The Nation Newspaper

Tag: Murtala Nyako

  • I’ve not stepped down, says Tukur

    I’ve not stepped down, says Tukur

    Adamawa State governorship aspirant under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Awwal Dahiru Tukur has denied media reports that he had withdrawn following alleged plans by Mallam Nuhu Ribadu to defect to the party and use his structure.

    Tukur said the report was false and a mischievous attempt to cause disaffection in his structure, which he said he built since 1998 when he joined the PDP.

    He said he remained an aspirant on PDP’s platform and would not withdraw for anybody after he withdrew for Admiral Murtala Nyako in 2011 during PDP primaries.

    The aspirant said he was not aware of any plan for him to quit his ambition for Ribadu or anybody.

    He said: “Even though Mallam Nuhu Ribadu is my friend and brother, there has not been any discussion concerning my ambition to govern the state in 2015. The PDP has been my party since 1998 and I’m still in the race to contest for the governorship slot of the party.”

    He denied any meeting with Ribadu in Kaduna to discuss his withdrawal from the governorship race.

    He said the PDP was ready to welcome anybody into the party, but people must queue the same way he has done since 2007.

     

  • Nyako: Assembly writes Jega as INEC prepares for poll

    Nyako: Assembly writes Jega as INEC prepares for poll

    Following the impeachment of Governor Murtala Nyako, Adamawa State House of Assembly has written to the Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Attahiru Jega.

    Jega has directed the Chairman of INEC’s Operations Committee to prepare for the governorship election.

    In an August 5 letter by its Speaker, Kwamoti Laori, the Assembly asked INEC to fill the positions of the governor and Deputy Governor, Bala James Ngilari, who ‘’resigned from office’’, within three months required by the 1999 Constitution.

    The letter reads: “Be informed that the House of Assembly on July 15, pursuant to Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) impeached the Governor of Adamawa State, Murtala Nyako.

    “The Deputy Governor, Bala James Ngilarri, on July 15, in accordance with the Section 306 tendered his resignation letter, which was accepted by the former governor.

    “In compliance with Section 191(2) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the Speaker was sworn-in as the Acting Governor.

    “The acting period specified by the constitution is three months during which elections shall be held to fill the positions of the governor and the deputy governor.

    “You are, by this letter, notified to make preparations to conduct elections into the Offices of the Governor and Deputy Governor.”

    INEC chairman has directed the Operations Committee to prepare for the poll.

    A source, who spoke in confidence, said: “The chairman has directed the Operations Committee to step up preparations for the election.

    “Hopefully, on or before October 15, the election should hold in Adamawa State. The guidelines will soon be issued on the timeline for primaries and campaign. Normally, the three-month period ought to be from the date the Acting Governor, Umaru Fintiri, was inaugurated.”

     

  • Adamawa: Ex- deputy governor loses bid to stop bye-election

    Ex- Adamawa State’s Deputy Governor, Bala Ngilari, on Friday lost in his bid to restrain the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from conducting bye-election to fill the vacant governorship seat in the state.

    The seat became vacant following the recent impeachment of Murtala Nyako by the state lawmakers.

    Justice Adeniyi Ademola of the Federal High Court, Abuja, in a ruling, refused Ngilari’s ex-parte motion in which he sought an interim restraining order against the INEC.

    The judge ordered that INEC be put on notice and fixed next Tuesday for hearing of the motion on notice containing similar prayer of injunction.

    Justice Ademola, who listened to Ngilari’s lawyer, Festus Keyamo, moved two ex-parte motions filed for the plaintiff, granted his prayer for substituted service, via the newspaper.

    The judge also granted leave to the plaintiff to serve court processes on the defendants outside Abuja.

    Ngilari, whose office was declared vacant on July 15 by the state’s lawmakers following their impeachment of the governor, had earlier this week sued the legislators and asked the court to sack the state’s acting Governor, Ahmadu Umaru and make him (Ngilari) the governor.

    The suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/545/14 has Umaru, the Speaker, Adamawa State House of Assembly, the House of Assembly, the Acting Governor, Adamawa State, Nyako and INEC as defendants.

     

  • APC’ll win Adamawa governorship poll

    APC’ll win Adamawa governorship poll

    •‘Al-Makura’s clearance vindicates APC’

    Despite the recent impeachment of former Adamawa State Governor Murtala Nyako, a former vice-president and chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Atiku Abubakar, has said the party will win the forthcoming governorship election.

    He also said APC would ensure an open and fair contest among its members vying for the party’s ticket.

    Atiku addressed reporters yesterday on arrival at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja.

    A statement by Media Unit of the Atiku Campaign Organisation quoted the former vice-president as saying: “APC is the party to beat in Adamawa State. All the contenders for the party’s ticket are my close political associates. Therefore, it is imperative for me to ensure a high sense of neutrality in this situation and allow the followership of the party take a decision on who should be their candidate.

    “It is important APC makes the Adamawa election a case study in political transparency through effective application of the party’s internal democracy mechanism before, during and post-election periods.

    “The governorship election is very crucial to the electioneering future and fortune of Nigeria’s politics.

    “This is the more reason the APC wants to rebuild the country’s equitably, fairly and justly. I have always been an advocate of internal democracy in political party system; now is the time to practise what we preach.

    “Only a level-playing field can sustain and maintain unity, security and prosperity for all and sundry.”

    The former vice-president noted that the culture of imposing candidates on a party was no longer fashionable.

    Atiku added: “The culture of imposition of candidates and its concomitant impunity is now old fashioned and unacceptable in our democracy.

    “You may recall that I have been in the vanguard of safeguarding true democracy by challenging obstacles to justice and fair play. I even went to court severally to protect our hard-won political freedom.

    “I will continue to lead with others in the race to unseat this inept and incompetent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) maladministration, which has thrown Nigerians into an era of depression, frustration and desperation.”

    On the dismissal of the impeachment plot against Nasarawa State Governor Tanko Al-Makura by the panel constituted by the Chief Judge, Atiku said this was “a real life vindication of the APC as a party of the people that creates and cherishes good governance”.

    He added: “The era where a political super power would arbitrarily use impeachment as a mechanism to get rid of political opposition is over.”

     

     

  • Adamawa to probe Nyako’s N82b debt profile

    Adamawa to probe Nyako’s N82b debt profile

    THE government of Adamawa State is set to probe former Governor Murtala Nyako over the N82 billion debt profile.

    Acting Governor Ahmadu Fintiri stated this in a broadcast in Yola yesterday.

    “We shall set up a judicial panel of inquiry to probe Nyako’s administration and we shall cooperate with all anti-graft agencies to recover stolen state funds.

    “This will be done through effective publicity and bring to public notice the abuses that necessitated and justified this change of government in Adamawa state.

    “Furthermore, the Secretary to the State Government shall in due course, inform the world about these scandalous abuses and how the simple canon of government activities were thrown overboard’’, Fintiri said.

    Fintiri added that his interim administration inherited a debt profile of more than N12 billion in the statutory revenue account alongside liabilities amounting to N70 billion said to be diverted to non-viable projects.

    “My administration has mapped out strategies to reinvigorate the various sectors of the economy through which dividends of democracy can reach the citizens.’’

    Fintiri said he was committed to handing over a better Adamawa to the next administration.

    The acting governor said local government would be treated properly as an effective tier of government through prompt release of funds.

    He urged traditional rulers, religious leaders, community leaders, security agencies and the people of the state to participate fully in bringing back the lost glory of Adamawa.

     

  • Adamawa to probe Nyako

    The Acting governor of Adamawa, Alhaji Ahmadu Fintiri, said government has concluded plan to probe former governor Murtala Nyako over N82 billion debt profile.

    Fintiri announced this in a broadcast to people of the state in Yola on Tuesday.

    “We shall set up a judicial panel of inquiry to probe Nyako’s administration and we shall cooperate with all anti-graft agencies to recover stolen state funds.

    “This will be done through effective publicity and bring to public notice the abuses that necessitated and justified this change of government in Adamawa State.

    “Furthermore, the Secretary to the State Government shall in due course, inform the world about these scandalous abuses and how government activities were thrown overboard,” the News Agency of Nigeria quoted the acting government as saying during the broadcast.

    Fintiri added that his interim administration inherited a debt profile of more than N12 billion in the statutory revenue account alongside liabilities amounting to N70 billion said to be diverted to non-viable projects.

    “My administration has mapped out strategies to reinvigorate the various sectors of the economy through which dividends of democracy can reach the citizens.’’

    The acting governor said he was committed to handing over a better Adamawa to the next administration.

    He said the local government councils in the state would be treated properly as an effective tier of government through prompt release of funds.

    He urged traditional rulers, religious leaders, community leaders, security agencies and the people of the state to participate fully in bringing back the lost glory of Adamawa.

  • Nyako’s impeachment: Matters arising

    Nyako’s impeachment: Matters arising

    Since the impeachment of Governor Murtala Nyako of Adamawa state and the subsequent swearing in of Umaru Fintiri as governor, one issue has continued to occupy the front seat in public discourse. We see this again in the current attempt by the Nasarawa State House of Assembly to impeach Governor Tanko Al Makura. I am referring to the issue of service of the Notice of Allegation as provided under section 188(2) of the constitution. The said section provides thus:

    “… the Speaker of the House of Assembly shall, within seven days of the receipt of the notice, cause a copy of the notice to be served on the holder of the office and on each member of the House of Assembly…”

    Let me make haste to state at this point that the procedure for impeachment as provided under section 188 of the constitution is sacrosanct. Any omission, breach or failure to comply with the steps of the impeachment process is fatal. This point was emphasized by the Supreme Court in the celebrated case of Dapianlong – V – Dariye [2007] 8 NWLR PART 1036 332. Service of the Notice of Allegation, which has been loosely referred to as Notice of Impeachment, is required by section 188(2) to be on the “the holder of the office”, that is “the person”, “individual” or “occupant” of the said office and nothing else. In other words, service of the Notice of Impeachment must be on the person occupying the office of the Governor and not the Office of the Governor.

    It is important to draw a distinction between “haolder of the office” and “Office of the Governor”, as an impeachment proceeding is against the person and not the office of the governor. To underscore this point, I submit that mere delivery of the notice to the Office of the Governor at the state house via the normal channel of communication between the State House and the legislature does not comply with the provision of said section as same will not suffice in any judicial proceedings as proof of service on the holder of the said office.

    Back to what transpired at Adamawa, as reported in the media. An unsuccessful attempt was made by the House of Assembly through the Clerk of the house to serve the notice on the Office of the Governor of Adamawa State, as a result, the legislators resorted to self-help, i.e. service by substituted means. It must be noted however that the legislators had approached the High Court of Adamawa state presided over by His Lordship Ambrose Mammadu with an application for substituted service, which was refused by the court.

    Two issues jump out for me from the above. First, that the legislators acknowledge the fact that service envisaged in section 188 is personal hence the attempt to deliver the notice at the Office of the Governor, although wrongly in my view. Secondly, that the constitution unlike the rules of practice of our courts did not provide for an alternative mode of service, otherwise the legislators would have simply had a recourse to it without approaching the court.

    I concede that the situation that the Adamawa State House of Assembly was confronted with at the time was unfortunate as the constitution could not have envisaged a situation where an occupier of the office of the governor will resort to the kind of tactics employed by Nyako. One wonders why a governor will evade service of the notice, if he believes that he has nothing to hide. The question agitating the minds of most Nigerians is simple, given the situation that the legislators in Adamawa found themselves at the time, what should they have done?

    There appears to be two schools of thought on this, firstly, that the legislators were right in law to have resorted to service by substituted means without an order of court or enabling law. Proponents of this school overlook the wider implication of this practice on the polity of Nigeria. It is not healthy for our democracy to permit legislators to resort to any means they deem fit in circumstances where there is a lacuna in the law, as in this case. This will be tantamount to the principle of the end justifies the means. The action of the legislators in Adamawa is respectfully in my view, a recourse to self-help.

    Secondly, the other school of thought holds the view that the court can grant an order ex parte for substituted service where personal service fails as in this case. One is at a loss as to where the court will derive such powers given the clear provisions of section 188. Impeachment proceeding is sui generis and strictly governed by the provisions of the constitution and nothing more. The attempt by the proponent of this school to import into section 188(2) of the constitution the civil procedure rules of the various High Courts in Nigeria is inappropriate in this case. Substituted service and how to go about same is specifically provided for by the rules of court. However, the relevant constitutional provisions on impeachment did not make any provisions for substituted service.

    In fact, it is safe to say that the drafters of the constitution will not have required the legislators to file an application ex parte in any court in order to obtain an order for substituted service if there was a provision as such in the constitution. The constitution would have for instance in my view provided as follows:

    “Where it becomes difficult to serve the holder of the office as required under section 188(2) the speaker of the house of assembly shall upon a resolution of the house passed by two third majority of the members cause the notice to be published in a national newspaper in circulation in the state”.

    No doubt the case in Adamawa presents us with a novel situation and has again exposed the lacuna and shortcomings of our constitution. However we cannot blame the drafters of the constitution as they could not have anticipated the drama in Adamawa. The Adamawa scenario is certainly not the last we will hear on this issue of service, already the same drama is playing out in Nasarawa State. I submit that this has presented us with a chance to amend the relevant provisions of the constitution in order to address this issue, as was the case after the doctrine of necessity during the late President Yar’Adua. Constitutional amendment in any case is done in response to the changes and dynamics of human society.

    • Akinleye is a Lagos-based legal practitioner
  • Impeachment made vexatiously simple

    Impeachment made vexatiously simple

    NIGERIA is seething with impeachment plots. Designed by framers of the 1999 constitution as an unusual tool for changing malfeasant governments, impeachment was to be deployed sparingly in the rarest of situations only when elected officials engaged in gross subversion of constitutional provisions. But as recent events in many parts of the country show, impeachment has become a fashionable tool for whimsical overthrow of governments in furtherance of private political goals. Adamawa State broke the mould when in a matter of days it overthrew Governor Murtala Nyako, a fiery critic of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, and leading exponent of the All Progressives Congress (APC) style of liberation and radical theology.

    It did not matter that he was swiftly impeached mostly for offences allegedly committed during his days as a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain and governor, nor did it matter that the plot against him was so offensively open that it revealed the private political interests of frontline Adamawa political juggernauts. Nor, still, did it matter that the impeachment was carried out with the annoying accompaniment of a legislative coup, one that involved tricking the simple-minded and ambitious deputy governor, Bala Ngilari, to resign, and the enthronement of the triumphant Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Umaru Fintiri. What mattered was that, at least for now, Governor Nyako was gone, and the state’s leading political lights were rid of his irreverence, provocation and independence.

    The curtain was not yet drawn on the Adamawa spectacle before Nasarawa State began its own political burlesque. Last week, under heavy security, 20 of the state’s 24 legislators brusquely decided to impeach Governor Tanko Al-Makura for offences the lawmakers had to scrounge around to adumbrate. The state’s electorate had spontaneously protested the decision, and poured into the streets to register their disgust against what seemed to them an ill-considered and tedious plot. The state’s opinion leaders and traditional chiefs added their voices to the people’s dismay and remonstrated with the lawmakers to let sleeping dogs lie. But even after some lawmakers were reported to have backed out of the plot, the adamant legislators relocated to Abuja where they proceeded to engineer a stalemate and a sinister subversion of the constitution.

    It is not certain what the outcome of the political struggle in Nasarawa would be. But in faraway Ebonyi, the legislators simply damned civility and common sense and proceeded to impeach their Speaker, Chukwuma Nwazunku, with the kind of casualness that reminded many analysts of the inglorious beginnings of the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency. Then, as if an evil spirit had possessed the land, even the beleaguered state of Borno was last week distracted from its ant-terror campaign by a most noisome rumour of impeachment allegedly inspired by the Majority Leader of the State House of Assembly, Idrissa Jidda. Alhaji Jidda was reported to be the anchor of a change of government drive plotted by the newly recanted former governor of the state, Ali Modu Sheriff, who was until about two or three weeks ago a member of the APC to which he defected from the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). Former Governor Sheriff was said to be eager to get the Governors of Borno and Yobe impeached for no other reason than that he had joined the PDP and needed the two states to shore up both his political base and President Jonathan’s second term bid.

    Not to be outdone, Enugu State, under the uninspiring and irritable Governor Sullivan Chime, felt the hideous need to enact a different perspective to the impeachment drama going on in the country. The state legislature decided to serve the deputy governor, Sunday Onyebuchi, with impeachment notice for reasons that included the comical offence of disrespecting the governor. He is unlikely to survive the conspiracy between the executive and the legislature, who both have constituted themselves into implacable Magdeburg hemispheres.

    Before next year’s general elections, a few more elected officials could still bite the dust. Many of them, it appears, will be unhorsed for wholly capricious reasons, reasons alien to the constitution, the law, simple logic and rudimentary discipline. Similar indiscipline pervaded the Obasanjo years, and it was thought that as year chases year, somehow the nation would become more sophisticated, better organised, disciplined and progressive. Alas, we told ourselves an infernal lie.

  • After Nyako, what next for Adamawa?

    After Nyako, what next for Adamawa?

    Adamawa State is gearing for a governorship by-election in  October to elect the impeached Governor Murtala Nyako’s successor. The two major parties, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC),  have gone back to the drawing board. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI highlights the factors that will shape the poll.

    The exit of Murtala Nyako as governor of Adamawa State has thrust the state on a journey towards political uncertainty. Keen observers  of Adamawa politics say it is difficult to predict what the political future of the state is likely to be. The recent impeachment has altered the political equation. As a result, politicians have gone back to the drawing board to restrategise for the proposed governorship by-election in about 90  days, to elect a successor to Nyako.

    Adamawa is home to some founding fathers of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The party has ruled the state since the return to civilian rule in 1999. Nyako, former Chief of Naval Staff, former Chief of Naval Staff and former military governor of Niger State, was elected on the platform of the PDP in 2007. He dumped the party for the APC in November, last year at the height of its leadership crisis. This perhaps, explains why the ruling party at the centre is anxious to regain  control of the state.

    Nyako has has indicated his intention to seek redress in court. The lacunae pointed out by Nyako include the method used to serve the notice of impeachment on him. The notice was published in newspapers after the Acting Chief Judge, Justice Ambrose Mamadi had rejected the Assembly’s request for substituted service, which he declared unconstitutional, insisting they (Nyako and Ngillari) must be served personally.

    The impeached governor’s camp believes the process of impeachment was marred by illegalities. These include the contravention of court order restraining the Assembly from continuing with the impeachment. But the PDP maintains that the impeachment was carried out in strict compliance with constitutional provisions and that no illegality was committed.

    In the view of keen observers, the exit of Admiral Nyako as governor  is a boost for the PDP’s aspiration to regain control and a loss for the opposition. But, analysts believe this may not the final word about which party would hold sway in the state following the unceremonious exit of Nyako. A fresh rift brewing within Adamawa PDP over aspirations for the forthcoming governorship elections, they say, may be the party’s biggest undoing. The former Deputy Governor, Bala James Ngilari, has already fallen victim of this fierce battle.

    The manner in which Ngilari was shoved aside has been identified as a possible threat to the PDP . The former deputy governor is fast becoming the enemy within for the ruling party. He reportedly sent a letter of resignation to the Speaker, which was read on the floor of the House, minutes before Nyako was impeached. Unless the PDP succeeds in papering the cracks, a possible litigation over how Ngilari was sidelined could be politically damaging for the party, as it prepares for the governorship poll and the 2015 general elections.

    The controversy over Ngillari’s resignation started when Nyako issued a  statement, through his spokesman, Ahmad Sajo, describing it as illegal because he (Ngilari) did not notify him. Nyako argues that the law requires that the deputy governor submit his letter of resignation to the governor, who will in turn transmit same to the House. Ngilari has since confirmed, through statements attributed to him in the media, that the purported resignation letter read on the floor of the  House of Assembly was obtained under duress. Less than 24 hours after the impeachment, Ngilari said: “The truth is that I have not sent any letter of resignation to the governor up till now because representatives of the House only came to my house yesterday asking me to tender my resignation and address the letter to the Speaker of the House, which I did.”

    Before that, the deputy governor had gone to court to clarify whether the investigative committee constituted by the chief judge to probe him and Nyako had power to summon him. The case is still pending in court and its outcome may determine whether the whole process followed an acceptable norm or not.

    Apart from the threat of litigation, another development, which may turn the hands of the clock against the PDP, if not properly managed, is the politics surrounding the deputy governor’s exit. What transpired, it is said, was the triumph of the interests of some powerful governorship aspirants who do not want the former deputy governor to become the governor, after Nyako’s exit. That the deputy governor is a loyal party man was not in doubt. He was the only key party figure standing, when the entire political structure defected to the APC along with Nyako. He refused to follow his boss to the new party. Naturally, he should have been the main beneficiary of the intrigues and power play that consumed Nyako.

    According to close observers, as the plot against Nyako gathered momentum, the Presidency, which is a key stakeholder in the Adamawa impeachment drama, had penciled Ngilari down as the heir to the throne. But, powerful stakeholders  including some governorship aspirants, rejected the choice, fearing that the deputy could consolidate his hold and have an edge in the governorship election. So, the Presidency had no choice but to jettison the idea.

    Observers say a man who took such a principled stand to remain loyal to the party is not likely to accept the betrayal without a challenge. “This miscalculation could cost the party immense loss in the coming elections, particularly since the deputy governor is believed to be popular in the zone, which also produced former governor, Senator Boni Haruna,” a source told The Nation.

    Besides, the rift over the  governorship race, it is said, may tear Adamawa PDP into shreds, if selfish interests of individual stakeholders are allowed to prevail. Indications are that powerful godfathers have already started fixing things for their candidates at Wadata Plaza and in the Presidency. Many aspirants have  indicated interest in the job and some of these contenders have powerful backers. Campaign posters, according to reports, now litter the streets of the capital and other major cities. The aspirants are also competing for attention at the grassroots, engaging in consultations with relevant stakeholders.

    Some of the aspirants include Dr. Umar Ardo, an academician; Aliyu Idi Hong, a former Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and a protégé of Professor Jibril Aminu; Awwal Tukur, son of former national chairman of the PDP, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, and a former member of the House of Representatives; General Buba Marwa (retired), former military administrator of Lagos State; Marcus Gundiri, a popular politician in the state and Senator Abubakar Gurei.

    These aspirants have been eyeing the governorship for a long time. So, it is likely to be a fierce battle. For instance, Senator Girei has been in the contest since 2003 when he insisted in participating in the primaries against the wish of the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar after other aspirants stepped down for Boni Haruna. He also aspired in 2007 alongside Nyako.

    Dr. Ardo contested in the last primaries with Nyako and challenged the result at the Supreme Court. He has been an active member of the PDP Stakeholders and Elders Forum and he was a key player in the fight to remove Nyako. Marwa and Gundiri are not new to the Adamawa governorship race, having aspired to govern the state under different political platforms.

    Observers however, believe that the battle for the party’s ticket is likely to be a straight fight between Tukur and Marwa. Marwa was a former member of the PDP; he had pitched tent with the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) because he was denied the governorship ticket in 2007. He contested the 2011 governorship election in the state under the CPC platform and returned to the PDP in April 2014 when he realized that he might not get a fair deal in the contest for the party’s ticket under Nyako’s leadership of the APC in the state.

    The ambition of Tukur, on the other hand, has been controversial because of the role of his father. This was a factor when he was removed as the PDP chairman. This factor was also instrumental to the recent impeachment of Nyako. While the older Tukur was rooting for his son, Nyako was rooting for his own heir, Abdul-Aziz,  Tukur, using his power as the national chairman, dissolved the  party executive led by Nyako’s ally, Minjiyawa Kugama. This crisis generated in the wake of the dissolution compelled Nyako to defect to the APC with other anti-Tukur forces.

    Nyako’s exit has plunged the APC into uncertain political future. Some insiders believe that the fortunes of the APC  declined as a result of Nyako’s larger-than-life influence. The decision to handover the leadership of the APC to the former governor, following his defection from the PDP, did not go down well with original members of the party like Marwa, Gundiri and others. Indeed, most of the APC leaders who received Nyako when he was declaring for the APC at the height of the PDP crisis have jumped boat for the sake of their political survival.

    It was the former governor’s bid to actualise the governorship ambition of his son that put him on a collision course with major stakeholders. This led to the exodus of such members to the PDP; even members of the state House of Assembly, who had earlier indicated interest to follow him to the new party, had to jettison the idea at the last minute when it was obvious that their interest was at stake.

    With his unceremonious exit, the leadership of the APC has naturally transferred to Atiku, whose influence is not in doubt. A divided PDP will surely enhance the APC’s fortune. Already, the Atiku Support Group, a political group formed to actualise the aspiration of the former vice president, has begun grassroots mobilisation across all the local government areas. The APC under the leadership of Atiku has already started talking to some PDP members who had defected from the APC as a result of alleged marginalisation by Nyako and his henchmen, to prepare ground for their return to the fold, should they find their ambition unrealizable in the PDP. How far Atiku would go in his effort to rebuild the party remains to be seen.

    Aside from Atiku’s effort to rally members of the party for the by-election, the influence of former Head of State and National Leader of the APC, General Mohammadu Buhari, would also count in shoring up the fortunes of the party, ahead of the decisive governorship election. Nyako took his supporters to join the APC secure in the knowledge that the  opposition party is going to be the party to beat in 2015 general elections because of the influence of General Buhari, who has a big following in the state. Nevertheless, his influence on Adamawa politics in the next couple of months would depend on who gets the party’s presidential ticket. This is in spite of the fact that Buhari has pledged to abide by the party’s choice, if he fails to get it.

     

     

  • Dangers of militarisation of polity

    Dangers of militarisation of polity

    In Nigeria, politics is taking a dangerous turn, following the militarisation of the polity. In this piece, Kunle Famoriyo highlights the ominous signs of a return to the dark days of dictatorship.

    It is incredible, yet it is true. Needless repeating the obvious that Nigeria’s polity is becoming endangered by the day as the country moves towards the much-talked-about 2015 general elections. From all indications, democracy, as a political lexicon is gradually but steadily being re-written in Nigeria by no other person than the Commander-in-Chief, President Goodluck Jonathan. Alas! Democracy and its attendant attributes have been altered to become militocracy.

    Apart from deploying heavily-armed soldiers and stern-looking policemen with security sniffer dogs at elections, as witnessed in the recent governorship election in Ekiti, impeachment threats on ‘unfriendly’ governors is hanging in the air and threatening the country’s political landscape. Aside from former Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako, who has already been axed, four other All Progressives Congress (APC) governors have been penciled down by the powers that be for a similar unsavoury music. They include: Tanko Al-Makura of Nasarawa State, Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State, Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State and Rabiu Kwakwanso of Kano State.

    An elementary schoolboy will readily define democracy as ‘the government of the people, by the people, for the people.’ Democracy cannot be said to be a government put in place by the force of gun, or under any duress whatsoever. Democracy is a system that enthrones the rule of law, which protects the rights of citizens, maintains order, and limits the power of government.

    Under a democratic dispensation, all citizens are equal under the law.  No one may be discriminated against on the basis of their race, religion, ethnic group, or gender. No one may be arrested, imprisoned or exiled arbitrarily. Citizens who are detained have the right to know the charges against them, and are presumed innocent until proven guilty.

    Anyone charged with a crime has the right to a fair, speedy and public trial by an impartial court. No one may be taxed or prosecuted, except by a law established in advance. No one is above the law, not even a king or an elected president. The rule of law places limits on the power of government.

    Suffice to say that all that transpired prior to and during the recently concluded Ekiti election, where security forces virtually laid siege on the state, have become of great concern to well-meaning Nigerians. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has defined roles for the military under any circumstance. It is doubtful if election supervision or monitoring comes under the purview of the armed forces.

    Worried by the unfolding ugly phenomena in the polity, particularly the impeachment of former Governor Nyako, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has cried out, saying the development would needlessly build up tension in the country. Speaking in the same vein, former Minister of Information, Prince Tony Momoh declared pointedly that it spells danger for Nigeria’s democracy. He fingered President Goodluck Jonathan as the brain behind the incident.  Momoh noted that it was the same script that played out in Ekiti State, all with a view to undermine and emasculate the opposition parties, so as to remain in power beyond 2015.

    He however maintained that such action will constitute a stumbling block and spell doom for Nigeria’s democracy, if allowed to continue.  Another opinion leader, the President of Nigeria Voters Assembly, Comrade Mashood Erubami, also described Nyako’s impeachment as an ominous sign that the electoral path that would not allow stable and fair election in 2015 had been laid.  According to Erubami, the trend will set a new template for vindictive politics in Nigeria. “It could have catastrophic consequences, if not challenged early enough,” he added.

    Ironically, all these are coming up at a time when accusing fingers are pointing at President Jonathan for allegedly bribing members of the Adamawa State House of Assembly with $300,000 each for the impeachment of Nyako. It is also at the period when the same President is creating an impression that the nation is cash-strapped; he is requesting for the approval of the National Assembly for a $1 billion loan to strenthen the prosecution of the Boko Haram insurgency war. Nigerians should ask the President to explain what he has been doing with the budgets made for defence in the past few years. At least, under the Appropriation Bill signed into law on May 23 this year, 20 per cent of the entire federal budget, that is, the sum of N968.127 billion out of N4.962 trillion was earmarked for defence.

    Against this backdrop, right-thinking Nigerians will surely commend the decision taken recently by the APC in Osun State, which approached a Federal High Court for an injunction to restrain President Jonathan from deploying the military during the forthcoming August 9 governorship election in the state.

    In the suit filed on behalf of the party by Dr. Muiz A. Banire and supported by a 15-paragraph affidavit deposed to by an APC member, Kufisile Olufemi Michael, the party is seeking for the determination of the following question on whether, having regard to the supremacy of the Constitution and the clear provisions of section 217(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), it is not unlawful for the President to deploy  the army to Osun State for the purpose of supervision, monitoring or regulation the conduct of the election scheduled to hold on August 9, 2014 or for any other purpose whatsoever.

    Prior to this, it has been widely acknowledged that the militarization of the June 21 governorship election in Ekiti was one of the reasons why the APC lost that election to Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – the party at the centre, which controls both the police and the military. Security analysts are of the view that election need not be militarized.  They insist that President Jonathan’s assignment of key Yoruba ministers in his cabinet to man the sensitive portfolios of Defence and Police Affairs are not for nothing. It was actually claimed that Musiliu Obanikoro and Jelili Adesiyan’s assignments to these Ministries were deliberate and pre-meditated, for reasons best known to the duo and their sponsors.  Little wonder, therefore, the call from Chief John Oyegun, the APC National Chairman on President Jonathan to call those (his ministers) displaying arbitrary powers to order.

    Meanwhile, the Resident Electoral Commissioner in Osun State, Mr. Segun Agbaje, has said that the state will not be less militarized during the forthcoming governorship election as it was the case during the June 21 election in Ekiti State. He said such heavy deployment of security men might be needed in Osun due to the heightening security situation allegedly being caused by inflammatory utterances of politicians in the state.  Agbaje had raised an alarm that politicians in the state saw election as a do-or-die affair.

    While maintaining that no registered voter would be allowed to vote on the day of the election without having his or her permanent voter card (PVC), the Osun REC disclosed that a total of 1,407,222 voters were registered in the state and that about 63 per cent of the registered voters had as of last week Friday, collected their PVC.

    However, one thing is certain. For elections to be free and fair, all parties and candidates must have the right to campaign freely, to present their proposals to the voters both directly and through the mass media. Voters must be able to vote in secret, free of intimidation and violence.  Independent observers must be able to observe the voting and the vote counting to ensure that the process is free of corruption, intimidation, and fraud. In a democracy, participation in civic groups should be voluntary.  No one should be forced to join an organization against their will.

    Political parties are vital organizations in a democracy, but no one should be pressurized or threatened by others to support a political party against the other, as citizens are free  to choose the party to support. Citizens are free to move about the country, and if they so wish, to leave the country. They have the right to assemble freely, and to protest government actions.  However, everyone has an obligation to exercise these rights peacefully, with respect for the law and for the rights of others. True democracy depends on citizen participation in all these ways, but participation must be peaceful, respectful of the law, and tolerant of the different views of other groups and individuals. It is only thus that a nation attains deserved greatness.

     

    Famoriyo was the Liaison/Political Assistant to late Chief Bola Ige (SAN). He is now the Publicity Secretary of Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG).