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  • National Assembly: So far, not so good

    National Assembly: So far, not so good

    Since its inaguration on June 9, the National Assembly has been grabbing the headlines, albeit, for the wrong reasons. The session, which began on a faulty note, has continued to progress in error – to the dismay of the public. Scramble for leadership positions, which is driven by crass opportunism, may hinder progress in the legislature if the trend is not checked, report  GBADE OGUNWALE and VICTOR OLUWASEGUN 

    IN another 26 days, the National Assembly will reconvene for the fourth time since the inauguration of the Eighth Assembly on June 9. The dual chamber has proceeded on recess three times within three months. The first two adjournments were forced by in-fighting in the Senate and the House of Representatives for leadership positions by the lawmakers.

    But the third adjournment, which they voluntarily began on August 13, will end on September 28, after a six-week vacation.

    The emergence of Bukola Saraki as the Senate President and Yakubu Dogara as House of Representatives Speaker unsettled the bi-camera legislature from the blast of the whistle for the four-year race on June 9.

    The two principal officers had defied directives by their All Progressives Congress (APC) party that tipped Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila to lead the Red and the Green Chambers.

     Initially, the bickering from the leadership crisis was seen by many as intra-party squabble that would fizzle out in a matter of days, but the open confrontations between the two opposing camps within the APC in both chambers, gave way to muffled indignation simmering in the pouch.

    The suppressed indignation is more clangorous in the Senate, where a minority Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) member Ike Ekweremadu emerged as Deputy Senate President, to the chagrin of the APC lawmakers and the leadership of the ruling party.

    An aggrieved APC senator, who considered the emergence of the duo of Saraki and Ekweremadu as leaders of the chamber had gone to court to challenge the process that led to their emergence. The alleged forgery of the Senate Standing Rules that paved the way for their emergence was to become a subject of police investigation and subsequent litigation by the Unity Forum, a vocal group of APC senators.

     The excitement created in the camp of the defendants over the rumoured withdrawal of the suit challenging the emergence of Saraki and was short-lived by the chambers of Mamman Mike Osuman & Co, which dismissed the purported withdrawal as “erroneous and mischievous”.

    According to a document signed by Chief Mamman Mike Osuman in his capacity as the lead counsel to the plaintiffs, what was withdrawn was the first suit filed by Senator Anthony A. Adeniyi, who served in the Seventh Senate.

    Not a few Nigerians have expressed concern over the inability of the federal lawmakers to settle down to legislative business since inception. Cumulatively, the senators had so far sat for 14 days before they went on recess without displaying their law-making prowess for those who voted for them on March 28 to see.

    Despite the overwhelming confidence vote passed on the leadership of the Senate, Nigerians have no reason to cheer.

    The confirmation of  Service chiefs, a development that was in tandem  with public mood, was done with dispatch and without rancour.

    Within the 14 days that they sat, the Senate President led a delegation of senators to the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps in Maiduguri, Borno and parts of Adamawa states. The senators also passed a few resolutions on a number of issues regarding erosion in parts of the country, approved $75 million World Bank loan for Edo State among others.

    Though a handful of bills were referred to the various ad-hoc committees for attention, the business of the upper legislative chamber was largely dominated by oversight functions

    Before the latest adjournment, the Senate President had played host to a some delegations from the various Federal Government Ministries, Departments and Agencies  (MDAs) and members of the diplomatic corps. Observers say the peripheral actions have not done much in straightening the rough edges and the smoothening the frosty relations between the Senate and the executive arm.

    In the midst of the hazy atmosphere, a group of senators, apparently prodded by Saraki, decide to embark on what many described as a wild goose chase. Led by Senator Samuel Anyanwu, the Senate ad-Hoc Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions, summoned the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mr. Ibrahim Lamorde for questioning over alleged short-changing in the remittances of recovered loot from corrupt public officials in the past.

    The committee’s hearing was hinged on a petition allegedly filed by an aggrieved citizen. For some sinister reasons, the purported petition did not go through the normal process of scrutiny and debate by the Senate in session. It was allegedly routed through the back door to serve some predestined ends.

    Strangely, both the APC and PDP caucuses in the Senate dissociated themselves from the hearing on grounds of its illegality. The hearing was held nevertheless but the proceedings there from further exposed the Senate to ridicule.

    It is doubtful if the Anyanwu-led committee and its promoters could muster the courage to forge ahead with the hearing. It is also doubtful if the committee’s report and recommendation would go beyond its narrow shelf. The Senate in session cannot entertain or debate the report of an exercise that did not emanate from its chambers.  So, the hearing is dead on arrival.

  • Anti-graft war: Ex-NEITI boss berates National Assembly

    Anti-graft war: Ex-NEITI boss berates National Assembly

    Former Chairman of the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, (NEIT) Professor  Assisi Asobie, yesterday said that the National Assembly must key into President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-corruption war for it to succeed.

    Asobie, also a former President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) said that President Buhari should fashion strategic plan of anti-graft fight instead of the current ad-hoc means of fighting corruption.

    The former NEITI boss spoke at the public presentation of two books written by Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, as part of activities to mark the 65th birthday of the frontline pharmacist.

    Asobie said that the National Assembly should stop treating the fight against corruption with levity which is what National Assembly members are doing currently.

    He noted that it is obvious that National Assembly members are not doing enough to give necessary bite to the fight against graft in the country.

    The National Assembly, he said, is the best institution that is adequately equipped to fight graft because the parliament regularly receives the report of the Auditor – General of the Federation and that of the Code of Conduct Bureau.

    He faulted the use of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission, (ICPC) to fight corruption.

    He noted that the use of the EFCC and ICPC to wage war on corruption may not lead the country to achieve desired results.

    He also said that the anti-graft war must not be politicized in order not to create unintended impressions.

    Asobie said: “The President cannot fight corruption using ad-hoc means. He should fight corruption with a strategy plan and the United Nations require that.”

     

  • Our mission in Maiduguri – Saraki


    Senate President, Bukola Saraki on Monday promised that the Nigerian senate will do anything required to restore normalcy to North eastern Nigeria. The senate president made the statement today during his visit to Maiduguri, Borno state in order to assess the ongoing war against Boko Haram insurgents. Saraki, who posted about the journey on his twitter handle noted that the mission of the visit is to restore hope to the people, lament the situation of things in the state due to activities of Boko Haram insurgents. "The mission of our visit to NE is simple, to give hope and to let the people of NE know that the Nigerian Senate will not abandon them. "I urge everyone to continue to pray for peace to be restored while also trying to constructively and carefully engage those behind the atrocities. "I will make it a point to include it as part of the places we will inspect. Heard it holds over 18000 IDP's. "As individuals representing various districts and Senate as an institution, we promise to do anything required of us to restore normalcy to NE. "8th Senate will also continue to suggest ideas through motions and resolutions that can help the country put this problem behind us "There are no quick fix solutions to the problem of insurgency, we will continue to encourage all efforts, military and otherwise. "We cannot in good conscience talk to the people affected by this menace from Abuja. We are here to listen and hopefully get ideas of solutions. He noted that members of the 8th senate will stand together with President Buhari, "whose singular devotion to ending these senseless killings gives us greater believe that we will win the war," he said. "We stand with our troops and this new Senate will do all within power of authorization & approvals to support by providing funding and oversight. "Our country Nigeria is going through one of its worst challenges in history; with security challenge has come also economic challenges, he added. Furthermore, he lamented that it is very emotional to see over 2600 children made orphan by Boko Haram at Dalori IDP camp. "We will leave no stone unturned to address this," he stressed. He also stated that the senate will pass legislations, look over appropriation to find funding for rehabilitation, provide resources and provide oversight.   [news_box style="2" display="tag" link_target="_blank" tag="Maiduguri" count="6" show_more="on" show_more_type="link" header_background="#444444" header_text_color="#61d60e"]

  • Still on a successful Buhari anti-corruption war

    Still on a successful Buhari anti-corruption war

    If the National Assembly, expected to be the bulwark of the government, could be so easily compromised, God help us with a judiciary crawling with corrupt judges and where some very senior lawyers serve as conduit for bribes to sway court decisions

    The first part of this article indicated a few inescapable actions President Buhari must take if he wants to succeed in reining in corruption in the land.  Corruption has become so hydra-headed, even systemic in Nigeria that were it not going to fight back any war aimed at it, any attempt to stamp it out would still be a helluva duel. Those eating our country raw are so entrenched, and loaded,  that they have wasted no time in showing  what they are capable of  in the National Assembly the way they made minced meat of the  time honoured practice of  having members  of the majority party in parliament holding the principal  posts in both chambers, whether  at  home here in Nigeria,  or in  the U.S from where we borrowed the presidential system. If the National Assembly, expected to be the bulwark of the government, could be so easily compromised, God help us with a judiciary crawling with corrupt judges and where some very senior lawyers serve as conduit for bribes to sway court decisions.  Except President Buhari demonstrates unmistakable seriousness, early enough, by ensuring that every member of his party not only  respects party supremacy, but  acts in support of his government’s  policies,  which one is sure will be people friendly, there is enough stolen money out there to make nonsense of his  change mantra, the anti-corruption war, inclusive.

    Fortunately, as I was busy making suggestions on the subject here last Sunday, Itse Sagay, a distinguished legal scholar and Professor of Law, in concluding his article: ‘Politics, Public Service, Morality and Integrity in Nigeria’, (The Nation of the same date), was leveraging on his huge knowledge of the underlying weaknesses in our extant legal system to prescribe the following ways of strengthening current laws if the president is to successfully fight corruption. Wrote Professor Sagay:  “I wonder whether Nigeria has not gone too far down the depths of the abyss to be saved.  Recently, Professor Ben Nwabueze suggested that only a bloody revolution could save Nigeria.  I hope not.  What we absolutely and urgently need is a leader who can impose discipline and eliminate corruption.  There will be need to amend our laws to strengthen the state at the expense of individual liberty at least for a short while, if we are to get to redemption point.  All legal provisions permitting preliminary objections to prosecutions for corruption must be repealed from our laws.  The power of any court to issue an order of injunction against a trial for any crime, particularly corruption, should be repealed.  Interlocutory applications in cases concerning corruption should be banned.”

    I am not quite sure whether being a legal scholar, Professor Sagay could not bear to suggest, as I did in the first part of this article, that anybody facing corruption charges should be presumed guilty with the responsibility devolving on him to prove his innocence. Nigerians just have to appreciate the fact that corruption in our country has assumed the stature of a virulent cancer which demands nothing short of a drastic surgical intervention. Like President Buhari has been quoted as saying, if we do not kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria and “the house would have truly fallen”, to quote the German, Karl Maier. Over and above Professor  Sagay’s  prescriptions,  it is my view  that  a Special Court should be established to try corruption cases so as to avoid the shenanigans we see daily in our courts; shenanigans which  lawyers exploit to thwart justice, thereby ensuring that corruption remains alive and kicking, even emboldened.

    The Nation editor, Gbenga Omotoso, took us through some of these in his recent article: “An Anti-Graft War Advisory” –The Nation, Thursday, July 23, 2015 – from which we shall quote at some length.

    He wrote: “Here we go: Merely taking you before the court – if you fail to get a perpetual injunction against the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), its agents, privies, officers, operatives or whatsoever called – does not make you a prisoner. Be ready to shell out a fortune – obviously a small fraction of the cash they claim you have stolen – to get a damn good lawyer, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). There are many of them in town nowadays. Your adversary, the tempestuous EFCC, cannot afford them. When you are remanded, don’t panic and give your traducers a chance to say: “Oh; he’s finished.” Remember, the offence, no matter how huge the cash involved, is bailable. In fact, the charges may be as long as the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. Never mind; as the case progresses, they may be withdrawn, amended or consolidated into one or two.

    Bail will come in very liberal terms

    When the case proper begins, your lawyer will tell the judge he has no jurisdiction to entertain the matter. The judge could be stubborn. He may fix a date to determine his jurisdiction and, in actual fact, rule that he is fit to hear the matter. Don’t fret. Your lawyer will simply head for the ever-busy Court of Appeal. This, no doubt, will take months to resolve. The appeal may be decided, most likely against you.

    Another judge will naturally take over the case. A plea is taken – “Are you guilty or not?” Be firm in replying: “Not guilty at all, my Lord.” Your SAN will then raise a preliminary objection, saying again that His Lordship has no jurisdiction to hear the matter. “The offence was not committed in Abuja,” he will tell the court, “and the money involved is, after all, not the federal government’s.” Besides, no prima facie case has been established against you, the lawyer will say confidently.”

    At this point, after many years in court, the accused most probably becomes a governor and for the next eight years, our man is untouchable – no thanks to immunity. And if he decided to become a senator, I ask Nigerians to guess what chances EFCC, which could not afford a SAN in the first place, would have against an individual legislator- for whose gluttony, immodesty and outright immorality, if not thievery –  Nigeria spends an estimated N290 Million annually to maintain in a country with more than 70 percent of its populace living below poverty line, who  could thereby easily afford to buy the entire system to escape justice.

    It is therefore crystal clear that President Buhari has his job cut out in his promised war against corruption. He has to present to the National Assembly a steely executive bill , with none of those debilitating clauses as in the present EFCC Law, which passed into law, will then  form the regulatory underpinning of a serious anti corruption war. Presidency officials must ensure that the National Assembly is not allowed to embed in the new law, any of those their usual shifty clauses which lawyers turn round to mindlessly exploit for money.

    Reactions

    I  present below, for lack of space, a few of my readers’ reactions to the first part.

    A brand new anti-graft agency will be great especially with a head like Gen. Ishola Williams (RTD) which is the only way we can be sure the fight will be certain and thorough  –  080338392. (The general’s name appeared in more reactions).

    May you continue to live long with the ink ever-flowing from the source of truth. An organisation like the current EFCC cannot be the institution President Buhari envisaged would salvage Nigeria from the present wreck -080536571..

    Thanks for your article on anti-corruption. One obstacle in the way of implementing your revolutionary idea is the role of lawyers. The legal profession is based on lying and immorality as lawyers are always concerned with making money even if it means defending Lucifer and ensuring he is declared a saint. So the role of lawyers and the legal profession must be examined and debated nationally with a view to finding how to neutralise their satanic role in the war against corruption -080338562..

    Femi, I am sure you must have forgotten that the legislature that makes the law is having Saraki as the president despite the issue of Trade Bank and that of his family. I have written you earlier on this. Why do you think he wants to be Senate President at all costs? Why are former governors all heading to the senate? This legislature will block all anti corruption moves by the executive. That is why Saraki and Dogara are there. I pray that the president reads your piece of yesterday. It is more than marvellous -080556794..

  • Disquiet in National Assembly over unpaid severance benefits

    Disquiet in National Assembly over unpaid severance benefits

    THE non-payment of severance benefits to over 3,000 legislative aides, who served in the Seventh Assembly is causing a disquiet in the National Assembly.

    Though the National Assembly has started paying severance package to senators and House of Representatives’ members, who did not make it into the Eighth Assembly, legislative aides who served in both chambers were yet to be paid.

    But following the disquiet, the Clerk of the National Assembly (CNA) Salisu Maikasuwa, in an internal memo to ‘All Legislative Aides’ sought their understanding over the delay.

    The memo, which was signed by Director, Personnel Management Department Dr. I. S. Habu, on behalf of the CAN, appealed to the workers, saying the payment would be effected once funds were release  by the Federal Ministry of Finance.

    The memo reads: “I am directed to inform all legislative aides to please be patient regarding the payment of their severance gratuity and duty tour allowance (DTA), as management is making concerted efforts to secure the funds from the Ministry of Finance.

    “I am to add that as soon as the monies are released, payment will

    commence without any delay.”

    Payment of outstanding remuneration to legislative aides, who served during the Sixth Assembly has been a subject of litigation in the past as the irate workers had sued the management of National Assembly Commission.

    In the suit, Sager Ahmed, who represented over 3,000 aides, claimed that officials of the National Assembly illegally deducted huge sums of money from their salaries, emolument and severance packages.

    “The court should order the commission to refund the money,” he said.

    However, as at the time of filing this report, it was not clear how effective the response of the management of National Assembly was in pacifying the aggrieved workers.

    A source, who pleaded anonymity, said: “While the aides waited, it is annoying that senators and members of the House of Representatives have been paid June salaries and allowances.

    “All the monies under various sub-heads are usually collapsed and shared by the previous administrations. But they are afraid of the method to adopt this time, because nobody is sure of what the President may do.”

    According to him, the quarterly allowance which had hitherto been paid in bulk would henceforth be paid on monthly basis, because of the desire not to draw the curiosity of the Executive over the huge disbursement.

  • Way out of National Assembly crisis

    The National Assembly’s recess ends this week. But its top ranking members ought to know that this  has simply postponed the evil day. They thought they could mend the broken glass by simply taking time off. Things don’t work that way. Let me put things in proper perspective. The major cardinal point of APC’s campaign is change. People voted for change and the real change APC clamored for is the change in attitude, change in the way we do things in the country, putting Nigeria first in all that we do. Now the question is, did we put Nigeria first in this instance? Did the Clerk of the National Assembly put Nigeria first in hurriedly conducting an election into the most sensitive posts after the office of President of the Federal Republic?

    Was the Clerk impartial in carrying out his duties when he knew that the APC controlled majority membership in both houses of the National Assembly, yet conducted election into the position of the Senate presidency with only seven members of the ruling party in attendance?

    If the Clerk of the National Assembly wanted to protect the interest of the nation and the dignity of the National Assembly, he would have waited for a fuller house to conduct the election and no one would have forced or faulted him. He simply acted in the old ways of impunity where individual interest superseded the interests of the nation. That is why he should not remain in that position because he is obviously compromised.

    We have to begin to understand that democracy is a representative government in which the few at the Senate and House of Representatives and state Houses of Assembly are simply representatives of the people. In that context, when nearly half of the members of the Senate were schemed out of the voting process to elect the number three citizen of the country, it meant that half of the country were not represented in that process. It made the election a nullity because it did not represent the view of the totality of the people of this nation. It worries me really when people narrow the exclusion that took place to only the number of senators that were not there to vote. Those senators actually represent millions of Nigerians. In some cases, some states were 100 percent, totally excluded. Can the Senate President be said to have been validly democratically elected?

    To the best of my knowledge, the Clerk has plunged the nation into a political and economic darkness . Let it not be lost on anyone that while the National Assembly is on recess trying to find a way round the problem, the nation as a whole is on recess. The economy is on recess because as we speak, everyone is on a waiting game. Foreign investors are watching and waiting, the stock exchange is feeling the pinch, the free fall of the naira tells the story better and the impact on the national economy and Nigerians is there for all to see. It is time for the real change by putting Nigeria first in all that we do. In a few days time they will resume and the problem will remain there, the bickering, the distrust, the agitation for the right thing to be done and the nation will continue to suffer.

    The Senate President should know that the burden of occupying that exalted office in a dubious manner is too heavy. He might have won the seat through crooked means, but he cannot succeed in it because he is leading the elites and most senior citizens of Nigeria. He can not compel anyone to respect him. To successfully navigate the stormy waters of the Senate, you must earn the respect of the senators. David Mark succeeded as Senate President because he was respected by most members of the Senate during his tenure. It is always difficult to build successfully on a faulty foundation. Sooner or later, the structure will crash on the head of the builder.

    I have tried to imagine the Senate President trying to speak to Nigerians on morality, on putting Nigeria first before self, on doing the right thing for the good of the nation or even confronting the ministers or even the President when he steps out of turn. No, he cannot give what he does not have. The moral burden is too heavy for him to bear for four years in that office.

    Let’s call a spade by its real name. This is a man who was trying to impress it on his party to give him the nod to represent their interest as the Senate President but failed to turn up at the meeting where the interest of the party was to be discussed but  sneaked to the Senate chambers to liase with the opposition to install himself as the Senate President. By that act, he has exhibited the highest degree of moral and political bankruptcy and such person is not fit for the exalted position of number three citizen of this great country in an era of change. That is the moral burden the Senate president can hardly overcome unless the right thing is done.

    I must remind him of one little thing; that “whoever rides on the back of the tiger will end up in the belly of the tiger”. A deity will always increase its demand for sacrifice from time to time and PDP will remain a deity to Bukola Saraki as long he wants to remain in that office.

    I have, to a large extent ignored the House of Representative Speaker not because he got into office through the right door, but there was some semblance of an election even though by default. What happened at the Senate was equally designed for the House of Representatives but for the fact that information of what happened at the senate came to APC members at the venue of the meeting and they dashed down for the election, even then, the damage was already done.

    As one script writer once wrote, “the only way is the hard way.” There is hardly any other way I see in sight in this whole sordid affair than either resignation of the Senate President which is not an easy decision or the Senate taking steps to remove him. Saraki should do the honourable thing by resigning and allowing a proper election to take place. If he wins, then the nation will accept and respect him. As a two time governor, and now a two-time senator, he deserves respect. But when one’s antecedent continues to put a large question mark on his head, he should take steps to show himself above board.

    On the other hand, the senators should begin the process that would eventually right the wrong.The interest of the nation must supersede the interest of one manipulative individual. It is unfortunate that Senate President is not only trying to divide the APC, he has by his action put a strain on the unity of the country. The eastern part of the country is beginning to see any move to correct the political aberration as an affront on their interest because Ike Ekweremadu represents their interest. This should not have been so if the Senate President had not been blinded by personal ambition.

    What worries me most is that majority of the leaders of the party are not speaking out. The elder statesmen have kept mute in the face of impunity. Evil thrives where people of good conscience refuse to speak. This is not about party, it is not about sectional interest, it is about doing the right thing and presenting the country in good light in the comity of nations.

    • Dr. Ajatta, is a former member, House of Representatives representing Oshodi-Isolo, Lagos. 

  • Banjo: National Assembly crisis embarrassing

    •’Universities need overhauling’

    Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo has described the National Assembly crisis as a “national embarrassment”,  saying he was “embarrassed, disappointed and ashamed”.

    The former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan (UI), who chaired the 10th remembrance anniversary of the late Prof Poju Onibokun at the International Conference Centre, Ibadan, said President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the United States was a step in the right direction.

    “It shows what others think about us and how we think about ourselves. We can leverage on that. We should tidy up all the mess going on in this country because people are watching us. We must behave like adults,” he said.

    Banjo described the late don, who died at 63, as one of Nigeria’s bravest scholars.

    “As far back as 1990, the late Prof Onibokun established the Centre for African Settlement Studies and Development (CASSAD).

    “He was involved with the big Abuja project under the supervision of Prof Akin Mabogunje.”

    Describing the late Onibokun’s legacies as unforgettable, Banjo called for massive overhauling of universities.

    He said: “Our universities need massive overhauling to make them a veritable engine of development, producing scholars working within and outside the university system, who will ensure a consistent rise in the level of development in the country.

    “Prof Onibokun has bequeathed a legacy, which should challenge generations after him to be in the vanguard of efforts to develop the country and enhance the well-being and happiness of its inhabitants.”

    In his lecture, Prof. John Bade Falade advised Nigerians to always obey town planning rules, because they are panacea to many health challenges in the country.

    Speaking on the roles of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in sustainable community and national development, Falade observed that it was easier for the government to work with NGOs to achieve success in all areas.

    He said: “Government, through the planning agency, is supposed to have plans for our communities. What we find in Nigeria at the moment is abnormality as people do not see town planners as their friends.

    “Now, the case of Ibadan is a quite interesting. I grew up in Ibadan to some extent. I was here around 1969 till 1974, when I travelled abroad.

    “The problem was that the planning was truncated, following the Agbekoya incident. That was the time of Maj-Gen Adeyinka Adebayo (rtd).

    “Residents protested that town planners were extorting money from them, some people were killed.  The protesters went to Agodi Prisons to set some people free. “Then the governor went on television to say that there was no town planning again. It was a law. So, all the development you see towards and around were as a result of how people began to build without government approval.

    “This is the genesis of narrow roads in Ibadan today, and so till today, you see a lot of people building their houses without approval.

    “Town planning came as a preventive arm of medical service. We have to make sure that town planning works. We need to obey town planning rules. It is for our own good. In England where I practice, they don’t joke with it. So, we must learn to obey it for our own good,” Falade added.

    Mabogunje described the late Prof Onibokun as an enterprising Nigerian, who was concerned with the problem in the country.

    “He paid attention to ways in which we really don’t pay attention to our cities. And he wanted to come and see what can be done to improve the conditions in the cities.

    “Although he worked for many years in the public sector, he took his money to start what is presently known as CASSAD. And so, he gave examples to people that you don’t wait for government to solve a problem.

    “Ten years after, some things have changed, some are just as bad as when he left. This  celebration is to show that we have not forgotten him and his contribution and to use it as an example which people can copy and improve upon,” he said.

  • National Assembly’s caucus condemns DSS for dabbling in Rivers politics

    The Rivers State caucus of the National Assembly has criticised the Department of State Services (DSS) for dabbling in the state’s political affairs that is before the Election Petitions Tribunal.

    In a petition to the Director-General of the DSS, the caucus alleged that the agency was plotting to witch-hunt, coerce and intimidate electoral and judicial officers handling the petitions on this year’s general elections in the state.

    Sixteen senators and members of the House of Representatives from Rivers State, who endorsed the four-page document, criticised the agency’s invitation of the Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) and other INEC officials, including members of the various panels handling the election petitions on the 2015 general elections

    According to the lawmakers, the invitation was done to coerce and intimidate the officials with the alleged plan to influence the outcome of the various petitions before the tribunal.

    The petition said: “We cannot but conclude that part of the script being played by your office is to concoct evidence in support of the petitioners’ case at the tribunal where the petitioners pleaded that they shall rely on security reports at the trial, particularly the SSS report.

    “It is also not a coincidence that your drive and invitation to parties (INEC officers) came after the private visit of former Governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, to your office on or about Tuesday, July 7, 2015. Shortly after his visit, he assured the petitioners ‘the DSS is game’.

    The caucus urged the DSS to stick to its statutory role of an unbiased, non-partisan agency, whose mandate is to defend the country without fear or favour.

  • NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Inside the war without end

    NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Inside the war without end

    Since the inauguration of the 8th National Assembly, things have fallen apart to the extent that it has been difficult for the Senate and the House of Representatives to settle down for business. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION examines the multi-dimensional intrigues, its consequences and the ways out.

    More than a month after its inauguration, the National Assembly has been wobbling because of the inability of the Senate and the House of Representatives to elect its principal officers in a peaceful, credible and transparent manner. Rather than settling down for business, the new leaders of both chambers have been performing Executive functions by entertaining courtesy calls, solidarity visits and globetrotting in search of legitimacy and acceptance by the public.

    The implosion within the All Progressives Congress (APC) caucus in the two chambers has grounded legislative activities leading to an unnecessary and long recess to allow tempers to cool down. While Nigerians are looking forward to July 21 for the National Assembly to reconvene, the much-needed peace appeared not in sight as resumption from recess was shifted again to July 28.

    According to a highly-placed source, the “postponement of resumption is to enable us calm frayed nerves and agree at amicable resolution of the issues at stake.”

    There are four things in contention to redirect the APC in the National Assembly. These are:  convincing the aggrieved Senators and House of Representatives members to accept the June 9 election of principal officers as a fait accompli; prevailing on the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara to abide by the party’s decision on sharing of principal officers to accommodate Sen. Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila groups; coming up with political solutions which will reunite APC caucus in the National Assembly and ward of infiltration by the Peoples Democratic Party; restoration of party supremacy to enable the President focus on the CHANGE agenda

    The demands

    For Saraki and Dogara, they are savouring the moment because they have gone to the negotiation table from a position of strength having been elected or crowned as leaders of the Senate and the House. Even their mien had been suggestive of a pyrrhic victory. But the Lawan and Gbajabiamila groups, which are loaded with the intelligentsia and principled leaders, have risen above their ‘losses’ to insist on what is right and deference to the supremacy of the party.

    All the actors had used the past three weeks to hold meetings with President Muhammadu Buhari, National Chairman of APC, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, party leaders and elders, and the National Executive Committee. The crux of the matter is how to strike a deal between Saraki-Dogara alliance and the APC/ Lawan and Gbajabiamila groups on the demands of the latter.

    The template for negotiation was set by the All Progressives Congress.  The position of the leadership of the APC was contained in two separate letters to the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, by the National Chairman of the APC, Odigie-Oyegun . The June 23 letter to Saraki, referenced APC/NHDQ/NAM/01/015/05, said: “Please find below for your necessary action names of principal officers approved by the party, after extensive consultations for the 8th Senate as follows: Sen. Ahmed Lawan (Majority Leader)–North-East; Prof. Sola Adeyeye (Chief Whip)–South-West; Sen. George Akume (Deputy Majority Leader)—North-Central; and Sen. Abu Ibrahim (Deputy Chief Whip)—North-West.

    A similar letter, APC/NHDQ/NAM/01/015/06, to the Speaker said: “Please find below for your necessary action: names of principal officers approved by the party after extensive consultations for the 8th House of Representatives as follows: Femi Gbajabiamila (House Leader)—-South-West; Alhassan Ado Doguwa (Deputy House Leader)—North-West; M. T. Monguno (Chief Whip)—North-East; and Pally Iriase (Deputy Chief Whip)—South-South. This comes with the assurances of my highest regards.”

    Despite the template, Saraki with his Like Minds Senators went ahead to defy APC and selected its own principal officers:

    In a July 1 session with President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, the Gbajabiamila group tabled its case and was unwavering in asking Dogara to respect the party’s wish.

    It said: “On June 9, 2015, 174 APC members in the House faithfully and loyally followed the directives of the party to vote for Femi Gbajabiamila and Mongunu as Speaker and Deputy Speaker while 39 other APC members colluded with the opposition party, the PDP, to elect the current Speaker and Deputy Speaker with only eight votes superiority.

    “The party directive was based on the mock primaries conducted for all aspirants to the two positions. Whereas the candidates of the majority (Gbajabiamila and Mongunu) openly congratulated the winners and continued to cooperate with them in the House, the opposition and the 39 APC members continued to hold the APC leadership in contempt. Whereas, we the 174 party faithful and loyalists had been obedient to the party, what shall be the reward of our loyalty to the party?

    “The party has chosen not to punish the 39 APC members including the elected Speaker and Deputy Speaker, but chose to direct, as it is customary and conventional, on how the other four (4) principal officers should be distributed. Alas! The opposition and the 39 members continue to hold the ruling party in contempt by disobeying the party

    “Whereas, the beneficiaries of the disobedience are citing Federal Character Principle as the main reason for their disobedience, His Excellency should note that (a) During the 6th Assembly (2007-2011), the following Officers were elected from the NORTH WEST: (I) The president and Commander in Chief, (ii) Ismaila Kawu and (III) Mutawalle–two occupied two out of the four principal officers positions of the Minority Party, (iv) Aminu Tambuwal was elected Deputy Chief Whip.

    “(b)Also during the 7th Assembly, the following officers in Government were elected from the NORTH WEST: (I) The Vice President, (II) The Speaker, Aminu

    Tambuwal, (III) Ismaila Kawu, Deputy Minority Leader, (IV) Garba Datti, Deputy Minority Whip. There was never an issue of Federal Character in these instances.

    “It should be noted that the Federal Character principle as embedded in Chapter of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) IS NOT JUSTICIABLE AND OF NO LEGAL CONSEQUENCE. Its provision in S.14 of the Constitution is only applicable to appointments in Federal Ministries and Agencies. The House of Representatives is not an Agency of the Federal Government and the Principal officers positions are elective and not by appointment. If the federal character is applicable to the National Assembly, then both the Senate President and the Speaker cannot come from the North, one of them should be advised to step down.”

    The Lawan group had also made presentations at separate meetings with the President and Oyegun alongside the Deputy National Chairman (North), Sen. Lawal Shuaib, the Deputy National Chairman (South), Segun Oni, and the National Secretary of APC, Mallam Mai Mala Buni.

    According to findings, the meeting was able to chart a “way forward” on how to reunite all APC Senators in the 8th Senate.

    At the end of the meeting, the Lawan group made the following demands:

    o       APC leadership should instil discipline and intervene in the choice of some principal officers in the Senate.

    o       It is better to leave the choice of some principal officers to APC than zonal caucuses in order not to further divide the governing party

    o       Ranking must be considered in the selection of principal officers.

    o       Concession of some principal offices to the Unity Forum including Ahmed Lawan (Majority Leader); George Akume (Deputy Majority Leader); Prof. Sola Adeyeye (Senate Whip);  and Abu Ibrahim(Deputy Whip).

    o       Reconciliation is possible if Saraki group does not play the politics of winner- takes- all

    o       PDP should not be allowed to produce any principal officer except those due to it as the minority party in the Senate

    The negotiation so far

    When the hostility was intense, the APC called a meeting of the National Executive Committee meeting to douse the tension, despite higher expectations, the session could only attract a commitment to party supremacy from all leaders (including Saraki, Dogara, Lawan and Gbajabiamila) and groups; a pledge to work for peace and success of APC administration; and it acceded to the request of the APC governors to wade in the crisis. The governors have set up two committees including Aminu Tambuwal Panel to resolve the crisis of confidence in the House and Governors Atiku Bagudu andAdams Oshiomhole Intervention Committee for the Senate.

    A source, privy to the activities of the two committees, said: “The two committees have met only once with all the gladiators before the National Assembly went on recess. The key actors presented their terms for peace.

    “I think the committees will use the next one week to allow the key actors to negotiate and agree on some terms. The pressure is on Saraki and Dogara to demonstrate their loyalty to the party by accommodating the aggrieved.”

    So far, only Dogara appears to have come up with a variant of the party’s advice. He has partially accepted to accommodate the Gbajabiamila group but he tactically rejected the party’s nominees. Out of the four principal offices, Dogara only conceded two to the Gbajabiamila group, including House Leader and Chief Whip.

    In a July 16 letter to Oyegun, Dogara, who hid under Federal Character Principle after emerging as the Speaker said: “Consequently sir, we propose the following zoning arrangement for the distribution of principal offices in the House of Representatives. Speaker-Yakubu Dogara (North-East); Deputy Speaker, Yusuf Sulaimon Lasun (South-West); House Leader (North-West); Deputy House Leader (North-Central); Chief Whip (South-South) and Deputy Chief Whip (South-East).

    “Above proposal satisfies the provisions of Order 1 of our Rules and Constitutional provision on Federal Character and gives all parts of Nigeria a sense of belonging. The proposal will also obviate all pending court cases filed by some zonal caucuses on the matter.

    “To resolve this problem, we had offered that some of the aggrieved members of our party (APC) who lost the election for the office of the Presiding Officers should produce some of the remaining Principal Officers for peace to reign. For emphasis, we have conceded the position of the Leader of the House and Chief Whip to those aggrieved as long as the persons do not come from the North-East or South-West zones that have already produced the Speaker and Deputy Speaker.

    “In any case sir, I pledge as the Speaker of the House, to accommodate other colleagues of ours in the party list, who may not be taken care of by this arrangement, with other commensurate appointments or other existing opportunities for service to the nation.

    “We owe a duty to lay the truth bare as we have done in this case. The party in conjunction with governors, national leaders and the APC caucuses in the House may agree otherwise as the saying goes: ‘volenti non fit injuria’.  Our party must not have the undistinguished honour of setting a precedent outside of the provisions of the constitution and the Rules of the House.”

    Investigation revealed that Saraki has not made any substantial concession other than the outstanding office of the Chief Whip which is yet to be filled. With benefit of hindsight of a list coming from the party, Saraki played a fast one by filling some principal offices in order to have an excuse that event has overtaken the party’s advisory. The power sharing formula so far in the Senate is as follows: President of the Senate, Saraki (North-Central); Senate Leader, Ali Ndume (North-East); Deputy Senate Leader, Bala Ibn Na’Allah (North-West); and Deputy Chief Whip, Francis Ailimikhena (South-South). A reliable stakeholder said: “Saraki’s body language has indicated that he will not empower Lawan and Akume because they are capable of a political rebound which can undermine his Senate Presidency. He is also looking at the bigger picture of the politics in APC. He knows that party leaders, who are backing Lawan and Akume, can spring a surprise any time.

    “I think the Like Minds will only concede the Chief Whip and some juicy committees to Lawan and Akume in the Unity Forum if only they will be loyal to his leadership. The same Saraki is in league with the leaders of the New PDP in APC to influence Dogara not to shift ground.”

    The main setbacks for negotiation

    The battle ahead is still complicated with each of the warring groups engaging in subtle underground war. For instance, the pro-Dogara loyalists have not withdrawn the suit against Gbajabiamila’s eligibility in a court in Abuja because of the fears of a likely political resurgence if it becomes imperative to remove Dogara. Certainly the Gbajabiamila group is unhappy that those backing Dogara could move to tarnish its arrowhead’s image. This is a thaw in the ongoing negotiation.

    In the Senate, the Like Minds is unforgiving of the decision of the Unity Forum to write a petition to the Inspector-General of Police on the purported forgery of the Senate Standing Orders 2015 (as Amended). The implication of the Deputy President of the Senate, Chief Ike Ekweremadu created an upset in the Senate and it has changed reconciliation equation with the Unity Forum. The outcome of the police investigation will determine many things in the Senate.

    Another setback is the involvement of Governor Aminu Tambuwal in the reconciliation process. As a leader, who was neck-deep in supporting Dogara, he needs more reconciliation than some of the key actors in the National Assembly drama.

    Options available to Saraki, Lawan, Dogara and Gbajabiamila

    While it is difficult, remote and impossible to conduct a fresh election of principal officers in the two chambers, the conspiracy of June 9 will continue to haunt the 8th National Assembly. But findings revealed that there are four options out of the woods. Ironically, each of the options has its cost. These include abiding by the party’s directive, adopting a winner-takes-all strategy as presently the case by Saraki and Dogara, working out a political solution in the interim to share offices and committees before adjustment later and leaving the National Assembly perpetually on the edge to pave the way for musical chair in both chambers.

    Abiding by the party’s directive

    Although the APC is being turned into a toothless bulldog by the camps of Saraki and Dogara by ignoring its advice on sharing of principal officers, it will pay the two groups to have some modicum of respect for party supremacy. Shunning the party will amount to destroying the platform with which they won election into the National Assembly. If they have their way, they may not have the last laugh in any party they may belong to realize their aspirations in 2019, even after the looming realignment of forces. Their future political alliance partners will henceforth be more circumspect in dealing with them. Dogara was quick to realize this when he hid under the Principle of Federal Character in the constitution to produce a variant of party’s directive for peace to reign. It was a partial compliance with the party’s directive after much pressure.  The ball is however in Saraki’s court whose only concession might be zoning the Chief Whip to Prof. Sola Adeyeye in Lawan’s group of Unity Forum. He finds it difficult to ask Senator Ali Ndume (Senate Leader) and other Principal Officers to step down because he has boxed himself into a corner with all manner of concessions and platitudes to get the coveted seat. As a politician with his eyes on 2019 presidency, he feels obliged to honour these subterranean and conspiratorial agreements at the expense of the APC because it is about his personal aspiration in the future. The alliance between Saraki and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has also made him to be on a tight rope. If Saraki listens to APC and sacrifices the Deputy President of the Senate, Chief Ike Ekweremadu, who is more adept in diplomatic and concession politics, he will lose his much-cherished Senate Presidency. He has to run a pliant administration for both APC and PDP members in the Senate.

    But as 2019 approaches, the PDP may also bare its fangs and clip the wings of Saraki by conspiring with APC Senators to remove him from office to checkmate his presidential ambition. Overall, respecting APC’s directive will give Saraki more respite than the marriage of inconvenience with PDP.

    Adopting a winner-takes-all strategy

    This is an option with many consequences for Saraki and Dogara and the ultimate will be about presiding over a divided National Assembly. Senators and Reps will develop hyena relationship, conduct legislative business with mutual suspicion, disrupt sessions, frustrate bills and they may end up with less than 30 to 40 per cent performance. At the end of the day, the APC’s Change Agenda might not be realized and the masses will be worse off. For Dogara with a victory of eight votes over Femi Gbajabiamila, he will be in a tinder box without enjoying every minute of his tenure. The winner-takes-all attitude may also pitch the presidency against the National Assembly leaders because it will confirm intelligence report that some forces, who have an axe to grind with President Muhammadu Buhari, bankrolled Saraki and Dogara’s election. The body language of the President has suggested that he is unhappy with Saraki.

    At the Eid-el Fitr prayer in Abuja on Friday, while Saraki was adjusting his Alkimba (Special robe) to pose for photo shots with President Buhari, the latter remained unsmiling. No Senate President or the Speaker of the House of Representatives had successfully, since 1999, fought a sitting Nigerian President and had his cake and ate it. The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Mallam Garba Shehu, spoke Buhari’s mind when he said: “As a leader, the President has given guidance… His own position is that if the eye troubles you, whatever medicine you are going to apply, don’t put a pin.”

    Leaving the National Assembly on the edge

    If Saraki and Dogara brave the odds and damn the consequences of Lawan and Gbajabiamila’s groups, the 8th National Assembly will perpetually be under tension because the power equation can change at any time. To survive, Saraki and Dogara will spend a greater time in office appeasing one group or the other; making ridiculous concessions to different caucuses to stay afloat or they may be preoccupied with launching counter-plots against “political enemies.” Apart from overstretching their personal and official resources, their desperation for survival might lead to high-handedness including reaching the temperamental stage of suspending some Senators and Representatives from the chambers.

    Still revelling in their victory, Saraki and Dogara are confident that their removal from office is more difficult than their subterfuge election in the light of the provision of Section 50(2) (c) of the 1999 Constitution. The section says: “The President or Deputy President of the Senate or the Speaker or Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives shall vacate his office…if removed from office by a resolution of the Senate or of the House of Representatives, as the case may be, by the votes of not less than two thirds majority of the members of that House.”  But the scenarios in the National Assembly between 1999 and 2003, which led to the emergence of four Senate Presidents and two Speakers have proved their assumption wrong because power game in the legislature is a “slippery” thing. Once either the President of the Senate or the Speaker steps on the famous banana peel, getting two thirds is always easy.

    A high-ranking Senator said: “The Senate and the House of Representatives will certainly witness musical chair and we may end up changing our leaders two or three times before the expiration of the 8th National Assembly.

    “The way things are going now, I don’t see the present leadership surviving the next two years unless Saraki and Dogara lower their gaiety and draw substantially from the survival magic of ex-President of the Senate, Chief David Mark, who was extremely humble with power.

    “Look at how an attempt by Dogara to please a member of the House has backfired. He chartered a jet to go to Delta State and it has become a moral issue. Many faltering steps like this will arise in both chambers and such slips can lead to the change of guards.

    “Money is a key weapon for retaining the loyalty of members of the National Assembly. These members used to ask for one allowance or the other and with a budget cut from N150billion to N120billion, there will be some belt-tightening which might not go down well with Senators and Representatives. They will become restive. The alternative is to abuse the oversight powers of the Senate and the House to hold MDAs to ransom for cash. The attendant scandal from oversight functions may prove fatal for the new leadership in the National Assembly.

    It was also learnt that from the way Dogara is conducting his affairs, he is tied to the apron string of Saraki in deference to the alliance which brought the two leaders to power. He seems to draw confidence from Saraki because each time he agreed to some peace terms in the closet; he reneges in the open due to the fear of backlash. Members of the House might not tolerate Dogara’s servitude to Saraki for long because since 1999, the House of Representatives had always charted a vibrant and independent-minded attitude in contrast to the Senate’s docility. If Dogara does not sustain the template of House vibrancy and radicalism, he will be shoved aside by his colleagues.

    What alternatives for Lawan, Akume and Gbajabiamila?

    Certainly, there are four options available to Lawan, Akume and Gbajabiamila. These staying out of politics of Principal Offices in the Senate and House of Representatives because Saraki and Dogara will deliberately scheme them out;  going back to the trenches to re-strategize to pave way for a speedy political recovery;  accepting any token concessions  from Saraki and Dogara as sacrifices for the overall survival of the 8th National Assembly; and allowing Saraki and Dogara to burn their political fingers. Since they enjoy the backing of President Muhammadu Buhari and the APC tomorrow is another day.

    Which way out?

    A disturbed President Muhammadu only succeeded in pricking the conscience of APC leaders at the maiden meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party. Buhari said, “Let us as members of the APC, no matter our personal differences get together and use the mandate given to us by this country. This is my personal appeal to you in the name of God. Whatever your personal interest or ambition is, please keep it close to your heart and in your pocket.”

    But he needs to initiate an enlarged reconciliation process to reunite party leaders like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, ex-VP Atiku Abubakar, Chief Bisi Akande, Abubakar Kawu Baraje, former governors in New PDP who crossed over, and all members of the coalition which formed the APC. The APC leaders must return to the starting block for everything to come back to shape. It is a Herculean task but doable. Or else, the Cold War may persist in the party till 2019.

     

  • Budgetary brigandage

    Budgetary brigandage

    The National Assembly should not be allowed to execute the contradiction of determining how much it spends

    Nigeria’s National Assembly, the legislature, is assigned a pivotal role in achieving good, accountable, transparent and effective governance under the country’s presidential system of government. Apart from its specialised function of law making in a tripartite separation of powers that sees the executive implementing laws and the judiciary adjudicating disputes, the National Assembly is given broad oversight functions over all Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).

    Section 88 of the extant 1999 constitution invests the National Assembly with powers to conduct investigations as regards items in the concurrent and exclusive legislative lists. These wide ranging legislative powers include investigating any matter or thing with respect to which the National Assembly has power to make laws as well as the conduct of any person, authority, ministry or government department responsible for executing these laws and disbursing moneys appropriated by the National Assembly.

    It is only logical to expect a body charged with such high-minded and critical responsibilities, which are indispensable for the attainment of good governance, to be a model of institutional accountability and ethical integrity. This is, unfortunately, far from being so as the National Assembly has acquired notoriety for operating a budgetary system without precedence in the global democratic community in terms of opacity, sheer brigandage and shocking recklessness.

    The National Assembly’s annual budget of N150 billion is scrupulously shielded from public scrutiny, making its components one of the best kept secrets in the country. Not only does the National Assembly determine and approve its own budget, it also implements same with practically no independent oversight to guarantee transparency and accountability. It is a grand irony that a body that exercises oversight control over others is itself immune from oversight constraints. This surely cannot be the intention of the constitution.

    Knowledge of details of the National Assembly budget is reportedly limited to the Senate President, the Speaker of the House, their deputies, chairmen of services committees in both chambers as well as the Clerk of the National Assembly and a few powerful directors under his control. This unhealthy situation is responsible for such frivolous and fraudulent expenditure as the alleged spending of half a billion Naira annually on maintenance of generators alone, award of three contracts within four years for the installation or  rehabilitation of Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras within the National Assembly complex at close to one billion Naira and the procurement of standard plasma television sets for each Senator, Representative and top National Assembly bureaucrats at about five times the market price. This, we learn, is only a tip of the iceberg in a patently criminal opaque budgetary system that only provides cover for an extensive contract awards racket with most of the contracts hardly ever advertised for competitive bidding as required by an assortment of relevant laws.

    Of course, there is merit in the argument for financial autonomy of the National Assembly to enhance its functional efficacy, extricate the legislature from the dominance and control of the executive and achieve the constitutional stipulation of separation of powers. However, this goal is already guaranteed by Section 81 of the 1999 constitution, which ensures that the National Assembly like the judiciary and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), directly receives its budgeted funds from the Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF). However, the process through which the National Assembly arrives at the size and composition of its budget cannot continue to be shrouded in secrecy. It must be open to the citizenry who, in a democracy, exercise ultimate oversight responsibility over a government that derives its legitimacy from a popular mandate.

    True, agencies such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) are empowered to scrutinise the National Assembly’s budget and apply necessary legal sanctions against detected infractions. However, these agencies are probably impeded in this regard by the fact that they are also open to the National Assembly’s oversight scrutiny. We thus have a vicious cycle in which they turn a blind eye to the legislators’ budgetary brigandage and the latter are, in turn, morally incapacitated to undertake any serious oversight of the regulatory anti-graft agencies.

    The National Assembly’s opaque budgetary system is only one manifestation of a generalised chaotic and erratic budgetary process that has compounded the country’s economic woes. Recent revelations, for instance, indicate that critical national agencies like the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Ltd (NNLG) and the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC) run similar opaque budgets that are ill aligned to the national budget. It is not unlikely that is also the case with other cash cows such as the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) or the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA). A thorough audit and holistic overhauling of the country’s budgetary system at all levels is a necessary condition for the promised change of this new dispensation.