In 55 years, Nigeria has witnessed 15 administrations. Until the second coming of Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as President, it has been a tale of elusive hope and wasted expectations. The country has agonised under eight military regimes. It has witnessed an inexplicable interim contraption; a mixed grill of soldiers and their civilian collaborators. The five civilian heads of government – the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan – could not make much difference. Will Buhari, who now has a second chance like Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, succeed where others did not measure up?
Dashed hope
On October 1, 1960, there were high expectations. Nigeria was projected as middle-level power capable of taking the world by the storm. Its natural resources and human endowment were vital assets. But, six years after, the fledgling federation was still crawling. The leadership failed to lay a strong foundation for a united nation. Thus, the colonial legacy was threatened by disintegration. In the seventies, there were signs that the country would become an economic miracle. But, in the eighties, the economy laid prostrate. It is a tragedy of nationhood that, more than five decades after, Nigeria is yet to resolve its national question. Many citizens perceive themselves, not as Nigerians bonded together by common destiny, but as tribesmen projecting the antagonistic pursuits of rival ethnic groups in an atmosphere of lopsided federalism.
Balewa
At independence, Nigeria practiced parliamentary system. The President, the late Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, exercised ceremonial powers. But, the Prime Minister, Balewa, was under the shadow of his political leader and Premier of the defunct Northern Region, the late Sir Ahmadu Bello. Then, political leaders were largely perceived as ethnic champions inclined to the defense of regional interests. The big three – Ahmadu Bello (North), Chief Obafemi Awolowo (West) and Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe (East) – coordinated the ethnic battle for relevance. What made the system to survive for the first six years was the practice of true federalism, although the hand of the centre was still heavy on the regions on few occasions. Leaders appeared to agree on some basic federal principles. In that atmosphere of federalism, the battle for federal power unleashed crisis and tension. However, it was evident that the four regions were ready to develop at their pace, and within the limit of their resources.
The coup plotters who disrupted orderly political evolution accused the political leaders of corruption, avarice, nepotism and rigging of elections, especially in the ‘wild wild’ West. Although, the ring leaders led by Major Kaduna Chukwuma Nzeogwu succeeded in killing Balewa, Premier Ladoke Akintola of the West, his Northern counterpart, Bello, Chief festus Okoti-Eboh, the Minister of Finance and other senior military rulers, they failed in their bid to capture power. The coup was hijacked by opportunistic senior officers, who failed to sustain the vision of the original plotters. But, the death of Bello and Balewa heraled a chain of events, which furthered affected national cohesion and unity. The soldiers of Northern origin sworn to avenge their blood at a later date.
Ironsi
The late Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, had no plan or programme of action when he became the Head of State in 1966. Therefore, he came to office unprepared. He pretended as if Nigeria was one. Thus, he displayed gross insensitivity when he abolished the regions, thereby stifling the doctrine of theoretical regional autonomy. His unification decree was a disaster. For the six months that he was in power, he could not set up a proper cabinet. The committee on constitution review set up by Ironsi was also moribund. The North believed that his kinsmen in the military killed Northern leaders to pave the way for the Igbo hegemony. The country was in tension when he embarked on his first nationwide tour. He was killed at Ibadan, the capital of the old Western State alongside his loyal host, Governor Adekunle Fajuyi. Historians have never alluded to any legacy of his inept administration. However, his death generated negative feelings among Ibos. It also led to succession crisis in the military.
Gowon
The Army chief, Colonel (later General) Yakubu Gowon, succeeded his assassinated boss. He spent nine years in office. The first three years were hectic for him as Nigeria was plunged into an avoidable civil war by the clash of interests among top military men. The army had failed to shelve the toga of tribalism. Like Ironsi, Gowon was not prepared for the leadership responsibilities. He became the Head of State by default, as it were. It was irksome to the military governor of Eastern State, Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who objected to the disruption of military seniority and succession pattern. Ironsi’s second-in-command, the late Brig. Babafemi Ogundipe, was by-passed. Ogundipe lost confidence when he commanded a recruit who flagrantly disobeyed his command, claiming that he could not take orders from those outside his tribal and religious backgrounds. In addition, there was pogrom in the North, with many Igbos as casualties.
There was an ego war between Jack and Ojukwu, who later capitalised on the unresolved misunderstanding to declare the East as the Republic of Biafra. For 30 months, the nation was at war with itself. Gowon won the war for Nigeria. But, after the war, he derailed. His major offence was his refusal to set up a transition programme. His government was accused of corruption. In fact, only two governors-Mobolaji Johnson of Lagos and Oluwole Rotimi of West – were the curious exceptions. In 1975, Gowon embarked on a trip to attend the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit Kampala, the Ugandan capital. He knew that he would not return to power because he was aware that Col. Joseph Garba and other military boys were planning a coup. At the airport, he told his cousin, the Commander of the Brigade of Guards, to make the coup bloodless. He was succeeded by his Minister of Communications, Gen. Murtala Mohammed.
Gowon has legacies. He embarked on massive road construction in major cities. He created 12 states and set up the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).
Murtala/Obasanjo
The late Murtala, fondly called the bulldozer by admirers and foes, was one of the heroes of the civil war. He has been described by historians as a man in a hurry. He thread the populist path by setting up a transition programme, which kept the politicians busy at the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) deliberations. He also waged an unprecedented war against corruption. In the course of fighting corruption, both corrupt officials and those who were not corrupt were sacked without proper investigation. A former Super Permanent Secretary Philip Asiodu, whose career ended with the gale of retrenchment, ob served that the measures were counter-productive. It is ironical that the measure adopted in curbing corruption further led to more corruption as civil servants, including university teachers and administrators started to cut corners for the fear of the unknown. Murtala was an impatient leader. But, it seemed that he meant well for the country. He created 19 states and initiated the relocation of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) from Lagos to Abuja. On February 13, 1976, he was killed in a coup led by Col. Bukar Dimka. He was succeeded by the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who completed the transition programme and handed over to President Shagari on October 1, 1979.
Shagari
After 13 years of military rule, Shagari became the President. Nigeria practiced presidential system between 1979 and 1983. But, the civilian leaders, who played prominent roles in the First Republic, did not learn from their mistakes. Politicians became more reckless, corrupt and unpatriotic in the Second Republic. When Chief Obafemi Awolowo warned President Shagari that the ship of state was about to hit the rock, he was labelled as a prophet of doom. The economy was crumbling. But, Shagari and his economic adviser said that the economic was strong. Service delivery was poor. Dividends of democracy were scarce. Later, reality dawned on the administration. Shagari declared austerity measures. The 1983 elections were rigged. There was violence in some states. On December 31, 1983, the military sacked the administration. The first four years of presidential democracy became history.
Buhari/Idiagbon
Buhari and his deputy, Gen. Tunde Idiagbon, the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, were bubbling with patriotism. They wanted to clear the Augean stable. The war against corruption and indiscipline were intensified. They waged war against graft in high places. All forms of indiscipline were not condoned. It was a government of financial accountability. On the economic front, foreign debts were paid and loopholes were bridged. But, according to analysts, the human rights record of the administration was poor. Besides, the administration had no plan to hand over to civilians.
Babangida
On August 27, 1985, the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, succeeded Buhari. He was in power as the military President for eight years. Historians have described the period as eight years of political, economic and social experimentation. But, there was no meaningful result as IBB became a political dribbler. The President set up a transition programme. A free and fair election was conducted nationwide. A winner, the late Chief Moshood Abiola of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), emerged. However, the result of the poll was annulled. Many people believed that the transition programme was subverted by the midwife. In August 1993, Babangida bowed when Nigerians and the international community turned the heat on him.
Shonekan
After he stepped aside, Babangida was succeeded by the Head of Interim Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan. The board room guru did not understand the political setting. He was a nominal Commander-in-Chief, tossed around by soldiers. His administration lacked legitimacy. Thus, pro-democracy forces waxed stronger in their agitation for the de-annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election results. The interim leader was in a state of confusion. He complained that he was overwhelmed by the military politics. Barely three months later, the Minister of Defence, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, shoved him aside and assumed the reins as the Head of State.
Abacha
Abacha was the most dreadful military Head of State. Not only did he use power to the extreme, it was believed that power was actually using him. He waged war against human rights groups and members of the political class opposed to his misrule. He mounted pressure on the five political parties to endorse him when he wanted to transmute into a civilian President. Many, also believed that his regime was grossly corrupt. He died in 1998 in a controversial manner. The Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, became the Head of State, following his demise.
Abdulsalami
The only thing the Head of State did was to hurriedly set up the shortest transition programme. Three parties – the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Nigerians Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AD) – were registered. He handed over to Obasanjo in 1999.
Obasanjo
In his second coming, Obasanjo ruled for eight years. He ruled like a soldier that he is, brooking no opposition. His regime stabilised the polity. Some reforms were carried out across the sectors. But, a deep hollow was created in the record of the administration. The symbol of democracy promoted certain anti-democratic ideas. Observers pointed out that court orders were worthless. But, Obasanjo tried to wage war against corruption by setting up the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). According to analysts, the two anti-graft bodies were later used as weapons against perceived political opponents. When he left in 2007, many of the problems he inherited remained unresolved. For example, electricity could not be fixed. The infrastructure battle was half-solved. The roads remained death traps. Refineries could not be revived. Rigging became pervasive. There was a floodgate of post-election litigations.
There were also rumours that the former President was scheming for a third term. His administration ended on a controversial note.
Yar’Adua
Obasanjo was succeeded by the late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua, the former governor of Katsina State. He admitted riding to power on the back of a flawed elections.
