CON), Dr. Amos Akingba (CON), Prof. Julius Ihonvbere (CON), Dr. Edwin Madunagu (CON), Pa Reuben Fasoranti (CFR), Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi (CFR), Sen. Abu Ibrahim (CFR), and Sen. Ameh Ebute (CFR).

    President Tinubu decorated Senate President Godswill Akpabio and House of Representatives Speaker Abbas Tajudeen with the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) previously conferred on them.

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    Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau and Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu were decorated with the CFR.

    Those honoured posthumously include Prof. Humphrey Nwosu (CON), Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (CON), Alhaji Balarabe Musa (CFR), Pa Alfred Rewane (CFR), Bagauda Kaltho (OON), Chima Ubani (OON), Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti (CON) and Alao Aka Bashorun (CON).

    Others are Chief Frank Kokori (CON), Emma Ezeazu (OON), Bamidele Aturu (OON), Dr. Fredrick Fasehun (CON), Prof. Festus Iyayi (CON), Dr. John Yima Sen (OON), Alhaja Sawaba Gambo (CON), Dr. Alex Ibru (CON), Chief Bola Ige (CFR), Sen. Ayo Fasanmi (CON), Sen. Polycarp Nwite (CON), and Dr. Nurudeen Olowopopo (CON).

    President Tinubu added: “As we celebrate the progress of our democracy, let us rededicate ourselves to the ideals of June 12: freedom, transparent and accountable government, social justice, active citizen participation, and a just society where no one is oppressed.”

  • June 12: IHRC commends Tinubu’s strides, renews call for justice, democratic consolidation

    June 12: IHRC commends Tinubu’s strides, renews call for justice, democratic consolidation

    The International Human Rights Commission (IHRC), Nigeria has commended President Bola Tinubu, for his unwavering commitment to democratic ideals, social justice, and good governance.

    The commission also described Tinubu as a “symbol of resilience and continuity” in Nigeria’s democratic journey.

    In an official letter addressed to the President and signed by the Country Head of IHRC Nigeria, Ambassador (Dr.) Duru Hezekiah, the Commission lauded Tinubu’s antecedents as a leading figure in the pro-democracy struggle of the 1990s and a relentless advocate for civil liberties during one of the nation’s most turbulent eras.

    “Today, we remember June 12 not just as a date in our history but as a testament to the Nigerian people’s will to determine their future.

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    “President Bola Tinubu’s sacrifices, dating back to the dark days of military rule, remain etched in the democratic fabric of our nation,” the letter read.

    It added that President Tinubu, a former Senator and Governor of Lagos State, was a key member of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), the movement that led resistance efforts against military rule following the annulment of the 1993 presidential election widely believed to have been won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola.

    IHRC praised Tinubu’s legacy in standing up for electoral integrity and democratic values even in exile, at a time when it was dangerous to do so.

    It further acknowledged President Tinubu’s strides in governance since assuming office in May 2023, particularly his policies aimed at economic reform, youth empowerment, and institutional accountability.

    “While the challenges before the nation remain considerable, ranging from insecurity to economic disparity, President Tinubu’s political courage and reform-driven agenda are commendable. As a human rights institution, we urge his administration to continue advancing policies that reflect equity, inclusion, and justice for all Nigerians,” the statement added.

    June 12, which was officially declared Nigeria’s Democracy Day in 2018, marks the annulled 1993 election that is widely regarded as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history. The day honours the memory of Chief M.K.O. Abiola and the numerous Nigerians who fought for the restoration of democratic rule.

    IHRC called on all stakeholders including government officials, civil society groups, traditional leaders, and citizens, to use the occasion of June 12 to recommit to the founding principles of democracy: accountability, freedom, and respect for human rights.

    “Let June 12 not only be a day of remembrance, but a day of recommitment. The spirit of that election must live on in how we govern, how we protect human rights, and how we build the Nigeria we all dream of,” IHRC concluded.

  • June 12: CAN urges govt’s sustained action to overcome insecurity

    June 12: CAN urges govt’s sustained action to overcome insecurity

    The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) on Thursday advised the government at all levels to continue to sustain actions to win the war against insecurity.

    CAN urged Nigerians to embrace unity, peace and mutual respect and stand firm against religious intolerance and violence in all forms.

    In his speech to commemorate June 12, CAN President, Archbishop Daniel Okoh said, “On behalf of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), I extend heartfelt greetings to all Nigerians as we commemorate June 12, a day that symbolises our collective commitment to democracy, freedom, and justice. The legacy of the 1993 elections remains a beacon of hope and a reminder of our nation’s enduring democratic spirit.

    “As we reflect on this journey, we urge all Nigerians to embrace unity, peace, and mutual respect. We must stand firm against religious intolerance and violence in all forms. The government has a sacred duty to protect religious freedoms, ensure that no one is persecuted for their faith, and deliver justice to victims of religious violence.

    “Insecurity, including insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping, continues to threaten our nation’s stability. We call for urgent and sustained action to safeguard lives and property across the country. CAN remains committed to supporting every initiative aimed at restoring lasting peace and security.

    “Good governance is the cornerstone of any democracy. We call for greater transparency and accountability at all levels of government. Nigeria’s vast resources must be harnessed to address poverty, unemployment, and inequality, and to improve infrastructure, healthcare, and education. Free, fair, and credible elections are vital to sustaining democratic integrity”.

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    CAN urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to strengthen its systems and processes to enhance electoral transparency and public trust.

    “In a true democracy, the rights to free speech, peaceful assembly, and press freedom must be upheld. We encourage the government to engage citizens constructively and seek inclusive solutions to national challenges.

    “As we mark this significant day, CAN prays for the peace, unity, and progress of our beloved country. We call on all Nigerians to remain committed to building a just, inclusive, and prosperous nation; one that honours the sacrifices of our democratic heroes.

    “We also appreciate the efforts of the government, security agencies, and citizens who continue to uphold the values of democracy and national cohesion”, he added.