Tag: Nelson Mandela

  • Why Nelson Mandela never forgave ex-wife,  Winnie

    Why Nelson Mandela never forgave ex-wife, Winnie

    Nelson Mandela passed away Thursday night. John Carlin in his new book ‘Knowing Mandela,’ reveals why he never forgave the former wife who has visited his bedside.

    TWO weeks before Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990 I went to see his wife, Winnie, at her home in Diepkloof Extension, the posh neighbourhood of Soweto where the handful of black people who had contrived to make a little money resided. It was known as Baverly Hills to Soweto’s other presidents.

    Winnie’s home, funded by foreign benefactors, was a two-floor, three-bedroom house with a garden and a small swimming pool. The height of extravagance by black standards, it would have more or less met the aspirations of the average white, middle-class South African.

    Zindzi, Winnie’s slim and attractive second daughter, was 29 but looked younger in a yellow T-shirt and denim dungarees. It was 9.30 a.m. and she was in the kitchen frying eggs. She invited me in and started chatting as if we were old friends. The truth was that I had not scheduled an interview with Winnie. I had just dropped in to try my luck. But Zindzi saw nothing wrong in me giving it a shot.

    Mum, she said, was still upstairs and would probably be a while. As I hovered about waiting (and, as it turned out, waiting, and waiting friends of Zindzi wandered in for coffee and a chat. Completing the South African middle-class picture, a small, wizened maid in blue overalls padded inscrutably around.

    Finally, Winnie made her entrance, Taller than I had expected, very much the grande dame, she displayed neither surprise nor irritation at my presence in her home. When I said I would like to interview her, she responded with a sigh, a knowing smile and a glance at her watch. I said all I would need was half an hour. She thought a moment, shrugged her shoulders and said: “OK. But you will have to give me a little time.” She still had to put the finishing touches to her morning toilette.

    The picture presented to me by mother, daughter, friends and cleaning lady was of a domesticity so stable and relaxed that, had I not been better informed, I would never have imagined the depths of trauma that lucked beneath.

    Winnie had been continually persecuted by agents of the apartheid state during the 1970s and 1980s; she had borne the anguish of hearing her two small daughters screaming as the police broke into her home and carted her off to jail; she had spent more than a year in solitary confinement. Trusting that her confused and stricken children would be cared for by friends; she had been banished and placed under house arrest far away. But she was back, her circumstances altered dramatically for the better now that Mandela’s release was imminent.

    One hour after her first entrance, she majestically reappeared, Cleopatra still needed her morning coffee, and motioned me to wait in her study while she withdrew into the kitchen. I had five minutes to take in the surroundings.

    On a bookshelf there was a row of framed family portraits, a Christmas card and a birthday card. Only a month had passed since Christmas, but nearly four since Winnie had turned 53. I could not resist taking a closer look.

    I opened the Christmas card, which was enormous, and immediately recognised Nelson Mandela’s large, spidery handwriting. “Darling, I love you. Madiba,” It said. Madiba was the tribal name by which he liked to be known to those close to him. On the birthday card he had written the same words.

    If I had not known better I might have imagined the cards had been sent by an infatuated teenager. Once we began our interview. Winnie took on just such a role, playing the tremulous bride-to-be, convincing me she was in a state of nervous excitement at the prospect of rekindling her life’s great love.

    Close up she had, like her husband, the charisma of the vastly self-confident, and there was a coquettish, eye-fluttering sensuality about her. It was not hard to imagine how the young woman who met Mandela one rainy evening in 1957 had struck him, as he would later confess, like a thunderbolt.

    The Mandela the world saw wore a mask that disguised his private feelings, presenting himself as a fearless hero, immune to ordinary human weakness. His effectiveness as a leader hung, he believed, on keeping that public mask from cracking. Winnie offered the greatest test to his resolve. During the following years the mask cracked only twice. She was the cause both times.

    The first was in May 1991. She had just been convicted at Johannesburg’s Rand Supreme Court of assault and accessory to kidnapping a 14-year-old black boy called Stomple Moeketsi, whom her driver had subsequently murdered. Winnie had been led to believe, falsely as it turned out, that the boy had been working as a spy for the apartheid state.

    Winnie and Mandela walked together down the steps of the grand court building. Once again the actress, she swaggered to the street, right fist raised in triumph. It was not clear what she could possibly have been celebrating, except perhaps the perplexing straight off to jail and would remain free pending an appeal.

    Mandela had a different grasp of the situation. His face was grey, his eyes were downcast.

    The second and last time was nearly a year later. The setting was an evening press conference hastily summoned at the drab headquarters of the ANC. He shuffled into the room, sat down at a table and read from a piece of paper, beginning by paying tribute to his wife.

    “During the two decades I spent on Robben Island she was an indispensable pillar of support and comfort… My love for her remains undiminished.” There was a general intake of breath. Then he continued: “We have mutually agreed that a separation would be the best for each of us… I part from my wife with no recriminations. I embrace her with all the love and affection I have nursed for her inside and outside prison from the moment I first met her.”

    He rose to his feet. “Ladies and gentlemen. I hope you ‘ll appreciate the pain I have gone through and I now end this interview.”

    He exited the room, head-bowed, amid total silence.

    Mandela’s love for Winnie had been, like many great loves, a kind of madness, all the more so in his case as it was founded more on a fantasy that he had kept alive for 27 years in prison than on the brief time they had actually spent together. The demands of his political life before he was imprisoned were such that they had next to no experience of married life, as Winnie herself would confess to me that morning.

    “I have never lived with Mandela,” she said. “I have never known what it was to have a close family where you sat around the table with husband and children. I have no such dear memories. When I gave birth to my children he was never there, even though he was not in jail at the time.”

    It seemed that Winnie, who was 22 to his 38 when they met, had cast a spell on him. Or maybe he cast a spell on himself, needing to reconstruct those fleeting memories of her into a fantasy of tranquility where he sought refuge from the loneliness of prison life.

    His letters to her from Robben Island revealed romantic, sensual side to his nature that no one but Winnie then knew. He recalled “the electric current” that “flushed” through his blood as he looked at her photograph and imagined their caresses.

    The truth was that Winnie had had several lovers during Mandela’s long absence. In the months before his release, she had been having an affair with Dali Mpofu, a lawyer 30 years her junior and a member of her defence team. She carried on with the affair after Mandela left prison. ANC members close to Mandela knew that was going on, as they did about her frequent bouts of drunkenness. I tried asking them why they did not talk to Mandela about her waywardness, but I was always met by frosty stares. Winnie became a taboo subject within the ANC during the two years after Mandela left prison. Confronting him with the truth was a step too far for the freedom fighters of the ANC.

    His impeccably courteous public persona acted as a coat of armour protecting the sorrowing man within. But there came a point when Mandela could deceive himself, or the public, no longer. Details of the affair with Mpofu were made luridly public in a newspaper report two weeks before the separation announcement.

    The article was a devastating, irrefutable expose of Winnie’s affair. It was based on a letter she had written to Mpofu that revealed he had recently had a child with a woman whom she referred to as “a white hag.” Winnie accused Mpofu of “running around f***** at the slightest emotional excuse … Before I am through with you, you are going to learn a bit of honesty and sincerity and know what betrayal of one’s love means to a woman … Remember always how much you have hurt and humiliated me … I keep telling you the situation is deteriorating at home, you are not bothered because you are satisfying yourself every night with a woman. I won’t be your bloody fool, Dali.”

    In private, Mandela had already endured quite enough conjugal torture. I learnt of one especially hurtful episode from a friend of Mandela some years later. Not long after the end of her trial, Winnie was due to fly to America on ANC-related business. She wanted to take Mpofu with her, and Mandela said she should not, Winnie agreed not to, but went with him anyway. Mandela phoned her at her hotel room in New York, and Mpofu answered the phone.

    On the face of it, Mandela was a man more sinned against than sinning, but he did not see it that way. It was his belief that the original sin was to have put his political cause before his family.

    Despite everything, Mandela believed when he left prison that he would find a way to reconcile political and family life. Some years after his separation from Winnie, I interviewed his close friend Amina Cashalia, who had known him since before he met Winnie.” His one great wish,” she told me, “was that he would come out of prison, and have a family life again with his wife and the children. Because he’s a great family man and I think he really wanted that more than anything else and he couldn’t have it.”

    His fallout with Winnie only deepened the catastrophe, contaminating his relationships with other family members, among them his daughter Zindzi. She was a far more complicated character than I had imagined when I chatted with her cheerfully in her mother’s kitchen over fried eggs. At that very moment, in late January 1990, her current lover, the father of her third child, was in a prison cell. Five days later he hanged himself.

    Zindzi was very much her mother’s daughter, inheriting her capacity to dissemble as well as her strength of personality. The unhappiness and sheer chaos that she would endure in her own private life, a mirror of her mother’s, found expression in a succession of tense episodes with her father after he was set free.

    One of them took place before friends and family on the day of her marriage to the father of her fourth child, six months after her parents’ separation. It was a glittering occasion at Johannesburg’s swankiest hotel, with Zindzi radiant in a magnificent pearl and sequin bridal dress. It seemed to be a joyous celebration; in truth, it provided further evidence of the Mandela family’s dysfunctions.

    One of the guests seated near the top table was Helen Suzman, the white liberal politician and good friend of Mandela. She told me that he went through the ceremonial motions with all the propriety one would have expected. He joined in the cutting of the wedding cake and played his part when the time came to give his speech, declaring, “She’s not mine now,” as fathers are supposed to do. He did not, however, mention Winnie in the speech. When he sat down, he looked silent and cheerless.

    Maybe he had had time to reflect in the intervening six months on the depth of Winnie’s betrayal. For more details had emerged of her love affairs and of the crimes of the gang of young men “Winnie’s boys,” as they were known in Soweto – who played the role of both bodyguards and courtly retinue. They had killed at least three young black men, beaten up Winnie’s perceived enemies and raped ;young girls.

    Whether Mandela chose to realise it at the time, he was the reason that Winnie never ended up going to jail. Some years later, the minister of justice and the chief of national intelligence admitted to me that they had conveyed a message to the relevant members of the judiciary to show Winnie leniency.

    Mandela’s mental and emotional wellbeing were essential to the success of the negotiations between the government and the ANC; for him to bow out of the process could have had catastrophic consequences for the country as a whole. Jailing Winnie would be too grave a risk.

    Bizarrely, one of the guests at Zindzi’s wedding, prominently positioned near the top table, was the “white hag” Winnie had derided in her letter to Mpofu, and she was sitting next to a man I know to be another former lover of Winnie’s.

    It also would have been difficult for Mandela to miss the menacing glances Winnie cast towards the “hag” although I hope he missed the moment when Winnie brushed past her and hissed at her former lover: “Go on! Take her ! Take her!”

    When the band struck up and the newly married couple got up to dance, Mandela, who had been standing up, turned his back on Winnie and returned stiffly to the top table. Grim-faced for the rest of the night, he treated Winnie as if she did not exist. At one point, Suzman passed him a note. “Smile, Nelson,” it said.

    In October 1994, five months after Mandela had become president, I spoke to a friend of his, one of the few people in whom he confided the details of his marital difficulties. The friend leant over to me and said: “It’s amazing. He has forgiven all his political enemies, but he cannot forgive her.”

    During their divorce proceedings a year and a half later, he made his feelings towards Winnie public at the Rand Supreme Court, where he had accompanied and supported Winnie during her trial in 1991.

    As his lawyer would tell me later, he was arbitrarily generous about sharing his estate, giving Winnie what was more than fair. But he made his feelings bluntly known in the divorce hearing. Standing a few feet away from her, he addressed the judge, saying: “Can I put it simply, my lord? If the entire universe tried to persuade me to reconcile with the defendant. I would not … I am determined to get rid of this marriage.”

    He did not shirk from describing before the court the disappointment and misery of married life after he returned from prison. Winnie, he explained, did not share his bed once in the two years after their reunion. “I was the loneliest man,” he said.

    The Victorian poet Arthur Hugh Clough wrote about the “terrible notions of duty” that boost the public figure but can stunt the private man. It is impossible to avoid concluding that Mandela was far less at ease in private than in public life. In the harsh world of South African politics he had his bearing; in the family sphere he often seemed baffled and lost.

    Happily for his country, one did not drain energy from the other. Thanks to a kind of self-imposed apartheid of the mind, personal anguish and the political drive inhabited separate compartments and ran along parallel lines.

    As out of control as she could be in her personal affairs, she possessed a lucid political intelligence and a mature understanding of where her husband’s priorities lay, even if she was deluded in attributing some of his qualities to herself.

    “When you lead the kind of life we lead, if you are involved in a revolutionary situation, you cease to think in terms of self,” she said. “The question of personal feelings and reactions dues not even arise, because you are in a position where you think solely in terms of the nation, the people who have come first all your life.”

    •Courtesy: Sunday Times

    Extracted from Knowing Mandela by John Carlin

  • How Madiba changed  the face of sport

    How Madiba changed the face of sport

    THEY say sport and politics should never mix, but they have seldom been entwined so tightly and with such evident affection as they were on a sunny day in Johannesburg on June 24, 1995, when Nelson Mandela presented the Webb Ellis Trophy to Francois Pienaar.

    If any single act could be ascribed to the dramatic re-birth of South Africa as the ‘Rainbow Nation’,

    It was surely the sight of a 76-year-old black man clad in a Springboks jersey and cap taking centre stage.

    Mandela’s presence on the field meant far more than that of a triumphant epilogue to a tumultuous personal biopic that had seen him released from 27 years of incarceration – mostly on the notorious Robben Island – and become elected president of South Africa just over one year earlier.

    Here was the first indelible image of a post-apartheid nation: Mandela revelling in a victory by a team whose colours had for so long represented many of the very worst aspects of South Africa’s oppressive and racist history. Only a handful of years earlier, with Mandela still locked up and the nation still black-listed from international sport, the sight of him, as president, handing the trophy to the strapping Afrikaner Pienaar, would have been unthinkable.

    The image of that joyous handover has come to symbolise more about South Africa’s re-emergence than any other at the time: arguably, more even that Mandela’s swearing-in as president itself.

    ‘Sport has the power to change the world,’ Mandela, who died on Thursday, said in a speech in Monaco in 2000. ‘It has the power to inspire. It has the power to unite people in a way that little else does.

    ‘It speaks to youth in a language they understand. Sport can create hope where once there was only despair. It is more powerful than government in breaking down racial barriers. It laughs in the face of all kinds of discrimination.’

    Surely not even the harshest cynic of the sweeping changes being made by Mandela’s government could have picked out any kind of political gesture in his desire to immerse himself so fully in the Springboks’ success.

    ‘I have never felt so tense,’ Mandela told Sports Illustrated of the experience of watching them fashion victory over New Zealand. ‘I felt like fainting.’

    The joy on Mandela’s face following South Africa’s 15-12 victory was plain for all to see.

    Mandela’s belief in sport as a uniting force was not something that came to him late in life. It was a conviction he clearly held from his youth, when he was a keen distance runner and amateur boxer.

    In his autobiography, The Long Walk To Freedom, Mandela wrote: ‘Boxing is egalitarian. In the ring, rank, age, colour and wealth are irrelevant.’

    He added: ‘It was a way of losing myself in something that was not the struggle.’

    Mandela’s presidency may have come to an end in 1999, but he showed no intention stepping back from his fundamental belief in sport as a balm for future generations.

    FIFA’s short-lived decision to rotate the football World Cup through continents fell right into the grateful hands of a newly-confident nation, and there was no way Mandela was going to be shunted to the sidelines.

    Morocco launched a persuasive counter-bid, but the feeling was that this tournament was South Africa’s – and Mandela’s – destiny: one for which both had patiently waited and richly deserved.

  • Why Nelson Mandela never forgave ex-wife,  Winnie

    Why Nelson Mandela never forgave ex-wife, Winnie

    Nelson Mandela passed away Thursday night. John Carlin in his new book ‘Knowing Mandela,’ reveals why he never forgave the former wife who has visited his bedside.

    TWO weeks before Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990 I went to see his wife, Winnie, at her home in Diepkloof Extension, the posh neighbourhood of Soweto where the handful of black people who had contrived to make a little money resided. It was known as Baverly Hills to Soweto’s other presidents.

    Winnie’s home, funded by foreign benefactors, was a two-floor, three-bedroom house with a garden and a small swimming pool. The height of extravagance by black standards, it would have more or less met the aspirations of the average white, middle-class South African.

    Zindzi, Winnie’s slim and attractive second daughter, was 29 but looked younger in a yellow T-shirt and denim dungarees. It was 9.30 a.m. and she was in the kitchen frying eggs. She invited me in and started chatting as if we were old friends. The truth was that I had not scheduled an interview with Winnie. I had just dropped in to try my luck. But Zindzi saw nothing wrong in me giving it a shot.

    Mum, she said, was still upstairs and would probably be a while. As I hovered about waiting (and, as it turned out, waiting, and waiting friends of Zindzi wandered in for coffee and a chat. Completing the South African middle-class picture, a small, wizened maid in blue overalls padded inscrutably around.

    Finally, Winnie made her entrance, Taller than I had expected, very much the grande dame, she displayed neither surprise nor irritation at my presence in her home. When I said I would like to interview her, she responded with a sigh, a knowing smile and a glance at her watch. I said all I would need was half an hour. She thought a moment, shrugged her shoulders and said: “OK. But you will have to give me a little time.” She still had to put the finishing touches to her morning toilette.

    The picture presented to me by mother, daughter, friends and cleaning lady was of a domesticity so stable and relaxed that, had I not been better informed, I would never have imagined the depths of trauma that lucked beneath.

    Winnie had been continually persecuted by agents of the apartheid state during the 1970s and 1980s; she had borne the anguish of hearing her two small daughters screaming as the police broke into her home and carted her off to jail; she had spent more than a year in solitary confinement. Trusting that her confused and stricken children would be cared for by friends; she had been banished and placed under house arrest far away. But she was back, her circumstances altered dramatically for the better now that Mandela’s release was imminent.

    One hour after her first entrance, she majestically reappeared, Cleopatra still needed her morning coffee, and motioned me to wait in her study while she withdrew into the kitchen. I had five minutes to take in the surroundings.

    On a bookshelf there was a row of framed family portraits, a Christmas card and a birthday card. Only a month had passed since Christmas, but nearly four since Winnie had turned 53. I could not resist taking a closer look.

    I opened the Christmas card, which was enormous, and immediately recognised Nelson Mandela’s large, spidery handwriting. “Darling, I love you. Madiba,” It said. Madiba was the tribal name by which he liked to be known to those close to him. On the birthday card he had written the same words.

    If I had not known better I might have imagined the cards had been sent by an infatuated teenager. Once we began our interview. Winnie took on just such a role, playing the tremulous bride-to-be, convincing me she was in a state of nervous excitement at the prospect of rekindling her life’s great love.

    Close up she had, like her husband, the charisma of the vastly self-confident, and there was a coquettish, eye-fluttering sensuality about her. It was not hard to imagine how the young woman who met Mandela one rainy evening in 1957 had struck him, as he would later confess, like a thunderbolt.

    The Mandela the world saw wore a mask that disguised his private feelings, presenting himself as a fearless hero, immune to ordinary human weakness. His effectiveness as a leader hung, he believed, on keeping that public mask from cracking. Winnie offered the greatest test to his resolve. During the following years the mask cracked only twice. She was the cause both times.

    The first was in May 1991. She had just been convicted at Johannesburg’s Rand Supreme Court of assault and accessory to kidnapping a 14-year-old black boy called Stomple Moeketsi, whom her driver had subsequently murdered. Winnie had been led to believe, falsely as it turned out, that the boy had been working as a spy for the apartheid state.

    Winnie and Mandela walked together down the steps of the grand court building. Once again the actress, she swaggered to the street, right fist raised in triumph. It was not clear what she could possibly have been celebrating, except perhaps the perplexing straight off to jail and would remain free pending an appeal.

    Mandela had a different grasp of the situation. His face was grey, his eyes were downcast.

    The second and last time was nearly a year later. The setting was an evening press conference hastily summoned at the drab headquarters of the ANC. He shuffled into the room, sat down at a table and read from a piece of paper, beginning by paying tribute to his wife.

    “During the two decades I spent on Robben Island she was an indispensable pillar of support and comfort… My love for her remains undiminished.” There was a general intake of breath. Then he continued: “We have mutually agreed that a separation would be the best for each of us… I part from my wife with no recriminations. I embrace her with all the love and affection I have nursed for her inside and outside prison from the moment I first met her.”

    He rose to his feet. “Ladies and gentlemen. I hope you ‘ll appreciate the pain I have gone through and I now end this interview.”

    He exited the room, head-bowed, amid total silence.

    Mandela’s love for Winnie had been, like many great loves, a kind of madness, all the more so in his case as it was founded more on a fantasy that he had kept alive for 27 years in prison than on the brief time they had actually spent together. The demands of his political life before he was imprisoned were such that they had next to no experience of married life, as Winnie herself would confess to me that morning.

    “I have never lived with Mandela,” she said. “I have never known what it was to have a close family where you sat around the table with husband and children. I have no such dear memories. When I gave birth to my children he was never there, even though he was not in jail at the time.”

    It seemed that Winnie, who was 22 to his 38 when they met, had cast a spell on him. Or maybe he cast a spell on himself, needing to reconstruct those fleeting memories of her into a fantasy of tranquility where he sought refuge from the loneliness of prison life.

    His letters to her from Robben Island revealed romantic, sensual side to his nature that no one but Winnie then knew. He recalled “the electric current” that “flushed” through his blood as he looked at her photograph and imagined their caresses.

    The truth was that Winnie had had several lovers during Mandela’s long absence. In the months before his release, she had been having an affair with Dali Mpofu, a lawyer 30 years her junior and a member of her defence team. She carried on with the affair after Mandela left prison. ANC members close to Mandela knew that was going on, as they did about her frequent bouts of drunkenness. I tried asking them why they did not talk to Mandela about her waywardness, but I was always met by frosty stares. Winnie became a taboo subject within the ANC during the two years after Mandela left prison. Confronting him with the truth was a step too far for the freedom fighters of the ANC.

    His impeccably courteous public persona acted as a coat of armour protecting the sorrowing man within. But there came a point when Mandela could deceive himself, or the public, no longer. Details of the affair with Mpofu were made luridly public in a newspaper report two weeks before the separation announcement.

    The article was a devastating, irrefutable expose of Winnie’s affair. It was based on a letter she had written to Mpofu that revealed he had recently had a child with a woman whom she referred to as “a white hag.” Winnie accused Mpofu of “running around f***** at the slightest emotional excuse … Before I am through with you, you are going to learn a bit of honesty and sincerity and know what betrayal of one’s love means to a woman … Remember always how much you have hurt and humiliated me … I keep telling you the situation is deteriorating at home, you are not bothered because you are satisfying yourself every night with a woman. I won’t be your bloody fool, Dali.”

    In private, Mandela had already endured quite enough conjugal torture. I learnt of one especially hurtful episode from a friend of Mandela some years later. Not long after the end of her trial, Winnie was due to fly to America on ANC-related business. She wanted to take Mpofu with her, and Mandela said she should not, Winnie agreed not to, but went with him anyway. Mandela phoned her at her hotel room in New York, and Mpofu answered the phone.

    On the face of it, Mandela was a man more sinned against than sinning, but he did not see it that way. It was his belief that the original sin was to have put his political cause before his family.

    Despite everything, Mandela believed when he left prison that he would find a way to reconcile political and family life. Some years after his separation from Winnie, I interviewed his close friend Amina Cashalia, who had known him since before he met Winnie.” His one great wish,” she told me, “was that he would come out of prison, and have a family life again with his wife and the children. Because he’s a great family man and I think he really wanted that more than anything else and he couldn’t have it.”

    His fallout with Winnie only deepened the catastrophe, contaminating his relationships with other family members, among them his daughter Zindzi. She was a far more complicated character than I had imagined when I chatted with her cheerfully in her mother’s kitchen over fried eggs. At that very moment, in late January 1990, her current lover, the father of her third child, was in a prison cell. Five days later he hanged himself.

    Zindzi was very much her mother’s daughter, inheriting her capacity to dissemble as well as her strength of personality. The unhappiness and sheer chaos that she would endure in her own private life, a mirror of her mother’s, found expression in a succession of tense episodes with her father after he was set free.

    One of them took place before friends and family on the day of her marriage to the father of her fourth child, six months after her parents’ separation. It was a glittering occasion at Johannesburg’s swankiest hotel, with Zindzi radiant in a magnificent pearl and sequin bridal dress. It seemed to be a joyous celebration; in truth, it provided further evidence of the Mandela family’s dysfunctions.

    One of the guests seated near the top table was Helen Suzman, the white liberal politician and good friend of Mandela. She told me that he went through the ceremonial motions with all the propriety one would have expected. He joined in the cutting of the wedding cake and played his part when the time came to give his speech, declaring, “She’s not mine now,” as fathers are supposed to do. He did not, however, mention Winnie in the speech. When he sat down, he looked silent and cheerless.

    Maybe he had had time to reflect in the intervening six months on the depth of Winnie’s betrayal. For more details had emerged of her love affairs and of the crimes of the gang of young men “Winnie’s boys,” as they were known in Soweto – who played the role of both bodyguards and courtly retinue. They had killed at least three young black men, beaten up Winnie’s perceived enemies and raped ;young girls.

    Whether Mandela chose to realise it at the time, he was the reason that Winnie never ended up going to jail. Some years later, the minister of justice and the chief of national intelligence admitted to me that they had conveyed a message to the relevant members of the judiciary to show Winnie leniency.

    Mandela’s mental and emotional wellbeing were essential to the success of the negotiations between the government and the ANC; for him to bow out of the process could have had catastrophic consequences for the country as a whole. Jailing Winnie would be too grave a risk.

    Bizarrely, one of the guests at Zindzi’s wedding, prominently positioned near the top table, was the “white hag” Winnie had derided in her letter to Mpofu, and she was sitting next to a man I know to be another former lover of Winnie’s.

    It also would have been difficult for Mandela to miss the menacing glances Winnie cast towards the “hag” although I hope he missed the moment when Winnie brushed past her and hissed at her former lover: “Go on! Take her ! Take her!”

    When the band struck up and the newly married couple got up to dance, Mandela, who had been standing up, turned his back on Winnie and returned stiffly to the top table. Grim-faced for the rest of the night, he treated Winnie as if she did not exist. At one point, Suzman passed him a note. “Smile, Nelson,” it said.

    In October 1994, five months after Mandela had become president, I spoke to a friend of his, one of the few people in whom he confided the details of his marital difficulties. The friend leant over to me and said: “It’s amazing. He has forgiven all his political enemies, but he cannot forgive her.”

    During their divorce proceedings a year and a half later, he made his feelings towards Winnie public at the Rand Supreme Court, where he had accompanied and supported Winnie during her trial in 1991.

    As his lawyer would tell me later, he was arbitrarily generous about sharing his estate, giving Winnie what was more than fair. But he made his feelings bluntly known in the divorce hearing. Standing a few feet away from her, he addressed the judge, saying: “Can I put it simply, my lord? If the entire universe tried to persuade me to reconcile with the defendant. I would not … I am determined to get rid of this marriage.”

    He did not shirk from describing before the court the disappointment and misery of married life after he returned from prison. Winnie, he explained, did not share his bed once in the two years after their reunion. “I was the loneliest man,” he said.

    The Victorian poet Arthur Hugh Clough wrote about the “terrible notions of duty” that boost the public figure but can stunt the private man. It is impossible to avoid concluding that Mandela was far less at ease in private than in public life. In the harsh world of South African politics he had his bearing; in the family sphere he often seemed baffled and lost.

    Happily for his country, one did not drain energy from the other. Thanks to a kind of self-imposed apartheid of the mind, personal anguish and the political drive inhabited separate compartments and ran along parallel lines.

    As out of control as she could be in her personal affairs, she possessed a lucid political intelligence and a mature understanding of where her husband’s priorities lay, even if she was deluded in attributing some of his qualities to herself.

    “When you lead the kind of life we lead, if you are involved in a revolutionary situation, you cease to think in terms of self,” she said. “The question of personal feelings and reactions dues not even arise, because you are in a position where you think solely in terms of the nation, the people who have come first all your life.”

    •Courtesy: Sunday Times

    Extracted from Knowing Mandela by John Carlin

  • Ex-South African president and anti-apartheid hero dies at 95

    Ex-South African president and anti-apartheid hero dies at 95

    Nelson Mandela, the revered icon of the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa and one of the towering political figures of the 20th century is dead. He was 95.

    Mandela, who was elected South Africa’s first black president after spending nearly three decades in prison, had been receiving treatment for a lung infection at his Johannesburg home since September, after three months in hospital in a critical state.

    His condition deteriorated and he died following complications from the lung infection, with his family by his side.

    The news was announced by an emotional South African president Jacob Zuma live on television, who said Mandela had “departed” and was at peace.

    “Our nation has lost its greatest son,” said Zuma.

    “What made Nelson Mandela great is precisely what made him human,” he said.

    Mandela, once a boxer, had a long history of lung problems after contracting tuberculosis while in jail on Robben Island.

    His extraordinary life story, quirky sense of humour and lack of bitterness towards his former oppressors ensured global appeal for the charismatic leader.

    Once considered a terrorist by the United States and Britain for his support of violence against the apartheid regime, at the time of his death he was an almost unimpeachable moral icon.

    The Nobel Peace Prize winner spent 27 years behind bars before being freed in 1990 to lead the African National Congress (ANC) in negotiations with the white minority rulers which culminated in the first multi-racial elections in 1994.

    A victorious Mandela served a term as president before taking up a new role as a roving elder statesman and leading AIDS campaigner before finally retiring from public life in 2004.

    “When he emerged from prison people discovered that he was all the things they had hoped for and more,” fellow Nobel Peace laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu once said.

    “He is by far the most admired and revered statesperson in the world and one of the greatest human beings to walk this earth.”

    From prisoner to global peace icon

    He was a global cause celebre during the long apartheid years, and popular pressure led world leaders to tighten sanctions imposed on South Africa’s racist white minority regime.

    In 1988 at a concert in Wembley Stadium in London, tens of thousands sang “Free Nelson Mandela” as millions more watched on their television sets across the world.

    Born in July 1918 in the southeastern Transkei region, Mandela carved out a career as a lawyer in Johannesburg in parallel with his political activism.

    He became commander-in-chief of Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), the armed wing of the by now-banned ANC, in 1961, and the following year underwent military training in Algeria and Ethiopia.

    While underground back home in South Africa, Mandela was arrested by police in 1962 and sentenced to five years in prison.

    He was then charged with sabotage and sentenced in 1964 to life in prison at the Rivonia trial, named after a Johannesburg suburb where a number of ANC leaders were arrested.

    He used the court hearing to deliver a speech that was to become the manifesto of the anti-apartheid movement.

    “During my lifetime, I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society.

    “It is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

    He was first sent to prison on Robben Island, where he spent 18 years before being transferred in 1982 to Pollsmoor prison in Cape Town and later to Victor Verster prison in nearby Paarl.

    When he was finally released on February 11, 1990, walking out of prison with his fist raised alongside his then-wife Winnie.

    Ex-prisoner 46664 was entrusted with the task of persuading the new president F.W. de Klerk to call time on the era of racist white minority rule.

    Mandela and de Klerk were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993 for their role in the ending of apartheid.

    Derived from the Afrikaans word for “apartness,” apartheid was a brutally enforced system that discriminated politically and economically against “non-whites” and separated the races in schools, buses, housing and even public toilets and beaches.

    After the ANC won the first multi-racial elections, Mandela went out of his way to assuage the fears of the white minority, declaring his intention to establish “a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.”

    Critics said his five-year presidency was marred by corruption and rising levels of crime. But his successors, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, have never enjoyed anywhere near the same levels of respect or affection.

    At our best, ‘we’d like to be him’: Clinton

    In retirement, he focused his efforts on mediating conflicts, most notably in Burundi, as well as trying to raise awareness and abolish the taboos surrounding AIDS, which claimed the life of his son Makgatho.

    His divorce from second wife Winnie was finalised in 1996.

    He found new love in retirement with Graca Machel, the widow of the late Mozambican president Samora Machel, whom he married on his 80th birthday.

    In one of his last foreign policy interventions, he issued a searing rebuke of George W. Bush on the eve of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, calling him “a president who has no foresight, who cannot think properly, is now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust”.

    Bush’s predecessor Bill Clinton perhaps had a higher opinion of Mandela.

    “Every time Nelson Mandela walks in a room we all feel a little bigger, we all want to stand up, we all want to cheer, because we’d like to be him on our best day,” he said.

    Mandela is survived by three daughters, 18 grandchildren, nine great-grandchildren and three step-grandchildren. He had four step-children through his marriage to Machel.

    His death has left his family divided over his wealth. Some of his children and grandchildren are locked in a legal feud with his close friends over alleged irregularities in his two companies

  • Mandela in pictures

    Mandela in pictures

    Nelson Mandela in pictues
    Nelson Mandela in pictures

    NelsonMandela 6 NELSON MANDELA IS RELEASED FROM PRISON FILE PHOTO. nelson Mandela 5 Nelson Mandela www.wireimage.com (web site)

  • Mandela now sitting up, looking around – Grandson

    Mandela now sitting up, looking around – Grandson

    Former South African president, Nelson Mandela is “sitting up and looking around’’ almost a month after being discharged from hospital, his grandson told a local newspaper `The New Age’ on Thursday.

    Mbuso Mandela said his grandfather was able to spend time with his children and grandchildren.

    “I just saw him again on Wednesday at lunch. He is doing very well,’’ the grandson said.

    “He is sitting up and looking around. We are keeping him company.’’

    The News Agency of Nigeria reports that the 95-year-old global icon was discharged from hospital on September 1after spending about three months at the Medi-Clinic Heart Hospital in Pretoria for a recurring lung infection.

     

     

  • Mandela turns 95 in hospital

    Mandela turns 95 in hospital

    Nelson Mandela is spending his 95th birthday in hospital in Pretoria, as events take place around the world and in South Africa in his honour, BBC reports.

    South Africans are being urged to mark the former president and anti-apartheid leader’s 67 years of public service with 67 minutes of charitable acts.

    Mr. Mandela, who is in critical but stable condition with a recurring lung infection, entered hospital on June 8.

    President Jacob Zuma said his health was “steadily improving.”

    “We are proud to call this international icon our own as South Africans and wish him good health,” Mr Zuma said in a statement.

    “We thank all our people for supporting Madiba throughout the hospitalisation with undying love and compassion,” he said, referring to Mandela’s clan name.

    Mr. Mandela’s daughter, Zindzi, said on Wednesday he had made “dramatic progress”, and that she had found him watching television with headphones on and communicating with his eyes and hands when she visited him this week.

    “I should think he will be going home anytime soon,” she told the UK’s Sky News television.

    Mr. Mandela’s birthday is also Nelson Mandela International Day, a day declared by the United Nations as a way to recognise the Nobel Prize winner’s contribution to reconciliation.

    The former statesman is revered across the world for his role in ending apartheid in South Africa. He went on to become the first black president in the country’s first all-race elections in 1994.

  • Ki – moon, Obama, others on Mandela’s day

    Ki – moon, Obama, others on Mandela’s day

    Former South Africa President and anti-apartheid fighter clocks 95 today. As the world celebrate this great icon of our time, World leaders including Ban Ki Moon, Barrack Obama, Jacob Zuma and others send their messages of goodwill to mark the Mandela International Day. The Nation presents the messages below:

    “Mandela gave 67 years of his life to the struggle for human rights and social justice. Today is a day for good works for people and the planet. It is meant to mobilise the human family to do more to build a peaceful, sustainable and equitable world.”- The United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon

    On behalf of our family and the people of the United States, Michelle and I extend our warmest wishes and prayers to Nelson Mandela on the occasion of his 95th birthday, as well as to Graça Machel, the Mandela family, and the government and people of South Africa as they mark the fifth annual Nelson Mandela International Day.   Our family was deeply moved by our visit to Madiba’s former cell on Robben Island during our recent trip to South Africa, and we will forever draw strength and inspiration from his extraordinary example of moral courage, kindness, and humility.

    On Nelson Mandela International Day, people everywhere have the opportunity to honor Madiba through individual and collective acts of service.  Through our own lives, by heeding his example, we can honor the man who showed his own people – and the world – the path to justice, equality, and freedom.  May Nelson Mandela’s life of service to others and his unwavering commitment to equality, reconciliation, and human dignity continue to be a beacon for each future generation seeking a more just and prosperous world.

    Statement by President Obama and his wife, Mitchelle on Nelson Mandela International Day

    “We must all be able to do something good for humanity on this day, in tribute to our former president,”- South Africa President, Jacob Zuma.

    Wishes from our followers on twitter

    • Mukaddas MM ‏@mmukaddas

    @TheNationNews #Mandela95 I wish he lives to see tomorrow!

    • Ahmed Ibrahim, DVM ‏@demho11

    @TheNationNews I wish his family will stop fooling around because of inheritance and allow the hero to rest in the lord #Mandela95

    • Awizy O. Alades ‏@Awizy_oro

    I wish he dies without life support @TheNationNews

    • baba idris ‏@babaidris090

    @TheNationNews #Mandela95 I wish him long life and prosperous years ahead with sound #health!

    You can also make your wish by our twitter handle @thenationnews, using the hastag #Mandela95

  • Ironies of the master ironist: The literary politics of Chinua Achebe

    Ironies of the master ironist: The literary politics of Chinua Achebe

    What else can be said about Chinua Achebe the late Nigerian literary colossus that has not been said? Ever since his demise, the praises and tributes to this great man of letters have been overwhelming. His funeral cortege reminds one of the passing of a great king, drenched in paens and panegyrics and in the national colours of a country he had virtually given up on. It reminds one of the funeral of Victor Hugo, the great French author, who also famously quarrelled with his country.

    An African philosopher-king, the iconic Nelson Mandela, weighed in by noting that Achebe was the writer who broke down prison walls with his magical and immensely liberating story telling. It doesn’t get more royal and revolutionary at the same time. Chinua Achebe is on his way to being canonised and sanctified as the Nelson Mandela of modern African literature and cultural nationalism

    Yet it needs to be said that unlike Nelson Mandela, the praise-singing has not been universal. There have also been murmurs and even loud grunts of disapproval and, with touching irony, from the home front, too. There are many who view the late master story teller as a tribal bigot, an Igbo hegemonist, and a divisive and polarising figure who should be quickly buried and not be praised.

    There are those who claim that in addition to earlier infractions and indiscretions, his last book, There Was Another country, destroyed at once and forever, Achebe’s claims to a Nigerian nationalism. By the time he died, Achebe, they claim, had become a reluctant Nigerian and a Biafran revanchist to boot.

    These are grievous charges indeed and grievously has Achebe paid for them in some scalding and scarifying dismissals. But now that what is mortal of the paradigmatic novelist has been committed to mother earth, now that the protocol of henchmen and hatchet men alike have retreated to their dens and denizenry, it is time to explore the crucially neglected aspect of Achebe’s literary career on which his claims to immortality rests. That is his literary politics. It is literary politics that determines literary production. Literary politics is in turn determined by an author’s worldview and ideological temperament.

    As befitting of a master ironist, Chinua Achebe’s literary career is steeped in momentous historical, political and literary ironies. There is a sense in which Achebe himself recalls Okonkwo, his most famous fictional creation. Things Fall Apart has been described as an “Igbo national epic”. There is a glorious but illuminating contradiction about this very description.

    Many scholars of radical and conservative persuasion have argued that the modern novel, precisely because it is an organic and generic outgrowth of the dissolution of the material, economic and political basis of the old order and ancient society, cannot aspire to the soaring heights, the ideological solidity and sheer “epic” nature of the old epic. Georg Lukacs, the great Hungarian Marxist aesthetician, described the modern novel as an epic of diminution and futility. The old hero at one with his society has transformed into the new anti-hero at odds and variance with his society.

    But this was the contradiction of a colonially induced transition from the old society to a new society that Achebe’s novel captures and works out within its slender format in a moment of historic inspiration. Okonkwo is both a hero and anti-hero in the same breath. The infiltration of an antagonistic logic had destroyed the material, spiritual, political and military basis of the old order.

    At the beginning of the novel, we see the old Igbo society in its epic glory and grandeur. To be sure, there were internal murmurs of unease and approbation, but such dissenters and refuseniks, like Okonkwo’s father, Nnoka, were banished to the outer margins of society and eventually buried like paupers. Thus we see Okonkwo whose signal ascendancy was based on solid personal achievement. The hero is at one and on the same page with his society. He is the great historical personage who incarnates in his breasts the aspirations and core values of the society. Okonkwo is uber-man of Umuofia.

    But at the end of the novel, the hero is at stiff odds with his society. The falcon could no longer hear the falconer. Having returned from exile which itself was a symbolic trope for inevitable terminal banishment, Okonkwo could no longer understand the people he left behind.

    Mlungu, the white one, had arrived in his absence. Mere anarchy is loosed upon the Igbo world. It was an act of literary wizardry for Achebe to have zeroed in on Yeats memorable stanza as the organising principle of his novel. Yeats was also poetically engraving for posterity the dissolution of the old Irish order as it succumbed to the modernising terror of the English.

    It is a great and interesting historical irony that Achebe was able to capture this radical rupture of the old African order by colonialism, despite the fact that his Igbo people lacked the central political authority and centralised army with which to confront the colonial invaders in formal battle.

    The Benin empire, the Zulu empire, the military rumps of the old Oyo Empire, the caliphate army of Sokoto, all confronted the invading colonisers in pitched battles and epic bloodfest. But precisely because the Igbo people lacked this centralised resistance, Achebe was able to focus on the career and tragic downfall of an exceptional but solitary hero who then became a stirring universal symbol of African manliness and heroic resistance to evil. It was an epic achievement indeed. .

    Like Okonkwo, his greatest fictional creation, Chinua Achebe was also in the end dogged by a transcendental homelessness in which permanent exile became a home. The home of the homeless is homelessness. The alienation from an alien nation is so severe that Achebe could not come to terms with the new realities of contemporary Nigeria. Yet if there was another country, it was a mythical paradise in the imagination of the author.

    The comparison with Okonkwo is gripping and compelling. In the case of Okonkwo, it was the troubled transition from the old society to the new colonial order that proved fatal. The proud and narcissistic scion of old Umuofia society could not abide what he considered to be his people’s shabby accommodation with the new order and its debasing realities.

    In the case of Chinua Achebe, the transition from colonial to post-colonial order with its ructions and radical rupture of old certainties and verities and the ensuing collision of ethnic altars proved very traumatic indeed. The human sacrifice at the political shrine of the new nation has been prohibitive and on a Fordist scale of clinical and ruthless efficiency. Had the Igbo people been left to evolve into a nation of their own, the contradictions would have been less severe. But this same argument can be extended to each and every one of Nigeria’s major and minor nationalities.

    A situation in which the hegemonic ethnic groups of Nigeria have been forced to recreate the colonial chaos according to the dictates of their unique and resilient political imaginary was bound to prove even messier and more chaotic than the original colonial confusion. It is an equal opportunity terror machine and coups, counter-coups, civil wars, religious uprisings, economic insurgencies, and ethnic insurrections have been the result. When a master ironist like Achebe obsesses that his people have been hardly done by in what is essentially a kill and go colonial abattoir, then irony has deserted its own master.

    As we have said in an earlier tribute, the post-colonial condition is particularly hard and harsh on the great and gifted writers. It turns them into political hermits and mental recluses. In its worst manifestation, it turns them into psychological wreckages, leading to permanent exile or internal self-deportation without parole or the possibility of exit mercy visa. This is because as artists—and adult enfant terrible—- they are at the frontiers of the psychic unease and the great psycho-social dramas of their society. It is a situation that does not lend itself to equivocations or evasion of the truth as they see it. They do not come to praise Caesar but to bury him.

    But this will not take anything away from Achebe’s signal achievement as a game-changing novelist and master story teller. Things Fall Apart was, and remains, at the forefront and cutting edge of the decolonising project. To be sure, there were other great aspirants before Achebe. There was Casely-Hayford, the great nineteenth century Gold Coast writer, whose book, Ethiopia Unbound, was an early cry in the wilderness against the subjugation and colonisation of Africa. But it was a thinly veiled autobiographical polemic lacking craft and intrinsic literary merits.

    There was Thomas Mofolo, the great South African Sotho novelist, who was in every particular respect, Achebe’s forerunner and literary forebear. Mofolo’s four novels, particularly Chaka, a fictionalised biography of the great Zulu emperor, are a sublime and profoundly subversive critique of Boer imperialism that were quite sophisticated and enthralling for their time. This is not to discount the achievement of Camara Laye, the great Guinean novelist, whose lyrical rhapsodies about an idyllic African past remain classics of the genre. There was also D. O Fagunwa, the great Yoruba novelist, who should be justly celebrated as the father of African magical realism.

    All of these great men of letters must however pale in significance when compared with the momentous achievement of Chinua Achebe as a novelist, essayist and polemicist. Without any doubt, Things Fall Apart was the first African novel consciously and militantly conceived on the platform of cultural nationalism and woven from the intellectual fabric of mental decolonisation. It was a paen to freedom and liberation. This is why the saga of the man from Umuofia has continued to resonate with Black people and all those who are engaged in the project of emancipation. It gives artistic and intellectual voice to their political and cultural aspirations, and with clinical clarity too.

    It needs to be said that Achebe’s great novel was forged in artistic, political and ideological rebellion.. Politically and ideologically, it was a conscious and militantly radical rejection of the Conradian and Caryean depiction of the Black person as an irredeemable savage and primitive cannibal. Achebe’s thesis is simple but incontrovertible. Every human society has its own unique way of apprehending and coming to terms with the material and spiritual realities of its existence.

    Artistically, had Achebe listened to his teacher who famously dismissed his youthful effort as lacking in “form”, he might have been driven to produce some of the unreadable wonders of the language. In retrospect, it is clear that Achebe’s teacher was sold on the virtues of literary modernism with its stylistic razzmatazz, its high wire and sometimes haywire virtuosity. By sticking to his guns and to the canons of traditional realism, Chinua Achebe rescued the African novel and posterity from a potential literary disaster.

    There is always an element of militant self-belief that goes with all truly great writers. Achebe had this in fecund abundance. It was said that Cervantes, the Spaniard who is justly regarded as the first modern novelist, triumphed over his more technically gifted rivals simply because his staunch conservative nature prevented the outlandish experimentation which could have pushed the nascent genre in a perilous direction. So it is with Chinua Achebe.

    Perhaps the greatest irony of Achebe’s literary politics is the fact that while remaining militantly and consciously anti-imperialist in all its wiles and guiles, Achebe often came across as a mild-mannered and diffident British professor. There was always something of the quintessential English gentleman about the urbane, courteous and infinitely polite Achebe. He was a man of quiet, understated charms not given to exuberant one-upmanship.

    In the end, while Okonkwo, Achebe great fictional hero, fought with his cutlass and bare hands, his real life descendant fought with his pen. They were both proud rebels in the noblest sense of that word. Achebe fought a good fight and has gone home to rest. It is the novelist as an epic character in his own right. While all the indiscretions and undeniable bigotry would disappear with the passage of time, it is the great novels, particularly Things Fall Apart, that would remain as a cultural monument. This is Chinua Achebe’s portal to immortality.

     

    Culled from the current edition of Africa Today

  • Mandela as the ultimate beacon

    Mandela as the ultimate beacon

    The African political desert is sprouting oasis here and there. Theeconomies of a number of countries in the continent are reportedly growing, at an average of five per cent plus. Even the widespread brutal war-fare in the past decades, as alternative to politics or brinkmanship, seems to peter out. What is, however, not certain is how long it will take the people to feel safe enough, to intuitively demand accountability in the exercise of public power as a right; instead of a rare privilege or aberrations in a continent desolate for centuries. Interestingly as Africa totters at this historic juncture, the supreme iconic brand for the continent, Nelson Mandela, is graciously bowing out.

    Even more interesting is that Africa has also been able to export what it lacked most – accountable public service, to the most powerful country in the world – the United States. In the past week, that proud export of our continent, President Barak Obama, as a dutiful son should do, came home to wish our dear Madiba, a safe journey to the ancestral homestead. President Obama, however, made sure that he sent a historic warning to the wayward siblings, particularly Nigeria and Kenya; that the time for accountability has come, by ignoring their sense of entitlements, and refusing to visit them. This natural cycle of departure as epitomised by Madiba, and new birth, as represented by Barak, shows that Africa can not forever remain entirely bad news; as her time will surely come.

    Madiba’s ascendency as the ultimate world hero did not come cheap. It cost him 27 years in jail. Even before that life changing journey to prison, Mandela had with his comrades in the African National Congress (ANC), devoted their whole being to the liberation of their people from the apartheid regime. While in prison, he grew in stature to become the scourge of the regime, the ultimate national sacrificial lamb, and the beacon of hope for a free country. When he regained his personal freedom, his country also gained its freedom. As the first President of a multiracial South Africa, Madiba refused to be vengeful. He did not use his executive powers to hunt down his jailers and their collaborators. He resisted the common malaise of his colleagues, to turn to an ‘African big man’, with fat bank accounts and mansions in Europe and North America that they never get to sleep in. He served for a single term in office, and went ahead to hand over to the younger generation, in a free and fair election.

    Mandiba did not seek to continue to determine who gets what in his country, after leaving power. He did not organise dubious fund raising ventures for personal aggrandisement while in office; or corner for himself and his cronies’ prime national assets through fraudulent privatisation exercises. While in office, Madiba, did not appropriate the natural resources of the country through a criminal licensing process, neither did he acquire prime real estates of the people, through a dubious legislation. President Mandela resisted the company of criminals parading themselves as leaders, and was ready to call their bluff, despite that they could donate to dubious projects in his village. He rejected the temptation that power is everything, preferring always the high moral ground, whether while in power and out of political power; marking him out today and for a very long time to come, as the ultimate world moral authority.

    His company and endorsement was sought after by the most powerful political, economic, religious and social leadership of the world. Entertainment icons, business moguls, presidents, kings, athletes, all sought to meet him. President Obama, equated him with Ghandi of India, as his moral mentors. To underscore their spiritual bonding, Obama’s earlier planned trip to Africa coincided with President Mandela’s final journey, to immortality. It is hoped that President Obama will also go further than peddling his huge influence, to practically help Africans. He could use his powers to design programs that will force political and economic changes in Africa. President Obama can use his intellect to convince his white cousins that Africa is not an immutable basket case; particularly as modern economic growths have confirmed.

    The United States, no doubt, has the biggest influence in the world, and President Obama can use that to help Africa to fight corruption and economic underdevelopment. Obama can use his adopted country’s intelligence to track and repatriate corrupt African monies across the world. He can influence as I have previously argued on this column, the establishment of International Economic Court, to try the ‘African Big Men’ who have grown too big for their local judicial systems. He can also weigh in economically in Africa by establishing something akin to the Marshall plan that elevated the European economy after the world wars.

    The political elite must also wake up on their own, even when President Obama has chosen to allow them to slumber in their mess. They must realise that it is in their self-interest to stop their doodling in corruption. It is also foolhardy on their part to think that our country will continue to exist, if they don’t stop the economic rape passed off as political leadership in the country. From the presidency to the councilors, our leaders should take a lesson in the life of the Madiba. As his life clearly shows, the stature of a leader is not measured by how much of the public wealth, such a leader has appropriated for personal benefits. Rather, it is selfless sacrifices that endear leaders to their people. As President Obama makes his preferences, the Nigeria’s political leadership for one can not blame him, for ignoring our country, which clearly is not abhorrent to corruption.