Tag: national assembly

  • Presidency, National Assembly  not in battle, say Jonathan, Mark

    Presidency, National Assembly not in battle, say Jonathan, Mark

    President Goodluck Jonathan and Senate President David Mark yesterday canvassed a stronger collaboration between the Executive and the Legislature.

    Jonathan and Mark underscored the fact that the Executive and Legislative arms of the government are not in any supremacy battle as erroneously assumed in some quarters.

    Both spoke in Abuja at a two-day conference on Executive-Legislature relations, with the theme: Strengthening Executive-Legislature Collaboration in Governance.

    The conference was organised by the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly Matters.

    Jonathan, who was represented by Vice-President Namadi Sambon, noted that the conference was part of efforts to improve good governance and development in the country.

    He said it underscored the need for harmony in politics between the Executive and the Legislature.

    While Jonathan insisted that the Executive and the Legislature are not in a competition or in a battle for supremacy, Mark said there was no competition between the two arms of government.

    Mark emphasised that both arms of government were on the same wavelength, adding that the only difference, sometimes, is that they view things from different perspectives.

    He said it is the minor difference that sometimes gives the impression that there is a friction between them.

    The Senate President noted.

    “This difference is necessary for democracy to survive because, if you allow excess power in one direction, we all know the result: there would be tyranny, there would be misuse of power and abuse of power”.

    Jonathan said he looked forward to the conference because of its significance in his administration’s philosophy.

    The conference, he said, is another avenue to promote the common agenda of transforming the country’s political, economic and social spheres.

    According to him, it is agreed that no perfect form of government exists for now.

    He added: “There is no better alternative to democracy, where people are allowed to freely elect their representatives through the ballot, which gives democracy clear advantage over other forms of government.

    “As elected representatives of the people of Nigeria, we hold power in trust for them and we must exercise this power responsibly and to their benefit. Power, I must emphasise, belongs to the people, not to those who the people elect. That is why no matter the form or level of power entrusted in us, we have a duty to put the people first in all that we do.

  • National Assembly got N190b in three years, says Tambuwal

    National Assembly got N190b in three years, says Tambuwal

    HOUSE Speaker Aminu Tambuwal yesterday in Kano dismissed as false, claims that federal lawmakers are draining the nation’s economy.

    Tambuwal, who was the Guest Speaker at the 30thMemorial Anniversary Lecture of Malam Aminu Kano, said of the Federal Government’s yearly N4.9 trillion budget, the National Assembly has received N190 billion in three years.

    The lecture was held at the Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Research and Training, Mambaya House, Kano.

    According to the Speaker, in the last three years, the Budget of the National Assembly, which comprises lawmakers, aides and other workers of the Secretariat got only N190 billion, which he described as quite insignificant against the perception of the public that the National Assembly members take a large chunk of the Federal Government budget.

    Defending the lawmakers, Tambuwal said that apart from the N80 billion received by the Judiciary, in addition to the N190 billion, the Federal Government has in its kitty about N4.6 trillion to spend, pointing out that, what is the justification when agencies of the Federal Government budget are not even sent to the National Assembly .

    On allegations of corruption on members of the National Assembly, the Speaker argued that for the case of corruption to be established against anyone, a competent court of jurisdiction must have found him guilty beyond reasonable doubt, citing former Senate president, Adolphus Wabara’s case.

    The Speaker traced the country’s socio-political and economic crisis to lack of sincerity and fear of God by the nation’s political leaders and expressed the fear that if the trend is allowed to continue, the country will be plunged into chaos.

    In his paper: “The Rule of Law as Fundamental Condition for Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria”, Tambuwal noted that the prerequisites for a thriving democracy are abidance by certain normative principles, as well as their internalisation and acceptance as doctrines of political participation.

    The principle of the Rule of Law, Tambuwal said stems from the view that a democratic government, normatively and empirically should be able to meet certain universally accepted values and norms, which govern democracy, stressing that the promotion of human rights and its corollary principles of the Rule of Law is : “Nonetheless the foundation for the realisation of all other elements of a functional Democracy.”

  • National Assembly introduces plea bargaining

    273. Effect of plea of not guilty

    A person who pleads not guilty shall be deemed to have put himself to trial.

    274. Effect of plea of guilty

    (1) Where a defendant pleads guilty to an offence with which he is charged, the court shall:

    (a) record his plea as nearly as possible;

    (b) invite the prosecution to state the fact of the case; and

    (c) enquire from the defendant whether his plea of guilty is to the fact as stated by the prosecution.

    (2) Where the court is satisfied that the defendant intends to admit the truth of all the essential elements of the offence for which he has pleaded guilty, the court shall convict and sentence him or make such order as may be necessary, unless there shall appear sufficient reason to the contrary.

    (3) Where the defendant pleads guilty to a capital offence, a plea of not guilty shall be recorded for him.

    275. Amending charge where defendant pleads guilty to offence not charged.

    If the defendant pleads guilty to an offence not contained in the charge or information on which he was arraigned, the court shall direct the prosecution to amend the charge or information accordingly to include the admitted offence, in which case, a fresh plea of the defendant shall be taken on the amended charge or information.

    276. Failure to plead due to malice or otherwise

    (1) If the defendant, when called upon to plead remains silent or refuses to answer, the court shall enter a plea of not guilty on his behalf.

    (2) A plea entered under subsection (1) of this section shall have the same effect as if the defendant actually pleaded to the charge.

    (3) The court may inquire into the mental state of the defendant, and if the court is satisfied that the defendant is of sound mind, the court shall proceed with his trial.

    (4) If the court finds that the defendant is of unsound mind, the provisions of this Act in relation to persons of unsound mind shall apply.

    277. Pleas: autrefois acquit or convict, pardon

    (1) A defendant against whom a charge or information is filed may plead that:

    (a) by virtue of section 238 of this Act he is not liable to be tried for the offence with which he is charged; or

    (b) he has obtained a pardon for his offence.

    (2) If either of the pleas under subsection (1) of this section is raised in any case and denied to be true in fact, the court shall determine whether such plea is true in fact or not.

    (3) If the court holds that the facts alleged by the defendant do not prove the plea, or if it finds that it is false in fact, the defendant shall be required to plead to the charge or information.

    (4) Nothing in this section shall prevent a person from pleading that, by virtue of some other provision of law, he is not liable to be prosecuted or tried for an offence with which he is charged.

  • National Assembly introduces plea bargain rules in  Justice Administration Bill

    National Assembly introduces plea bargain rules in Justice Administration Bill

    FOLLOWING the public out cry that trailed previous application of plea bargaining of the country, the House of Representative has made adequate provision to guide and regulate the application of plea bargain in the the new Administration of Criminal Justice Bill 2013 for which public hearing will hold on April 30.

    The bill, sponsored by the chairman, House Committee on Human Rights and Legal matters, Dr. Ali Ahmad, which seeks to streamline Criminal Justice Administration in the country, has been on the floor of the House for some time.

    One fundamental aspect of the Bill is the provision for Plea Bargain and if passed into law, may be applied under properly guided and specified conditions.

    The concept of Plea Bargain has been ridiculed and abused in our legal system because the process of its application and administration had not been streamlined at all under our laws.

    Most senior lawyers have applauded the concept, but obviously condemned its application in our system because it has been grossly and manifestly abused in those situations.

    However, the Lagos State Administration of Criminal Justice Law clearly provides for Plea Bargaining in the law. Section 75 of the Law gives the State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice the right to determine the acceptance of a plea Bargain under three parameters.

    The bill before the National Assembly provides for the proper checks and balances to safeguard the interest of the public and justice to avoid abuse. Plea Bargain constitutes about 90% of all criminal trials in the USA and other developed democracies.

    The bill fully provides for critical aspects of criminal justice administration and non custodian sentences such as

    •Alternatives to prison sentence (eg community service);·

    •Central Criminal Record Registry;

    •Arrest protocols;

    •Time frame for issuing DPP advice to the Police;

    •Case management measures for reducing pre-trial detention;

    •Prohibition of arrest of person for reason only of affinity with a suspect;

    •Quarterly report of arrests to the Attorney General by the police;

    •Victim compensation/restitution;

    •Protection of victims of sexual offe

    Section 270 of the bill provides;

    Defendant may plead guilty for lesser offence(s) than offence charged

    (1) Notwithstanding anything in this Act or in any other enactment, the Prosecutor may:

    (a) receive and consider a plea bargain from a person charged with an offence either directly from that person charged or on his behalf, by way of an offer to accept to plead guilty to a lesser offence (s) than that charged;

    (b) offer a plea bargain to a person charged with an offence.

    (2) Where the Prosecutor is of the view that the offer or acceptance of a plea bargain is in the interest of justice, the public interest, public policy and the need to prevent abuse of legal process, he may offer or accept the plea bargain.

    (3) The prosecutor and the defendant or his legal practitioner may before the plea to the charge, enter into an agreement in respect of –

    (a) of the terms of the plea bargain which may include the sentence recommended within the appropriate range of punishment stipulated for the offence or a plea of guilty by the defendant to the offence (s) charged or a lesser offence of which he may be convicted on the charge, and

    (b) an appropriate sentence to be imposed by the court if the defendant is convicted of the offence to which he intends to plead guilty.

    (4) The prosecutor may only enter into an agreement contemplated in subsection (3) of this section –

    (a) after consultation with the police responsible for the investigation of the case and the victim, and

    (b) with due regard to the nature of and circumstances relating to the offence, the defendant and public interest.

    (c) in determining whether it is in the public interest to enter into a plea bargain, the prosecution shall weigh all relevant factors, including:

    i. the defendant’s willingness to cooperate in the investigation or prosecution of others;

    ii. the defendant’s history with respect to criminal activity;

    iii. the defendant’s remorse or contrition and his willingness to assume responsibility for his conduct;

    iv. the desirability of prompt and certain disposition of the case;

    v.the likelihood of obtaining a conviction at trial, the probable effect on witnesses;

    vi. the probable sentence or other consequences if the defendant is convicted;

    vii. the need to avoid delay in the disposition of other pending cases; and

    viii. the expense of trial and appeal.

    ix. The defendant willingness to make restitution or pay compensation to the victim where appropriate

    (5) The prosecution shall afford the complainant or his representative the opportunity to make representations to the prosecutor regarding –

    (a) the content of the agreement: and

    (b) the inclusion in the agreement of a compensation or restitution order.

    (6) An agreement between the parties contemplated in subsection (3) shall be reduced to writing and shall–

    (a) state that, before conclusion of the agreement, the defendant has been informed –

    i. that he has a right to remain silent;

    ii. of the consequences of not remaining silent;

    iii. that he is not obliged to make any confession or admission that could be used in evidence against him.

    (b) State fully, the terms of the agreement and any admission made, and

    (c) Be signed by the prosecutor, the defendant, the legal practitioner and the interpreter, as the case may be.

    (7) The presiding judge or magistrate before whom the criminal proceedings are pending shall not participate in the discussion contemplated in subsection (3): Provided that he may be approached by counsel regarding the contents of the discussions and he may inform them in general terms of the possible advantages of discussions, possible sentencing options or the acceptability of the proposed agreement.

    (8) Where a plea agreement is reached by the prosecution and the defence, the prosecutor shall inform the court that the parties have reached an agreement and the presiding judge or magistrate shall then inquire from the defendant to confirm the correctness of the agreement.

    (9) The presiding judge or magistrate shall ascertain whether the defendant admits the allegation in the charge to which he has pleaded guilty and whether he entered into the agreement voluntarily and without undue influence and may –

    (a) If satisfied that the defendant is guilty of the offence to which he has pleaded guilty, convict the defendant on his plea of guilty to that offence, or

    (b) If he is for any reason of the opinion that the defendant cannot be convicted of the offence in respect of which the agreement was reached and to which the defendant has pleaded guilty or that the agreement is in conflict with the defendant’s right referred to in subsection (6) of this section, he shall record a plea of not guilty in respect of such charge and order that the trial proceed.

    (10) Where a defendant has been convicted in terms of subsection (9) (a), the presiding judge or magistrate shall consider the sentence as agreed upon and if he is–

    (a) Satisfied that such sentence is an appropriate sentence, impose the sentence; or

    (b) Of the view that he would have imposed a lesser sentence than the sentence agreed, impose the lesser sentence; or

    (c) Of the view that the offence requires a heavier sentence than the sentence agreed upon

    (d) he shall inform the defendant of such heavier sentence he considers to be appropriate.

    (11) Where the defendant has been informed of the heavier sentence as contemplated in subsection (10) (c) above, the defendant may –

    (a) Abide by his plea of guilty as agreed upon and agree that, subject to the defendant’s right to lead evidence and to present argument relevant to sentencing, the presiding judge or magistrate proceed with the sentencing, or

    (b) Withdraw from his plea agreement, in which event the trial shall proceed de novo before another presiding judge or magistrate, as the case may be.

    (12) Where a trial proceeds as contemplated under subsection (11) (a) or de novo before another presiding judge, or magistrate, as contemplated in subsection (11) (b),-

    (a) No references shall be made to the agreement;

    (b) No admission contained therein or statements relating thereto shall be admissible against the defendant; and

    (c) The prosecutor and the defendant may not enter into a similar plea and sentence agreement.

    (13)When a person is convicted and sentenced under the provisions of subsection (1) of this section, he shall not be charged or tried again on the same facts for the greater offence earlier charged to which he had pleaded to a lesser offence.

    (14) Plea Bargaining during the course of the trial; Conditions

    The prosecution may enter into plea bargaining with the defendant, with the consent of the offended party, during or after the presentation of the evidence of the prosecution, but before the presentation of the evidence of the defence and in no case after the dismissal by the court of a demurrer to evidence, provided that all of the following conditions are present:

    a. The evidence of the prosecution is insufficient to prove the offence charged beyond reasonable doubt;

    b. In cases involving the recovery by or restitution to the offended party of property in crimes against property and those committed by public officer in relation to public funds such as but not limited to the crime of plunder, graft and corrupt practices, bribery and economic crimes, the defendant makes a full restitution of the property or public funds involved; and

    c. In cases of conspiracy and the defendant has not yet qualified as a state witness in accordance with the Rules of Criminal procedure, the defendant fully cooperates by providing among others, documentary, object and testimonial evidence against the principal conspirators responsible for the commission of the offence charged and who are most guilty. 271. Plea to information or charge

    (1) Before a person takes his plea, the court shall inform him of his rights under the provisions of section 269 of this Act.

    (2) The person to be tried on a charge or an information shall be:

    (a) brought before the court unfettered unless the court sees cause otherwise to order, and the charge or information shall be read over and explained to him to the satisfaction of the court by the registrar or other officer of the court; and

    (b) called upon to plead instantly unless, where the person is entitled to service of the information, he objects to the non-service and if the court finds that he has not be been duly served.

    (3) The court shall record the fact that it is satisfied that the defendant understands the charge or information read over and explained to him in the language he understands, and shall record the plea of the defendant to the charge or information as nearly as possible in the words used by him.

    272. Proof of previous

    conviction

    Where the fact of a previous conviction of a defendant is a fact in issue, the prosecution shall prove the same in accordance with the provisions of the Evidence Act.

     

  • National Assembly, INEC to comply with court order

    Ten lawmakers from the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) are asking the Senate, House of Representatives and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to comply with the court order reinstating them.

    An Abuja Federal High Court presided over by Justice G.K. Olutu reinstated the lawmakers from Kastina State. They were earlier sacked in the National Assembly.

    The lawmakers, Senators Abdu Umar Yandoma and Ahmed Sani Stores, as well as Musa Salisu, Aminu Ashiru, Murtala Isah, Muntari Dandutse, Umar K, Umar Abdu Dankama, Tasiu Doguru and Mohammed Tukur, wondered why the National Assembly and INEC are yet to comply with the court’s directive two weeks after the ruling.

    They challenged INEC following the withdrawal of their certificates of return.

    On January 11, the court directed the reinstatement of the lawmakers, saying: “The certificates of return issued to the plaintiffs upon their winning election into the National Assembly to represent their constituencies and senatorial districts are still valid and the plaintiffs are entitled to occupy their seats in the National Assembly to represent their constituencies and senatorial districts without let or hindrance from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the leadership of the National Assembly.”

    Speaking with reporters in Abuja yesterday, Senator Yandoma, who spoke on behalf of the other lawmakers, said he wondered why INEC and the National Assembly had refused to obey a declaratory judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction.

    He urged Senate President David Mark and House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Waziri Tambuwal to ensure the swearing-in of the affected lawmakers in line with the court order.

    Yandoma told reporters that their counsel, Yahaya Mohammed (SAN), had written the leadership of the National Assembly and INEC on the need to comply with the court order.

  • Memo to National Assembly

    Memo to National Assembly

    The beauty of law is that it is dynamic and never static. This sterling quality of law enanbles it to change with situations and circumstances. Thus where a law made for the good of the people or of the state is found to be counter productive or is no longer serving the purpose for which it was made steps are taken to amend that law to ensure that the expectations of the people are met.

    This was exactly what happened during the turbulent days of the Yar’adua Administration when lacunae in the 1999 constitution almost triggered a constitutional crisis in the country. The National Assembly commendably rose to the occasion by applying the doctrine of necessity to make President Jonathan who was then the Vice President the Acting President. The National Assembly followed this up by amending the Constitution to ensure that the lacunae which led to the observed lapses were rectified. This singular act of patriotism by the National Assembly saved the country from imminent disintegration.

    The constitutional amendment currently being undertaken by the National Assembly presents another golden opportunity for the National Assembly to save our democracy from the hands of election riggers who are the ultimate beneficiaries of section 285 (6) (7) of the 1999 Constitution as amended.

    Section 285 (6)(7) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended makes it mandatory for election petitions and appeals arising therefrom to be disposed of within 180 days and sixty days respectively.

    Protracted electoral disputes (with the dangers associated with them) are the order of the day in Nigeria and it was to curb the ugly trend that the National Assembly amended the constitution to introduce time limits in election disputes.

    There is therefore no doubt that the National Assemnbly had the over riding interest of the nation at heart when it amended the constitution as cited above.

     

    Current realities

    The realities on ground today point unequivocally to the fact that the constitutional amendments effected by the National Assembly have resulted in more injustice and untold hardship than they were intended to prevent.

    In ANPP Vs Mohammed Goni and others (Unreported but see appeal Nos SC/1/2012 and SC/2/2012) the Supreme Court dismissed the appeal on the ground that it had become statute barred by virtue of section 285(7) of the Constitution.

    Consequent upon the foregoing decision of the Supreme Court, many cases which the Supreme Court itself had sent back to various tribunals for trial de novo, were abruptly dismissed by those tribunals because they are bound by the apex court’s decision in ANPP Vs Mohammed Goni and others (supra).

    The injustice inherent in the foregoing lies in the fact that many litigants who had genuine cases were denied the opportunity of ventilating their grievances. This was neither because they were not willing to prosecute their cases nor because they did not have the capacity to do so. It was purely on technical grounds that their cases were thrown out.

    The worst aspect of it is that (just as The Nation pointed out in one of its editorials) all a smart politician needs do, is to rig himself into office. Once he gets into office, he will do everything humanly possible to ensure that the trial of the case is delayed as much as possible. Once the case lasts up to 180 days in the tribunal, the very person who rigged himself into office will apply that the case should be struck out for being time barred.

    It is therefore not difficult to see that election riggers are very likely to be the greatest beneficiaries of this law.

    For this reason, I believe and strongly too that this law is obnoxious and must be revisited. It is obnoxious because it constitutes a very big stumbling block to the growth of our hard carned domocracy.

     

    Unconstitutionality of

    the amendments

    The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) does not permit the legislature to enact laws that either oust or purport to oust the jurisdiction of courts or that of judicial tribunals established by law (see section 4 (8) of the 1999 constitution as amended). This is however subject to very few exceptions recognized by the constitution itself.

    But section 285 (6) (7) amount to ouster clauses in that they purport to oust the jurisdiction of election tribunals and election appeal tribunals.

    In my humble opinion, section 285 (6) (7) effectively oust the jurisdiction of these tribunals through the back door because once an election tribunal hears a partuicular case for 180 days, its jurisdiction is automatically ousted. The same fate awaits an appeal tribunal that hears an appeal for 60 days. What other evidence does one need to be convinced that section 285 (6) (7) are ouster clauses.

     

    Denial of fair hearing

    Fair hearing is the constitutional right of every litigant (see section 36 (1) of the constitution). However, when a case instituted before a court is abruptly terminated as a result of time limit imposed by law, the affected litigant loses the opportunity of being heard. In Ceekay Traders Ltd. Vs. General Motors Ltd (1992) 2NWLR part 222 page 132 at 139 ratio 11, the Supreme Court emphasized that the right to be heard is a fundamental and indispensable requirement of every judicial decision.

    The electoral Act 1982 contained provisions that were substantially in pari materia with section 285 (6) (7).

    In Paul Unongo Vs Aper Aku and 2 others (1983) 9 and 11 SC129 the Supreme Court voided the provisions of section 140 (2) of the Electoral Act 1982 on the ground that it interfered with and impeded the judiciary in the performance of its functions under the constitution. The apex court equally held that the law violated the principle of fair hearing. If this is true and there is no doubt that it is then section 285 (6) (7) of the constitution is a contradiction of section 36(1) of the same constitution. The former takes away with the left what the latter gave with the right hand. The conflict or contradiction should therefore be resolved in favour of secton 36 (1) i.e fair hearing.

    Although the Supreme Court has the power to reverse its own judgment, the process is usually cumbersome and takes a long time to accomplish. It is therefore better for the National Assembly, to take a critical look at Section 285 (6) (7) and quickly expunge them from the constitution. In my very humble view, it better for cases to last long in courts and justice prevails at the end of the day than for litigants to be denied the right to fair hearing in the name of expeditious trials.

     

    Seperation of powers and

    independence of the judiciary

    The doctrine of seperation of powers is to the effect that a court cannot be directed, controlled, compelled or impeded in its functions by any of the other arms of government.

    It is based on this principle that a law which imposed a 30 day limit on American Courts to hear and dispose of cases was declared null and void (see Schario Vs State (1922) 105 Ohio St, 535 13 SNE64).

    What this means is that the Legislature acted ultra vires by enacting section 285 (6) (7).

    CONCLUSION

    The fact that the Supreme Court’s decision in ANPP Vs Mohammed Goni and others (supra) has engendered grave injustice and hardship to aggrieved parties in election disputes can not be gain said. Indeed, why the Supreme Court decided to kowtow to the whims and caprices of the legislature remains regrettable and inexplicable. This is the same Supreme Court which has over the years jealously gaurded the independence of the judiciary by refusing to succumb to ouster clauses in legislations see Paul Unongo vs. Aper Aku (supra). In Inakoju Vs Adeleke (2007) AFWLR (Pt353) 3 at 93-94. Tobi JSC declared inter alia ouster clauses are regarded as antithesis to democracy…. When ouster clauses are provided in statutes courts invoke section 6 (of the constitution) to police their constitutionality or constitutionalism.

    It is humbly submitted that the supreme court ought to have qualified the applicability of section 285 (6) (7) by insisting that in cases where trial de novo was ordered, the 180 days stipulated by the constitution should start counting from the day the case was started afresh. This was the humble view I expressed in reaction to an article written by J.S. Okutekpa (SAN) wherein he accused tribunals hearing cases beyond 180 days of insubordination (see J.S Okutepa (SAN) We advocate Substantial justice. The Nation 3rd Janaury 2012).

    However, I pointed out that the legal implication of a trial de novo is that everything done in the previous case had been swept clean and would never be considered in the fresh trial (see Iheanyi Maraizu: Re: We Advocate Substantial Justice The Nation 11th September 2012).

    Failure to do this will negate the maxim Ubi Jus, Ibi Remedium (where there is a right is a remedy) as aggrieved litigants will be left without any means of ventilating their grivances.

     

    • Maraizu is the Principal Counsel

    Iheanyi Maraizu & Co, Abuja

  • ‘Include 13% derivation in new constitution’

    Oil Producing communities in six states have urged the National Assembly to include the 13 per cent derivation in whatever formula they come up with in the new constitution.

    This was contained in the letter the communities presented to the Fiscal Responsibility Commission in Abuja and made available to the media yesterday.

    In the letter, the group said whatever formula the National Assembly adopts in the proposed new constitution, it must reflect the 13 per cent Derivation.

    Acting under the aegis of the Oil and Gas Communities of Nigeria, the members of the oil and gas producing communities took their agitations for direct payment of the 13 per cent derivation by writing to the Fiscal Responsibility Commission (FRC) and stating their demands and asking for consideration.

    The letter, which was signed by Chief William Igere, who represented Delta State; Pastor Macpherson Kurobo, representative of Bayelsa State; Princess Nomwen Uhunmwangho of Edo State; Chief Harry Opaks of Rivers State; Comrade Samuel Ebiwanno, representative of Ondo State and Saviour James Okon of Akwa Ibom State, the communities demanded the direct payment of the funds to them.

    The group said the principle of 13 per cent Derivation is firmly entrenched under the provisions of Section 162 (2) which supports the payment of the derivation fund to the communities.

    Beyond that, they stated in their letter to the Fiscal Responsibility Commission (FRC) that the intended beneficiaries of this 13 per cent Derivation Fund are the oil producing communities because they directly feel the effects of oil and gas exploration and exploitation.

    As a result, “the principle of derivation is thus introduced to cushion the effects of this devastation of oil exploration as well as to recompense them for divesting them of their proprietary right.”

    According to the six individuals who signed the letter which was also sent to the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) last week, ”the 13 per cent Derivation Fund belongs to the oil and gas producing communities which are the sources of derivation.

    “The oil facilities, flow stations etc. are located in the oil and producing communities where oil exploration, exploitation and production are being carried out causing monumental degradation, pollution and health hazard etc 13 per cent Derivation Fund is compensation and reparation for loss of fishing right and loss of productive farm land,” they said.

  • What is Senator Ayade up to?

    What is Senator Ayade up to?

    One ritual in governance especially at the federal level that never ceases to fascinate me is the yearly defense of budget by ministries, departments and agencies. A lot of efforts go into the process as the relevant agencies storm the National Assembly with loads of documents, determined to impress the relevant committees of Parliament to approve their budgets. Recall what happened to former Education Minister, Professor Fabian Osuji and you will realize that there is a lot that go into budget defense than meets the eye. Some agencies approach it with a desperation that is unhealthy while some of the law makers could also be unnecessarily hawkish; holding the agencies to unreasonable standards. If those standards are always in the nation’s interest, this piece would have been unnecessary.

    One scenario in the on-going defense of budgets by the agencies clearly indicates that the exercise sometimes degenerates into an ambush, where ‘recalcitrant’ MDAs are subjected to public ridicule by law makers. That was my honest conclusion after reading the report of what transpired on Thursday, November 22, when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission defended its Budget before the Senate Committee on Drugs , Narcotics and Anti-Corruption. Needless issue was made out of the agency’s vote for transportation in its 2013 estimate.

    A member of the committee, Senator Benedict Ayade made headline news for reportedly questioning the over N357m earmarked by the agency for local travels and transportation; another N100m for international travels; N73m for local training and another N130m for international training.

    The same member also frowned at the provision of N135m for satellite and broadband charges by the anti- graft agency.

    Ordinarily, there is nothing wrong with a law maker holding an agency to account for its expenditure if the motive is to improve accountability and transparency. But in this instance the motive is suspect. I am told that as soon as Ayade asked his questions, he got up to leave. He was only prevailed upon by the Committee Chairman, Senate Victor Lar to listen to the response by the EFCC Chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde. Such contemptuous demeanor didn’t show a lawmaker who was prepared to add value to the budget making process. On the contrary, he comes across as a legislator who had taken a stand and was not prepared to listen to superior argument.

    But returning to the issues raised by Ayade, I can’t see what is outrageous in N357m for local travel in a year by an agency that is saddled with the huge responsibility of fighting corruption and financial crimes. My guess is, it is either Ayade is completely out of tune with the work of the EFCC in which case he has no business being on that Committee or his aim is to grand stand for populist end. Otherwise, any member of the Committee should be conversant with the standard operating procedures of the agency. And from the explanation offered by Lamorde, investigation is conducted in teams in which case, a single case may be investigated by no less than a team of five officers, comprising two operatives, two back up security staff and a driver. The team will need fuel for travel and allowances for accommodation and feeding. He also explained that it is not possible to determine how long it will take a team to crack a case. The number of days spent is determined by what the operatives find on the field. And a single matter may require repeated travels, criss-crossing the length and breadth of Nigeria in the course of investigation.

    What is clear here is that fighting corruption and economic crime is not cheap and Nigeria must be prepared to fund the EFCC if we are truly serious about the anti-graft campaign. Not only must we ensure that the agency is mobile; its officers should be well motivated to resist the temptation of being compromised. They also must be trained and retrained as financial crimes in this age are technology-driven. The investigators must be ahead of the fraudsters in the use of technology if we are to keep pace with the rest of the world in tackling organized crime.

    All over the world, nations who truly believe in getting result in law enforcement fund their agencies. For instance it cost the British tax payers a hefty N3.6billion to investigate and prosecute James Ibori. That is just a single case, which has no relevance to the British people beyond the fact that the money was laundered using their institutions.

    So what is Ayade talking about? What does Ayade himself collect as allowance from the National Assembly in a year? If his N17million yearly allowance plus N140million quarterly allocation are not outrageous, I wonder what is. Has the senator justified such huge earnings? How many bills have Ayade to his name? What is even his contribution at plenary, where he often jumps up to repeat the contributions made by other senators.

    The height of his mischief was comparing the EFCC IT infrastructure and expenses with that of his unidentified hotel. Even if it were Transcorp Hilton, it still cannot compare with the demands of a law enforcement agency. Given the specialized nature of the offences which it investigates, it is open secret that EFCC operations are largely IT based. The IT infrastructure that such an agency will require and the concomitant expenses cannot be comparable to Ayade’s Hotel.

    Apart from its headquarters and other offices in Wuse, EFCC, I am told, maintains several offices in Maitama, Garki and a training institute in Karu. The IT infrastructure at the EFCC Academy in Karu, I understand, dwarfs those of leading universities in Nigeria. And all these offices are linked to the zonal offices in Lagos, Port Harcourt, Enugu, Gombe, and Kano.

    From the foregoing, it is evident Ayade’s motive was to mislead the National Assembly and Nigerians about EFCC expenditure pattern. His motivation is certainly not in the national interest. This is more so as it is alleged that he has a pending case before the commission, in which case the attack might have been a convenient defence strategy.

    Whatever moral baggage that propels Ayade, he must be told that what set the EFCC part from other law enforcement agencies in Nigeria is its response rate and the fact that they carry out their investigation at no cost to the complainant. Apparently Ayade will be glad to see the EFCC degenerate to the level of asking for mobilization from complainants before doing a case. But that is not the vision of the founding fathers and the generality of Nigerians who are enamoured of the activities of the agency.

    Ayade has not shown competence or full grasp of the responsibility of the Committee. His overriding objective was a cheap play to the gallery. He betrayed his motive when he prefaced his questions with a comment that the Commission will not be portrayed positively by the media if he were to publish its budgetary provisions. That was the agenda! Unfortunately, a less discerning section of the media fell for it by amplifying warped notions and misinforming their readers. I expect the media to be very circumspect in the reportage of issues at budget defense. Any farsighted reporter would have been curious about why Ayade was making issues out of EFCC transportation vote but was silent on the miserly N100m vote for prosecution. Prosecution is at the heart of the anti-graft campaign yet Ayade by his silence was comfortable that the EFCC may not even afford the legal fees to prosecute its cases in 2013. What a shame!

    Legislative rascality as demonstrated by Ayade must be condemned by all public spirited Nigerians. Oversight responsibilities are very serious business of the National Assembly and no law maker should be allowed to abuse it to tarnish the image of the institution.

     

    •Abubakar, a journalist, lives in Abuja.

  • NBA takes call for referendum to National Assembly

    NBA takes call for referendum to National Assembly

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has re-iterated its call for a referendum in the effort to amend the 1999 Constitution.

    NBA President Okey Wali (SAN), who led a delegation of the association’s officers on a visit to the Senate President, David Mark last week.

    It expressed lack of confidence in the ongoing process to amend the constitution, especially as it did not provide for a referendum to collate, aggregate and accommodate the views of a broad spectrum of Nigerians.

    Daudu praised Mark for providing effective and stable leadership for the senate in recent years.

    He also expressed appreciation for the support of the Senate in pushing through some justice sector bills sponsored by the NBA.

    He informed the National Assembly that because of the importance of the rule of law to the Bar, NBA has inaugurated the Legislative Assembly Working Group and the Rule of Law and Constitution Review committee to liaise with the National Assembly on behalf of the NBA to make sure that the rights of every Nigerian is respected under our laws.

    He assured the Senate President that the NBA is ready to part the National Assembly at no cost, noting that this is its contribution to fatherland.

    Wali SAN said: “Anybody who believes in the rule of law must pay attention to the constitution and its amendment. The NBA has been in support of the ongoing process and for a referendum to ensure the participation of every Nigerian in this fundamental issue and amendment of our constitution.

    “Nigerians have really complained that they have never been part of or participated in the making of their Constitution from independence till date, hence the call by the NBA for mass participation in the ongoing process so that we get a constitution the we can confidently affirm that ‘We, the people of the of the Federal Republic …”

    He commended the current efforts of the National Assembly through Public hearings at different constituencies, but said notwithstanding, there is need for a referendum.

    Mark thanked the NBA for its contributions to the work of the National Assembly saying that he sees the NBA and other professional groups in the country as partners in progress contributing to national development and progress.

    “I appreciate the contributions of the NBA which I see as being made in good faith,” he said.

    Mark said no Constitution is perfect, hence the need for amendment. “The document we have now, our Constitution, has set out modalities and procedures for its amendment which does not include a referendum,” he said.

    He stated that at the moment, the Senate has a series of public hearings in the Senatorial zones and the States which will allow Nigerians to make input in the ongoing amendment process.

    Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekwremadu and Senate Leader, Senator Victor Ndoma Egba corroborated the Senate President’s position that the laws, especially the Constitution, make specific provisions for situations where the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) can conduct a referendum.

    This, they said, does not include the amendment of the Constitution, adding that until the Constitution is amended to provide for referendum in the process of amending the constitution, it cannot be adopted.

     

     

  • National Assembly and vendetta

    The National Assembly persists in moral crisis. And the earlier they disentangle themselves from such distractions the better for Nigeria. No doubt, the Senate and the House of Representatives have enormous powers under the 1999 constitution. But should that power be used for vendetta and self-aggrandizements? I think it should not. In fact the legislature in any democracy, constitute the ultimate repository of the dynamism of peoples’ power because of its diversity.

    As provided by section 4(2) of the 1999 constitution: “The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive Legislative list ….” It also has powers as per subsection 4, over any matter in the concurrent Legislative List; and also any other matter with respect to which it is empowered to make laws in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. The sweetest of the powers must be the power and control over public funds, as provided principally in sections 80 and 81 of the constitution.

    Unfortunately, the National Assembly occasionally prefers threats and subterfuge to bamboozle Nigerians, while pursuing members’ personal agenda. Few months ago, the National Assembly threatened to impeach President Jonathan over the poor implementation of the 2012 budget. Many innocent Nigerians argued in their favour, without knowing that the underlining turf war was the preparation for the 2013 budget and the padded benefits for their members. In that budget, they provided 150 Billion Naira for the National Assembly, and yet there is no record in the public domain as to what they did with similar sums they appropriated to themselves in 2011 and 2012.

    They want an account from others, but they stand above the law on the same issue, and for them Nigerians are not entitled to know what it costs to maintain a Legislature. To get back at the Legislature, the Executive in turn works hard to stifle the so called constituency projects that the Legislators padded for their contractors. With income and expenditure shrouded in secrecy, Nigerians are left to guess the sources of their ostentatious living. Again the allegations that the leadership of the National Assembly inflates their allocations do not deserve any denial, after all, the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives had boasted at the budget presentation, that the legislature has supreme power over the budget.

    It is this important power over our national resources that the National Assembly chooses to abuse every now and them. To aggravate this injurious conduct, this law making body has also added vendetta among its notorious conducts. It now purses personal and group interests as national interests, while the country suffers the consequence. Three most recent scandals are their unfettered abuse of their legislative powers in pursuit of Femi Otedola, Arunma Otteh and the garrulous Sanusi Lamido Sanusi.

    In pursuit of Femi Otedola for openly accusing Farouk Lawan of demanding bribe from him, to remove his company from the list of bandits that defrauded Nigeria in the name of fuel subsidy, the Representatives without shame and decorum went after AMCON. Like a troubled dog, that bites itself, it couldn’t even hide under its powers to conduct a general oversight functions. Rather it set up a committee to single out the transaction between AMCON and Otedola for scrutiny, well after the House Chairman on information had ruled the conduct as tainted.

    As if Nigerians are fools, the leadership of the house wants Nigerians to believe Farouk Lawan acted alone. Yet the money Farouk received seems lost in the labyrinth of tales by moonlight and increasingly Lawan regains his confidence in the House, while the House shamelessly pursues Otedola around. But for the vigorous rebuff of Mustapha Chike-Obi, the Managing Director of the AMCON, that Farouk Lawan’s cheer leaders in the House should not drag the Corporation into its surrogate fight, Nigerians would still be distracted with this ignominious pursuit of vendetta.

    It is the same distasteful show of shame in the name of legislative oversight we are seeing in the gang up against the Director General of Security and Exchange Commission, Arunma Oteh. Here again the leadership of the House of Representatives is heading the ambush. Until the Lady openly accused their member and Chairman of the Capital Market, Mr. Herman Hembe of soliciting for bribe from her, the members did not know that she lacked the qualification to be the DG of SEC. For having the temerity to accuse one of them for corruption, the woman must be sacked at all cost.

    As if those who participated in screening the woman in the Senate belong to ancient history, the Senate is angling to join in this show of shame. Ms Oteh has seized to qualify as DG, though the Senate found her qualified for that position during her screening in accordance with the SEC Act. Mr. Hembe who has not cleared his name over allegations of receiving money for a foreign trip he never undertook, recently boasted that the Assembly will not appropriate money for the Commission, unless Ms Oteh is axed.

    While the Central Bank Governor is agreeably controversial, it is not a reason to seek to radically amend the CBN act, beyond legislative oversight over budgets as envisaged by section 80 of the constitution. But in the mindless pursuit of vendetta as law making, the national assembly is determined to extend their dubious oversight to monetary policies, because the Governor occasionally ridicules them as financial illiterates. Yet you may ask, with an assembly made up of some illiterates as Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu revealed recently, won’t we be gifted by anachronistic politics as monetary economics?