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Tag: national assembly

  • Ninth National Assembly and budget cycle

    The incoming members of the National Assembly had an induction programme organised for them by the National Assembly management. It started on Monday, March 25. It was an important meeting aimed at equipping them with the basic knowledge of the workings of the National Assembly and their roles as members of the law-making arm of the government. The induction came in the backdrop of an unhealthy lack of cooperation betweenthe legislature and the executive branches that was crafted by a section of the outgoing  eighth National Assembly ostensibly to cripple   the   activities of the executive arm. Their feet-dragging in processing any request forwarded to them for consideration by the executive arm is legendary. The faction of members of the   National Assembly led   by the outgoing senate president, Dr. Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara, the outgoing speaker of the House of Representatives, not only refused to approve proposed appointments of members of various government institutions submitted for confirmation, they similarly skipped timely approval of budgetary proposals from the executive arm. The trend was, with the benefit of hindsight, part of wider efforts by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to cripple the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari by blocking the implementation of its Economic Recovery and  Growth Plan (ERGP). The ERGP  is designed to obliterate the decay  left behind by the previous PDP administration that was defeated in a free and fair election in 2015. Because of the activities of the Saraki-Dogara-led eighth National Assembly, Nigeria probably became the only country in the world that has no firm date on which its national budget will be approved by the parliament, thus creating uncertainty in making decisions that could spur economic activities, especially in a country where public spending is a  major element instimulating economic buoyancy.

    The Nigerian National Assembly, which has the constitutional power of appropriation, has consistently delayed the passage of the country’s budget since 2014, mainly for reasons that   are   generally   perceived by Nigerians and the country’s development partners around the world as unhealthy and lacking in the spirit of patriotism. It is  instructive  that  the consistent delay   in  passing  budgets  every year by the National Assembly has nothing to do with any real lapses in the budget. This is so because the budget proposals are normally in compliance with the provisions of the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007. The executive always submits the Medium Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper to the National Assembly  in good time and obtains approval for both prior to laying the budget proposals before members of the National Assembly in a joint session. Invariably, delaying the   budget has   disastrous effect   on   individual citizens, corporate bodies and other stakeholders in the national economy. All of them cannot plan or take economic decisions with certainty, especially in cases where their businesses need to have some idea of new policies in the ensuing financial year. In addition to delaying investment decisions by domestic investors and businesses, foreign investors too who might have seen potential areas of investment in any proposed budget might become hesitant and direct their monies to jurisdictions where different arms of government work in tandem for their national economic progress.

    The Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Ms Christine Legarde had to intervene during one of the habitual destructive budget delays in 2016 by calling on members of the National Assembly to reconsider their negative tactics and pass the budget: “We believe that it’s really important that budget be completely decided and approved”. No investors will be comfortable with a political environment in which rancor and disharmony based on excessive   political   squabbling among the key economic policy-makers is rampant and continuous. It is sad that the seventh and eighth National Assembly have earned the negative record of refusing to timely pass the budgets presented to it by the executive arm, mainly for selfish reasons.

    Some of the consequences of their refusal to timely work on the budget include lowering productivity, slowing down economic growth and unhealthily postponing the implementation of capital projects. Those involved in engineering such impasse were allegedly doing so in order either to extort bribe money from representatives of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), or just to execute a failed desire to  cripple the administration and prevent it from earning the respect, confidence and loyalty of the citizenry by implementing projects and programmes. They delay or even cancel budgetary provisions for public goods and services that have direct bearing   on the well-being of the citizens, especially health-care, education for children and youth, water supply, national security and public safety, infrastructure development and other essential government services, simply to spite a president and weaken his political status and popularity in the country. Their activities could be perceived by many people as inciting the citizenry against the government, which turned out to be a futile scheme. More than 15million Nigerians re-elected President Muhammadu Buhari for a second term, thus resoundingly affirming their respect, support and appreciation for his patriotism and unimpeachable integrity.

    Mindful of the recent announcement by the federal government on reverting to the time-tested January-December budget cycle, the incoming ninth National Assembly should not tread the old negative path of Saraki-Dogara leadership by their refusal to pass federal budget proposals in good time, or as it was later discovered, padded it for personal gains. One of the best and effective ways to serve their constituents and by extension, the whole nation, is for the new members to come up with an agenda that completely shuns the penchant for using the budget proposals and  other requests  for  legislative endorsement from the executive as bargaining chips for achieving selfish political interests. They will earn the respect of Nigerians by swiftly scrutinising and approving such requests as a matter of legislative priority.

     

    • Dambatta is a former director in the Federal Ministry of Finance, Abuja.

  • Lawmakers okay tax on luxury goods

    The National Assembly has urged the Federal Government to consider increasing taxes on luxury goods to boost revenues, it said on Tuesday while considering the country’s spending plan for 2019.

    Nigeria has been trying to raise government revenues in the face of lower oil prices after the country recovered from a recession that slashed public finances, weakened its currency and cut spending on capital projects.

    Africa’s largest economy, which has one of the lowest tax rates on the continent, relies on crude oil sales for much of government revenues.

    In the past, the government has mulled the idea of raising taxes on luxury goods to 15 per cent from the current rate of five per cent, to boost its tax to gross domestic product (GDP) ratio to 15 percent from six per cent between 2017 and 2020.

    But collection has been a major challenge in a country where many small business are not registered. Also, economists say the timing of a tax hike would be closely watched as companies and consumers face cost pressures in a time of slow growth.

    In elections in February, President Muhammadu Buhari won a second four-year term that will start in May. He has pledged to revive the economy and boost growth through spending on roads and railways.

    Read Also: Lawmakers shun audit reports

    The Senate said the government was budgeting for a deficit of N1.86 trillion  ($6.1 billion) in 2019 to be funded via borrowing, privatisation proceeds and loans secured for specific projects.

    It expected the country to generate N172.47 billion  ($564 million) from privatisation proceeds. The parliament did not identify the assets for sale. Last month, the government said it planned to cut its stake in oil joint ventures this year.

    Nigeria is budgeting N8.83 trillion  of expenditure for 2019, based on oil output of 2.3 million barrel per day production at assumed benchmark price of $60 per barrel. The plan is under consideration by parliament.

    The government has said it would borrow N1.649 trillion to help fund the budget, half of which is targeted to come from offshore sources.

  • Another National Assembly leadership debacle looming

    The pronouncements of various stakeholders have evoked memories of the 2015 National Assembly leadership debacle. The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) lost the opportunity to install its preferred candidates. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines the issues at stake and why another fiasco should be averted now.

    PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari touched a sore point in his four-year administration at a recent a dinner at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, when he lamented about some actions and decisions of the 8th National Assembly that thwarted the realisation of its agenda for change. The president made his feelings known when he hosted governors and senators-elect of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to a dinner at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, recently. President Buhari particularly cited the deliberate and persistent delay in passing the nation’s annual budget by the National Assembly.

    Since the coming on board of the administration and the inauguration of the 8th Senate, the executive arm led by President Buhari and the National Assembly have been embroiled in several epic battles that have marred the relationship between the two arms. The lack of synergy between the Presidency and members of the National Assembly has been a source of concern to party stakeholders.

    Indications are that Senator Ali Ndume, who represents Borno South in the Red Chamber, is gearing up to follow the footsteps of Senator Bukola Saraki, by trying to usurp the leadership of the chamber, which has been bestowed on Senator Ahmed Lawan by the APC national leadership. Ndume, it was learnt, has rejected entreaties by the party leadership to drop his ambition.

    In the view of analysts, the APC appears to be making the same mistake that led to the emergence of the Saraki-led Senate leadership and the Yakubu Dogara-led leadership of the House of Representatives, by seeking to impose Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila on the National Assembly. Such analysts say the party ought to have zoned the positions to its preferred regions and throw it open to all aspirants. This, they say, does not stop the party leadership from backing a preferred candidate.

    One of the analysts said: “But the way the National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, is going about it, by imposing particular candidates for the post of the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, amounts to interfering in the affairs of the legislature.”

    In the same vein, the Chief Whip of the House of Representatives, Alhassan Garba, said: “The National Chairman of the APC, with due respect, may not always be right. This is a parliamentary institution only for legislators. Even in our own rules, we don’t create situations whereby only the ruling party members will constitute the committees. So, it can’t be winners-take-all (thing). When we come to sharing committee headship, certainly many committees will go to the opposition party.”

    With the current state of affairs, those who have already indicated interest to contest for the position of the Senate Presidency and the Speakership of the Green Chamber may not withdraw from the race, in spite of the threats and intimidations from several quarters to do so. Against this background, the leadership of the 9th National Assembly is likely to emerge through elections, rather than affirmations as being proposed by the APC leadership.

    To avert what happened in 2015, when the leadership of the 8th National Assembly connived with members of the opposition to emerge, observers believe that the party must tow a more conciliatory approach.

    The greater part of the failings of President Buhari’s first term has been attributed to the glaring lack of synergy between and among the three arms of government. If anything, in the view of public policy analyst, Uche Ugboajah, “the executive, the legislature and the judiciary came across as working at cross purposes, with each other holding tenaciously to its ground against the very interests of the people who put them in government “.

    With the election over, the attention of Nigerians is now turned to the possible complexion of the National Assembly, particularly the leadership of the 9th Senate. The public policy analyst said the country’s monitised politics has robbed off badly on the National Assembly, particularly the Senate, “robbing it of its dignity and integrity”.

    He said: “Sadly, the bastion of our contemplative policy making has been reduced to a safe sanctuary for corrupt politicians, especially former governors running away from the law. Although, through the just-concluded general elections, some of these oligarchs of corruption have been shown the way out of the Senate by the electorate, sadly some other more dangerous fugitives sequestered in Abuja are running to take cover at the hallowed chambers of the Senate.”

    The relationship between the 8th Senate and the Presidency has been acrimonious from the inception of the APC-led government in May 2015. The foundation of the unending rift is traceable to the controversy and contention that greeted the emergence of the senate leadership, where the Presidency and the APC leadership attempted to impose persons of their interest to certain leadership offices at the apex chamber, but without success.

    Following the emergence of Saraki and Dogara at the helm of affairs at the National Assembly, the executive and the legislative arms of government have been working at cross purposes, particularly with regards to budget preparation. Since 1999, the two arms of government had never experienced the kind of serious face-off over the passage of budgets as it happened in the last four years.

    Many commentators have urged the APC leadership to act fast to avoid a repeat of what happened in 2015. One of such commentators and a member of the House of Representatives, Abdulmumin Jibrin, said there is likelihood of a repeat of 2015, if the party fails to act fast. Jibrin, who was a guest on Channels TV programme, Sunday Politics, said the majority seat won by the APC should be properly utilised by the party and government of President Buhari.

    He said: “I had expected that with the experience of 2015, the party must have given direction. It is getting late because lawmakers are not the kind of people you tell to seat and they seat. In the 9th Assembly, I believe that the party should come out to give a direction on what we should do. Most of us believe that we should go with party supremacy, and that is, what the President wants.”

    In other words, there is need for synergy, for the ruling party to be able to steer the country towards the desired change it promised four years ago. The need for synergy between the executive and the legislative arms of government perhaps explains why there is fusion of powers in the parliamentary system of government, especially the Westminster model; the two arms of government are intermingled.

    Though there is separation of powers in the presidential system, which Nigeria currently practices, members of the National Assembly are expected to cooperate with the executive, not only because the the ruling party usually has majority in the parliament, but also in pursuit of policies that advance the national interest.

    So far, such synergy has been lacking between the two arms of government. Buhari’s first budget was presented on December 22, 2015, that was for 2016 budget. It took several months before the budget was passed by the National Assembly and eventually signed into law by the president on May 6, 2016. During the budget defence for that year, a lot of issues came up with some heads of government agencies disowning the amounts allocated to them, while some accused the National Assembly of inserting several projects under their agencies, in what has now become known as ‘budget padding.’

    The 2017 budget was presented by President Buhari on December 17, 2016, and it also took several months for the National Assembly to pass it and the president assented to it on June 12, 2017. The controversy that trailed the 2017 budget was minimal compared to the one before it.

    However, the 2018 budget once again brought to fore the battle between the executive and the National Assembly, especially the Senate. At some point, heads of agencies were said not to be co-operating with the legislature for budget defence, and the president had to give an express directive for all heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) to urgently attend to the National Assembly on the budget. In the end, it emerged that projects worth over N570 billion were introduced into the budget by the National Assembly, thereby increasing the size of the budget, which the president was reportedly not comfortable with.

    The first real battle between the executive arm and the Senate was the prosecution of the two presiding officers, Senate President Bukola Saraki and his deputy Ike Ekweremadu, over allegations that they masterminded the forgery of the Senate rules that ushered them into power.

    The allegations were that while the Senate rules as obtained in the 7th Assembly provided that the election of presiding officers shall be done via division, which was a form of an open ballot, suddenly, the rules were changed to allow secret ballot, although there was allegedly no time the then Senate changed its rules to accommodate such.

    As a result of the allegations, the Nigeria Police Force invited Ekweremadu for interrogation, and the Federal Government later initiated charges of forgery against Saraki and Ekweremadu on the matter as prosecution commenced before a High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Jabi Division, Abuja. However, in a dramatic turn of events, the charges were dropped in October, 2015.

    The non-confirmation of Ibrahim Magu as the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by the Senate was, and still is, one issue that strained the relationship between the two arms of government.

    Twice Magu’s name was sent for confirmation to the Senate, and twice he was turned down. The EFCC acting chairman was first nominated in 2016 to head the anti-graft agency, but the Senate rejected him in December of that year, citing a report of the Department of State Security (DSS), which advised against the confirmation.

    In January 2017, President Buhari re-nominated him for confirmation by the Senate, but it later emerged that the Department of State Security (DSS) submitted two contradictory reports to the Senate on the nominee: one clearing him for confirmation and the other opposing his confirmation. The Senate relied on the later, and rejected Magu’s confirmation for the second time in March 2017.

    The upper legislative chamber recommended that he should be removed as the acting chairman of the agency. But Buhari refused to budge. As a result, the Senate delayed over 37 confirmations sought by the President for several months, and in some cases up to a year.

    The 8th Senate, under Saraki’s leadership, also embarked on some investigations that were perceived to be targeted at getting back at the President. For example, the Senate launched an investigation into the activities of the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, over allegations of mismanagement and corruption, in what is now known as ‘grass-cutting’ deal. The Senate also probed the reinstatement of the former head of a presidential task force on pension, Abdulrasheed Maina, though President Buhari had ordered for his dismissal from the civil service.

    Being the year the general elections, 2018 was particularly one of sustained battles between the Presidency and members of the National Assembly, particularly the Senate.  One of the most controversial decisions of President Buhari in 2018 was his refusal to sign the electoral reform bill. In February 2018, the National Assembly forwarded an Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill to the President. This was vetoed. It vetoed the bill over disagreements on the issue of whether or not the National Assembly has the right to determine the sequence of elections.

    The lawmakers in re-ordering the 2019 elections had put the presidential election last, apparently to prevent the possibility of the elections being influenced by any bandwagon effect. The matter went to court and the Court of Appeal ruled in favour of the National Assembly. On June 27, 2018, the National Assembly sent another version of the amended Bill to the President for his assent. This was again vetoed on the grounds that it contained constitutional breaches.

    On July 24, 2018, the very day the National Assembly embarked on a recess till September 25, the National Assembly again passed another version of the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill which purportedly reached the President on August 3, 2018. Pressures from National Assembly members to the effect that the bill should be signed was rebuffed by the Presidency, with the argument that the President still had enough time, since the Constitution provides for a 30-day window within which he can assent to a bill or he would be deemed to have vetoed it. That 30-day window closed on September 2.

  • PDP calls on N/Assembly to probe FG’s N24.3 trn debt profile

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has raised questions over Federal Government’s “unwholesome” borrowings amounting to N24.38 trillion debts, from 2015 debt stock of N12.12 trillion.

    Revelations on the government’s current debt profile were contained in a report released by the Debt Management Office (DMO) last week, prompting the PDP to call on the National Assembly to investigate how the monies were spent.

    In a statement Monday by the spokesman for the PDP, Kola Ologbondiyan, the main opposition party blamed the Buhari administration for what it described as saddening and devastating debt overhang on the nation.

    According to the PDP, the rising debt profile was a product of the government’s manifest incompetence and lack of initiative to stimulate and run a productive economy.

    It blamed the administration for its reliance on heavy borrowings and unbearable tax regimes, which the party said have crippled productivity, caused untold hardship and mortgaged the economic future of the nation.

    The PDP said there has been a culture of unexplained borrowings leading to a steep rise in the debt stock from N17.5 trillion in 2016 to N21.72 trillion 2017, rising to N24.387 trillion in 2018.

    The PDP said, “It is shocking and completely insupportable that our nation’s debt had risen from N21.72 trillion in December 2017 to N24.387 trillion in December 2018, showing an accumulation of a whopping N2.66 trillion in a space of one year.

    Read also: PDP blackmailing Supreme Court, APC alleges

    “President Muhammadu Buhari-led administration, therefore, has a huge explanation to make to Nigerians for its borrowing spree, especially as it cannot point to any meaningful development project into which the borrowed funds were invested.

    “This is particularly against the backdrop of allegations in the public space that the borrowed funds, which were taken as development funds, were diverted to 2019 general elections campaign activities of the All Progressives Congress (APC), a huge part of which ended in private pockets of corrupt APC leaders.

    “This is in addition to direct frittering of public funds through the alleged N1.4 trillion sleazy oil subsidy regime, the looted N9 trillion detailed in the leaked NNPC memo, the alleged N33 billion fraud in the handling of funds meant for the welfare of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the North East, among other sleazes”.

    The party called on the National Assembly to commence a system-wide investigation into the borrowings by the administration, particularly the terms of the borrowing and the handling of the funds.

    It charged the federal legislature to save the future of the nation by restricting the Buhari administration from taking further loans on behalf of the country until explanations are provided on the terms and handling of the borrowed funds.

    “Nigerians cannot afford to continue to bear the burden of an incompetent and insensitive administration and that is why they eagerly await the retrieval of our stolen mandate at the presidential election petition tribunal”, the statement added.

     

  • Senate presidency: Youths march for Goje

    •Kabiru Gaya joins race for deputy

    THE race for president of the Ninth Senate has taken a twist,  as groups, under the aegis of Amalgamated Youths, yesterday, stormed the National Assembly to drum up support for Senator Danjuma Goje.

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) endorsed Senator Ahmad Lawan as its candidate for the Senate president for the ninth session.

    Senators Lawan (Yobe North) and Mohammed Ali Ndume (Borno South) have declared publicly their interest for the position.

    Goje is yet to make any public declaration to contest the position of Senate president.

    But a group, , from Northeast, staged a rally at the National Assembly gate, asking Goje to declare his intention.

    Led by Bello Ambo, from Bauchi State, the group said neither the endorsement of Lawan by APC’s national leadership nor expression of interest by Ndume should prevent Goje from throwing his hat in the ring for the position of Senate president.

    Ambo noted that “Goje stands far above the others having controlled a state for eight years between 2003 and 2011 and been in the Senate with the required parliamentary experience.

    He said: “…Senate president requires administrative and parliamentary knowledge enormously possessed by Goje as against the two…”

    Reminded that the APC had taken a decision on who should occupy the position, Ambo insisted “Senators-elect were matured people who can decide who their leader should be and should be allowed to do so.”

    He said: “…APC … should allow …senators -elect  to decide whoever they want as their leader in whatever capacity.’’

    Senator Kabiru Gaya has joined the race for deputy Senate president.

    Gaya, who represents Kano South, is an APC member .

    A former Kano State governor in the truncated Third Republic, Gaya is spending a third term in the Senate, having been first elected in 2007.

    Gaya’s declaration followed APC’s leadership decision to zone the position to the Southsouth. The senator is from Northwest.

    Addressing reporters in his office yersterday, Gaya said he was not aware the leadership of his party had zoned the position to Southsouth.

    Justifying his aspiration for the position, Gaya noted that the Speaker had been zoned to Southwest where Vice President Yemi Osinbajo hailed from.

    According to him, there was nothing wrong in having the deputy Senate president from Northwest where President Muhammadu Buhari hailed from.

    Gaya said: “The general analysis of the Nigerian political power equation indicates there is need for Northeast to produce the Senate president; Southwest, Speaker of the House of Representatives; Northwest, deputy Senate president; Northcentral, deputy Speaker; while Senate Majority leader and House Majority leader shall go to Southeast and the Southsouth.”

    He noted that leadership positions in the National Assembly should be based on ranking and experience.

    Senator Gaya said the position of deputy Senate president and that of deputy Speaker ought to be open to qualified aspirants, regardless of geopolitical zones.

    The Kano lawmaker, who chairs the Senate Committee on Works, however, clarified he was still consulting with critical stakeholders, including APC and fellow senators.

    Describing himself as a loyal party member, Gaya said he would not go against the party’s decision to give the position to another zone.

    “I don’t disobey my party leadership. What I am saying is that I am the most ranking and most qualified for the job”, he said.

     

  • Cut NASS salaries; no VAT hike

    What do Senator Ahmed Lawan and Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, who seek to lead the senate and House of Representatives think about the insultingly high and mostly secret salaries and perks and constituency projects? Will they seek the slashing of same and bring salaries into the salary scale of the federal government e.g. Level 18,19,1 up to 25? This unbridled and nearly blank paycheck is the main embarrassment of our politics in the international community and a serious insult inflicted on the electorate and citizenry by a greed-polluted political class.

    New National Assembly (NASS) members are being shown around. We hope they too are planning less salary and perks? This should be a key plan of this government.

    Some governors are moving around their finishing projects. But is it an avenue for stealing?  If not, it is a pleasant surprise and a credible alternative to the former widespread practice of raiding their treasuries and shutting down business including the business of paying salaries so as to accumulate ‘take away funds’.

    It is always strange when elephants talk to each other, move menacingly, rub tusks or even struggle with each other especially by prox. Last month, it was an ex-president and an incumbent president seeking re-election. This week it is a proxy war. Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS)’s BabatundeFowler, promoted from working for one elephant to working at a higher plain for another, who proclaimed that national salvation lies in more taxation and in particular more VAT and its immoral distribution across states which did not pay it. He spoke on behalf of a rejuvenated re-elected government’s interest in yielding to the taxman’s suggestion that VAT should be ‘way up there’ – a misquote! Buhari’s is the bigger elephant and may not like to be advised by two people for the same Southwest to go in two directions.  Is this struggle over the spoils of war, the ruins left by war against the people or in the genuine interest of the people? I believe it is about sharing the future income of the hardest workers with others with less opportunity to work or with less inclination to work or those seeking to benefit from where they did not sow from religious inclination. The sharing formula for VAT has always been an acrimonious unsatisfactory event. The situation will only get worse with increasing VAT.

    I have never been a fan of what I consider to be often draconian tax level introduced in Lagos under Tinubu when he was governor and consolidated by Fashola and taken enthusiastically to an outrageous edge by Ambode before he was reined in by the courts after mass protest. This is because it takes no notice of the Nigerian factors in daily life – substituting for power, transport and health failures, extended family costs and the constant fall in naira value all decimating incomes and the value of that income. Yes, an undisclosed fraction of the tax income was used, mostly without permission of those it was extracted from, outside the state nationwide. For this I believe Lagosians who contributed deserve a rebate, not an increase in VAT! However, Lagos has severely underperformed compared to its multi-billion portfolio of income streams. I have always objected to the huge wasteful cost of reducing the overcrowded three-lane Ikorodu Road to a two-lane road, a bad move, with a multibillion concrete lane divider. And too few buses. Even the federal government has made a similar costly error on the Lagos-Ibadan so-called expressway where the concrete median is duplicated more than doubling the cement costs. Instead that money should have tarred many alternative roads or completed the tarring of the expressway.

    Nobody except Nigeria stimulates an economy or manufacturing sector by increasing taxes. Even the Nigerian government offers tax breaks to foreign investors and even single digit loans. Charity, tax charity, should begin at home. Nigerians are very resourceful substituting for a collapse of infrastructure – power, transport, water and security.  And they have created many jobs not on the tax list – middle man, motor tout, car parking boys, road-way sellers in traffic they sometimes create by digging potholes, the army of okada drivers, shopping-bag carriers in addition to the yahoo-yahoo etc. I agree that VAT should not be increased, more people should be brought on board, and some taxes should be lowered to stimulate growth in the economy. At last the MPR, Monetary Policy Rate, has been reduced to 13.5%. Nigerians have suffered for too long under this CBN/Government punishingly high ‘add-on’ to any loan Nigerians take. This is a shameful and evil burden especially in the light of the huge amounts in multi-billions maliciously stolen by almost anybody willing to steal in and out of government and even legally – illegally by NASS members under the guise of as stupendous salaries and perks and constituency projects, SAPing Nigeria dry. Add to this the late and therefore underperformance of the budget and you have a lot of unaccounted funds. Why add to this more tax funds through an increase in VAT?

    Presumably the 9th Senate will guarantee efficiency and re-institute a January -December budget from January 1, 2020. Hopefully it will cut NASS salaries and perks to upper civil service scale and revert constituency projects to relevant ministries. Only then will Nigerians be convinced that NASS has been rebranded in the national interest and we NASS and Nigeria have a future together.

  • Buhari turns down $1b Ajaokuta completion fund bill, seven others

    President Muhammadu Buhari has declined assent to the Ajaokuta Steel Company Fund Bill transmitted to him by the National Assembly. The bill was transmitted to the Presidency in February.

    The Bill stipulated that the Federal Government should set aside $1 billion from the Excess Crude Account (ECA) for the immediate completion of the moribund Ajaokuta Steel Company.

    Buhari also withheld assent to seven other bills passed by the National Assembly and transmitted to him.

    Senate President Bukola Saraki yesterday read separate letters which informed the upper chamber about the President Buhari’s decision to withhold assent to the bills.

    The President cited several reasons, including infractions on extant laws, duplication of responsibilities of existing agencies, to financial constraints for his decision to decline assent to the bills.

    In a letter dated March 19, President Buhari explained that he declined assent to the Ajaokuta Completion Fund Bill because “appropriating $1 billion from the Excess Crude Account” as decided by the National Assembly, “is not the best strategic option for Nigeria at this time of budgetary constraints.”

    The letter reads: “The nation cannot afford to commit such an amount in the midst of competing priorities with long term social and economic impact that the funds can be alternatively deployed towards.

    “Bills, which seek to make appropriation of revenues to fund public expenditure should be consolidated in the annual Appropriation Act such that these proposals pass through the traditional scrutiny that budget proposals are subjected to by the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Budget and National Planning and the National Assembly.

    “Furthermore, as the Excess Crude Account Funds belong to the Federation, it would be proper to consult with the National Economic Council where the States are represented.

    “Relevant stakeholders such as the Ministries of Mines and Steel Development, Industry, Trade and Investment were not fully consulted.

    Read also: Ajaokuta Steel ’ll soon come to life, says Osinbajo

    “The inputs of key stakeholders are necessary to create the optimal legal and regulatory framework as well as institutional mechanism to adequately regulate the steel sector.”

    In another letter dated March 27,  Buhari cited provisions of Section 32 of the Small and Medium Enterprises Development Agency Bill 2018 as reasons for his refusal to assent to the Small and Medium Enterprises Development Agency Bill.

    He said: “Section 32 of the Bill, introduces (I) a 2.5% levy on the profit before tax of the target companies which will increase the tax burdens of the companies while offering no direct benefit to them : (ii) a one per cent   levy on  imports which will also add to the cost of doing business in the country , (iii), a  five per cent levy on luxury goods which duplicates efforts by the Federal Ministry of Finance to raise excise on such goods in a more sustainable manner to the benefit of the Federal Government treasury.”

    He noted that if signed into law, the agency will have similar objectives to the Bank of Industry particularly with regard to the funding of Small and Medium Enterprises.

    He said: “Accordingly, it is important to streamline its functions to avoid a duplication or overlap of functions with other government institutions performing similar functions aside the likelihood of increasing public re-current expenditure by the proposed creation of new public sector bodies.”

    Other affected Bills include the Nigerian Aeronautical Search and Rescue Bill 2018; Chartered Institute of Training and Development of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill 2018; Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria Bill 2018; the National Housing Fund Bill 2018;, National Institute of Credit Administration Bill 2018 and National Bio- Technology Development Agency Bill 2018.

    On each bill, President Buhari gave his reasons for withholding assent.

  • Fed Govt tackles Senate for padding votes

    The Senate erred by marking up the reimbursement approved for Delta and Taraba states by the Federal Executive Council (FEC), it was learnt yesterday.

    The Federal Government, which faulted the approval of N90.2 billion for contracts the two states executed on its behalf, also tackled the Red Chamber for not approving reimbursement for Bauchi and Kogi states.

    In a letter dated March 5, President Muhammadu Buhari said the National Assembly’s approval was in excess of the amount approved by the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

    The letter, read by Senate President Bukola Saraki,  reads: “Wish to inform the Senate that we have received approval of the National Assembly via letter ref: NASS/CAN/106/Vol.11 /004 dated 29th January 2019 for the refunds to Delta and Taraba state governments through the issuance of Promissory Note for projects executed on behalf of the Federal Government.

    “The Senate may wish to note that following a review of the approval from the National Assembly, the following were observed:

    While the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved a total sum of N78,601,631, 430.16 as reimbursement to Delta and Taraba State Governments, the National Assembly approved N90,236,461,031.36 which is higher than the amount approved by the FEC.

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    The National Assembly did not approve any reimbursement to Bauchi and Kogi states government whereas the FEC had approved reimbursements for them.

    “The Senate may note the provisions of the Public Procurement Act 2007 which empowers the Bureau of Public Procurement to approve vendors and contract sums.

    The amounts presented to the National Assembly for approval were duly certified for reimbursement by the BPP before they were approved by FEC.

    “Since the BPP is charged with the responsibility of approving contract sums and there is need for compliance with the BPP Act 2007, I wish to request that you forward to us details relating to the amounts approved by the National Assembly for Delta and Taraba states in excess of what was certified by the BPP, for necessary certification and approval.”

     

  • Lobby, political solution‘d have confirmed Magu, says Saraki

    Senate President, Bukola Saraki, on Monday threw light on the controversial refusal of the Senate to confirm the appointment of Mr. Ibrahm Magu as substantive chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    Saraki said the appointment of Magu as EFCC Chairman may have been confirmed but for the failure of the Presidency to explore the established channel of lobby.

    He also said that “political solution” should have been applied after the Senate rejected the nomination of Magu twice if only the Presidency toed the path.

    The Senate President spoke at the orientation programme for Senators-elect and House of Representatives members-elect of the 9th National Assembly held in Abuja.

    Saraki attempted to parry questions on why the National Assembly did not go to court for a definite pronouncement on the failed confirmation of Magu’s appointment as substantive EFCC Chairman.

    He was forced to respond when the question refused to go away.

    Saraki said that it is left to the Executive arm of government to find a replacement of a ministerial nominee if rejected by the Senate.

    Talking specifically on Magu nomination, he said that there was no doubt that the Senate has the power to confirm or reject his nomination.

    On why the Senate did not go to court for pronouncement on whether the Senate has the power to confirm the EFCC chairman, he said that there were over 12 cases pending in court on the issue.

    Saraki, who said that some of the cases had been pending in court for over two years, added he cannot explain why the cases have not been decided.

    He noted however that “in cases like the EFCC chairman, there is always the need for political solution and dialogue to solve the issue.

    “But to say whether the Senate has the power to confirm, the Senate has power to confirm. The power of confirmation is there even in America which we copy.

    “When the Executive makes appointment, there is issue of lobby. This is why we want a particular nominee. It is done even in America.”

    On the election of presiding officers of the 9th National Assembly, Saraki advised senators-elect and members-elect that they should ensure that there were in the chamber on the day of inauguration.

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    He insisted that inauguration and election of presiding officers only take place on the floor of the two chambers of the National Assembly.

    The Clerk to the National Assembly, Mohammed Sani-Omolori, who flagged off the orientation, spoke on the overview of the National Assembly including structure, functions and inter-parliamentary relations.

    In the course of his presentation, Sani-Omolori mentioned that one of the functions of the Senate is the confirmation of nominees from the Executive arm of government.

    The power of confirmation of nominees prompted questions on the confirmation of Magu and why he is still serving as Acting Chairman of EFCC when he was denied confirmation.

    Sani-Omolori said that he was not in a position to answer political questions and referred the question on Magu to Saraki.

    Saraki noted that the options are the President can lobby the legislature or present someone else at the event of rejection of a nominee.

    Saraki said: “The point I am making is that we should not make too much news on the process of electing a presiding officers. What is important is for the members of the Senate to decide who is the best to lead them so that they can have stability.”

    On non- confirmation of Magu, Saraki said: “The truth really is that the issue of confirmation whether ministerial or other appointments, is done by the entire Senate.

    “Generally, we have an unwritten practice that we would get the input of senators from the state where the appointee hails from before we start the screening process in the Senate.

    “By the powers of the Senate if such a nominee is rejected, then it is upon the executive to find a new replacement.

    “The issue really is that the Senate has the powers to reject a ministerial nominee.

    “In a situation where the Senate rejects, it is up to the executive at that time to send in a replacement or in some cases, when we have appointment rejected and the executive will re-present before the Senate but if the senators again, took a decision to reject the nominee, the appointment stands rejected.”

  • Tinubu: No room for serpent in National Assembly this time

    ALL Progressives Congress (APC) National Leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has declared that  the party is in no mood to  allow serpent infiltrate its ranks  and hijack the leadership of the 9th National Assembly.

    He vowed that party discipline would be upheld in deciding those who will lead the Senate and the House of Representatives in the coming dispensation.

    Tinubu spoke to reporters in Lagos after a Prayer Programme organised by Islamic and Christian clerics to mark his 67th birthday.

    “Party discipline is key, we must be disciplined in the party,” he said.

    “We were a little careless in 2015. We created the opportunity for serpent to get into our party and that did not allow Nigeria to make the desired progress.

    “You have seen the result of it and we are not going to allow that to happen again. We are going to respect our party and we are going to apply the rules and regulations.

    “It is either you stay with us or you follow us or you leave. You have the freedom to choose but the freedom does not give you as a minority to go and collaborate and protrude our mandate given to you to another party who was our opposition and who is still our opposition.

    “We would not take that this time, no matter who you think you are. That is how it is built. Why do you want to deviate from what has been structured?

    “We look at our reward system equally, zone by zone,” he said.

    Tinubu said that his life as a politician at 67 had been a fulfilling journey.

    “When I joined politics, there were a lot of uncertainties because it was during the military regime. There were lots of struggles but my concern is about people and the future of my country.

    “My mother stood by me when I told her then that I was joining politics. She told me to be ready to take all sorts of insults whenever they cross my way. May her soul rest in peace.

    “The struggle was tough. It created a justice on June 12 election of MKO and some people deserted the camp, the struggle, the spirit.

    “We have stayed with this struggle. We know democracy is not easy but it is the only system of government that we chose.

    “Ever since, it has been a very fulfilling journey. There is always the twist and turns in politics.

    “Today, we endure, we persevere, we think, adjust, collaborate, merged and became single party just like yesterday,” he said.

    Tinubu said that the APC was in government for the common man.

    “You will think that APC has been on for 20 years but it is not up to six years. We went through compromises because we know that if we form a good alliance of progressive thinkers and believers in the ideology of common man, we will be able to serve the people.

    “It is not by criticism alone. You have to have the opportunity to even change the life of the people and quality of their standard of living.

    “So, we stood by it, we persevered persistently, uttered our voice, offered our recommendations, and then we are here. And today I am extremely happy that we are in government for the common man.

    “The only way to change Nigeria from penury is to fashion out our own organic economic strategy and plan that will continue to cater for all,” he said.