Tag: Nigeria

  • Nigeria: The search for survival

    A few weeks ago, Oronto Douglas, Special Adviser to President Goodluck Jonathan, made the following pregnant statement: “As President Jonathan continues to rally all patriots and leads the charge in rebuilding critical Infrastructure (roads, rails, airports etc) and ensure access to education for millions of Alimajiris and other Nigerians, as he focuses attention on building and strengthening institutions (INEC, EFCC, ICPC, CBN, NASS etc) for the good of our people and our democracy, it is important that a “we the people” agreement be midwifed by all Nigerians for the good of Nigeria”.

    Naturally, millions of Nigerians got from this statement the impression that President Jonathan was at last about to take themost important step which we had all long expected of him. Rebuilding critical infrastructures, widening access to education, and strengthening institutions – all are routine jobs of any ruler in a modern country. Beyond such routine concerns, every country has, at given times, its unique and critical problems to tackle. In Nigeria, our unique and critical problem today is to ensure that our country will have a chance to survive at all. Making sure that Nigeria will have a better chance to survive is an order of priority infinitely higher than all the routine tasks of government. And the only way Nigeria will have a better chance to survive and prosper is to settle the nationalities problem – to structure our federation in ways that show respect to our various nationalities, and to empower the federating units of our federation to serve their citizens much better than now.

    No serious person who is interested in the welfare and future of Nigeria today can fail to see that Nigeria is descending rapidly towards some final collapse. After decades of manipulation and distortion, what was originally a Nigerian federation has become an undefinable monstrosity. An enormous, ponderous and unruly Federal Government controls all the essence of power and resources, and progressively makes nonsense of the states. In the growing chaos, the persons elected to the Nigerian National Assembly have resolved to themselves that they are not in Abuja as representatives of their constituencies and states. They are adding to the political and constitutional disorder that is wrecking our country. In Abuja they give most of their energies to two main pursuits – namely, grabbing bigger and bigger shares of the national cake for themselves, and erecting for the National Assembly a separate “sovereignty” of its own, a separate sovereignty derived not from the people of Nigeria but from the legislators’ own wilful designs. Apparently, even the political parties that sponsored these legislators for election into the National Assembly have lost all ability to make them support or oppose anything in the deliberations of the Senate and the House of Representatives – with the result that one hardly ever notices party positions among these political merchants. And, to the shock of all concerned observers, their National Assembly is proceeding, even in this hour of greatly heightened disorder and uncertainty in our political system, with their plan to further strengthen the powers of the “federal” authority and to further destroy the states, by turning the Local Governments into adjuncts of the Federal Government.

    In these dark hours in the history of our country, there is still one source from which Nigerians ought still to be able to expect salvation. That source is the presidency of Nigeria. And that is why, when Oronto Douglas, one of the most influential officials serving the presidency, made his statement about a “we the people agreement” some weeks ago, a whole lot of Nigerians thought we were, at last, about to begin to get constructive leadership from President Jonathan towards properly restructuring and reordering our stumbling country. But it has been weeks since then, and nothing has come from President Jonathan. To many Nigerians, President Jonathan’s presidency is becoming one of the most painful experiences ever.

    Over four years ago, when some influential Nigerians seemed to be raising objections to replacing our deceased President, Yar’Adua, with his Vice-President, Jonathan, very many Nigerians at home and abroad insisted that the Nigerian Constitution should be obeyed. Very many of us then happily, and even proudly, welcomed a Jonathan presidency. We did so for two main reasons. First, we were glad that the Jonathan presidency had finally killed the unspoken assumption by some of Nigeria’s most influential leaders that a Nigerian citizen from a minority nationality did not qualify to be president of Nigeria. And secondly, we were excited that this first minority man to become Nigeria’s president was from the Delta in particular. The peoples of the Delta have been the most consistent and persistent warriors against the excessive powers being heaped on the Federal Government, and against the excesses of federal authority. Countless youths of the Delta have sacrificed their lives for that cause. So, naturally, when one youth from the Delta providentially became our president, we were certain that an era of change had dawned in our country, and that we would quickly begin to see the return of our country to a sane and sensible federalism. Instead, what we have seen for over four years is just another Nigerian president sunk in the lure of rabid federal power. We are forced to confess now that President Jonathan has shamed many of us who supported him. He has chewed up our support of him and spit it back in our faces.

    In the circumstance, those who desperately desire that Nigeria should survive and succeed must now begin to search for hope in the whole spectrum of Nigeria’s political life. In my humble opinion, there is only one reliable corner where a ray of hope seems to be arising today. And that is in the new political grouping known as APC – All Progressives Congress. I say this because I have found some welcome perspectives in the statements and behaviour of this party – apart from the well-known progressive and federalist credentials of some of its leaders. For instance, the communiqué of a recent convention of Progressive Governors belonging to the APC stated that the convention “discussed constitutional amendment extensively”, rejected the National Assembly’s plans concerning local governments as capable of weakening “the fundamental principles of our federalism” and of tilting Nigeria “towards a unitary state”. It declared that “the issue of Local Government Administration – – – is within the purview of the federating units”, and that “Federalism is the basis of our sovereignty”.

    And then, some days later, one of the captains of the group, Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State, while speaking at a Fawehinmi Memorial Lecture in Lagos, made a very clear and compelling case for true federalism for Nigeria. I find this speech of his so important that I intend to focus on it in my column next week. But on the whole, if this fledgling party continues to provide leadership in the all-important issue of true a federation for Nigeria, it will become the party to be supported by all who sincerely want to see Nigeria become orderly, survive and prosper.

  • 2014 CHAN: Nigeria draws Mali

    2014 CHAN: Nigeria draws Mali

    Nigeria has been drawn alongside Mali, South Africa and Mozambique in the Orange African Nations Championship billed for South Africa in January 2014.
    The draw held in Cairo, Egypt on Wednesday also pitched Zimbabwe, Uganda, Burkina Faso and Morocco together in group B.
    South Africa and Mozambique will play the first match of the three-week soccer fiesta on January 11 in Cape Town.
    The pairings:
    Group A
    South Africa
    Mali
    Nigeria
    Mozambique
    Group B
    Zimbabwe
    Uganda,
    Bukina faso
    Morocco
    Group C
    Ghana
    Congo Brazaville,
    Ethiopia
    Libya
    Group D
    DR Congo
    Mauritania
    Burundi
    Gabon
    CHAN will take place between 11 January  and 1 February next year.
  • Nigeria,Tanzania T-Bills top Africa yields

    Yields are rising on Tanzania’s and Nigeria’s Treasury Bills, although demand continues strong, according data posted on the website of the Central Bank of Tanzania and Central Bank of Nigeria.

    The average yield-to-maturity for Tanzania was 13.43 per cent on the 364-days bills, 12.86 per cent on the 182-days paper, 11.76 per cent on 91-days and 7.25 per cent on 35 days.

    For Nigeria, it is 12.5 per cent on the 364-days bills, 11.75 per cent on the 182-days paper, 11.6 per cent on 91-days.

    The main investors in government securities in both markets are pension Funds and commercial banks who took more than 60 per cent of the market, followed by insurance funds and a few micro-finance institutions. Treasury bills are issued regularly as part of monetary control measures to help lenders manage their liquidity.

     

  • Nigeria leads South Africa, Angola on $40.6b FDI

    Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows to Nigeria, South Africa and Angola may average $40.6 billion yearly over the next five years, a report by Ernst & Young, global accounting firm has said.

    It polled 505 global executives, and 60 per cent said their perception of Africa as a business destination had improved over the past three years. Nearly three quarters said they believed Africa would become more attractive to potential investors over the next three years.

    A report on global capital inflows, said as African oil and mineral reserves draw investors from emerging and developed markets. Around a quarter of a million new jobs are likely to be created in the three countries as a result.

    It was noted that majority of the foreign investors are targeting the Nigerian bond market where there is sovereign guarantee and improved returns compared to other developed countries. There has also been a strong portfolio inflow to the high yields on local-currency debt, including 91-day Treasury bill which was 14 to 15 per cent.

    Intra-African investment has also been a significant driver of growth, with Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa among the top investors into the rest of the continent.

    Nigeria topped the list of countries expected to draw significant funds over the next five years, with the report forecasting an average of $23 billion per year in FDI inflows and around 95,000 new jobs. But recent militant attacks in the continent’s top oil producer, which has been the largest African recipient of FDI over the last decade, could deter some investors, it added.

    FDI inflows to South Africa were projected to average $10 billion a year, generating up to 125,000 new jobs, compared with $7.6 billion a year and 30,000 new jobs in Angola.

    Ernst & Young said more regional integration and increased investment to close an infrastructure gap, which will require an estimated $90 billion yearly, would boost Africa’s standing among investors.

     

  • A country in chaos

    SIR: Nigeria is in a chaotic situation now. Almost everything is topsy- turvy. Nothing works here. There is pervasive insecurity of lives and property as armed robbers and kidnappers carry out their nefarious activities in broad daylight. Our educational system has collapsed; our crater-marked roads are death traps; and, corruption has been firmly entrenched as part of our culture. Is Nigeria not in chaos?

    Although the Jonathan administration has published articles in national newspapers to show that our economy is growing, there is a palpable feeling of discontent among the populace. Our leaders’ postulation that our economy is growing in leaps and bounds is stranger than fiction. Nothing can be further from the truth. Nothing advertises our leaders’ incompetence and poor performance more than the millions of unemployed graduates that roam our streets daily searching for jobs. In addition to this regime’s poor performance, the ruling party has imploded. The PDP is now factionalized, and members of the two factions are engaged in a bitter battle of supremacy that portends grave danger to the indivisibility of Nigeria.

    State PDP chapters across the country are sundered into factions. In Anambra State, the PDP conducted two parallel governorship primaries; consequently, two people are laying claim to the party’s governorship ticket ahead of the November 16, governorship election. In Rivers, the crisis snow-balled into a free-for-all fight on the floor of the state Assembly, leaving some law-makers with deep injuries.

    The President’s plan to seek re-election in 2015 has polarized the party. The PDP, as a party, has not enunciated great policies and executed them, which will lead to the positive transformation of Nigeria. It is a party of selfish and thieving politicians. And, sadly, the party’s strangle-hold on power for 14 years has brought us hardship instead of improved standards of living.

    Now, we have the old PDP and the New PDP. The New PDP led by Kawu Baraje is composed of Governor Rabiu Kwakwanso of Kano, Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers, Aliyu Babangida Muazu of Niger and Murtala Nyako, the Adamawa State governor. Their major grouse is about President Jonathan’s intention to run for the President in 2015.

    But, why the governors chose not to form a new party and seek for its registration baffles me. Members of a party who feel dissatisfied with how their party is run should defect to another party or form their own party. Rather, the new PDP is setting up new parallel offices across the country, thereby causing chaos.

    We are not unconscious of the stark fact that the PDP’s internal war is not about our welfare. Neither of the two PDPS can produce a visionary and incorruptible leader for us. We know the life-stories and antecedents of people who occupy the party’s top echelons.

    I would like the warring politicians to know that Nigeria is on the precipice now. So, we should not engage in acts that will make our country bowl over. The angry unemployed university graduates, the militants, kidnappers and the Boko Haram insurgents constitute combustible entity, whose anger can be sparked off by our leaders’ selfish acts. Do we know the anger of youth? Can we control it? An act of self-immolation by a poor deprived vegetable seller caused the Tunisian political upheaval.

    Instead of bickering and fighting over the 2015 general elections, our leaders should return to the business of governing this country.

     

    • Chiedu Uche Okoye Uruowulu-Obosi, Anambra State.

  • EFCC and other stories

    EFCC and other stories

    Tracking news and reporting or investigating them in Nigeria is fast becoming a cumbersome affair in a country where scandals unfold in unimaginable proportion every passing moment of the day. Once there is a news break, before you settle down to look carefully at the issues involved, another news break comes in to unsettle you. With the frequency and rapidity of news breaks in the country, the media world is facing a deluge of news items. The screaming headlines in our daily newspapers attest to this fact, as journalists engage in a rat race to undo one another in news coverage.

    Last Monday, a good number of senior journalists attended a one-day workshop on reporting financial crimes. The event took place in Abuja under the auspices of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. Ibrahim Lamorde, the humble chairman of the EFCC, was on hand to declare the workshop open. So also were some of his henchmen-Osita Nwaja, deputy director, public affairs, and Wilson Uwujaren, acting head of media affairs unit, as well as many other operatives of the commission. Almost all the nation’s media houses -newspapers, magazines, radio, TV – were represented at the event.

    Papers were presented by eminent journalists in core areas of ethics, news reporting and investigations. Thereafter, the floor was thrown open for participants to ask questions. A number of issues bordering on free flow of information between the commission and news hunters were raised. While the journalists believed they were not getting enough, the commission explained that, in some cases, news is deliberately held back so as not to jeopardize their investigations. According to the commission, once the news gets to the public domain, those who could be targets of arrests easily go underground, while witnesses also get scared and may be unwilling to volunteer information to the agency.

    The decision of the commission to host the workshop underscores the importance which it attaches to the role of the media in the fight against corruption and economic crimes in the country. Just as Lamorde puts it, “Without a doubt, the media is a critical stakeholder in the anti-graft war. With your pen, you could make or (break) the fight against economic crimes and corruption … We need the media to help sensitize the people to the ills of corruption and economic crimes”.

    The chairman of the EFCC then used the occasion to correct the “notion that the commission is selective in investigating persons suspected of committing economic crimes; that only those who have fallen out of favour with the powers that be are touched by the commission; that the commission has gone to sleep” and all that. The chairman then went on to say that “even in the midst of contrary evidence, a section of the press has been so swayed by this stereotype that they are unwilling to shift their gaze”. “This”, according to him, “is sad”. “Corruption “, he said, “threatens all sectors, including the media. I expect the media to lend its investigative skills to helping the EFCC fight corruption and not allow itself to be sucked in by the corrupt and become a pawn in their hands to undermine the commission”.

    The take-home from the workshop is the fact that the media should exercise its constitutional mandate as the fourth estate of the realm with the highest sense of modesty and responsibility. All the speakers at the parley seemed to have agreed that to make meaningful impact on the anti-graft war in the country, the media must be very cautious in their coverage of economic crimes matters and ensure they verify their facts before publication.

    A number of publications on the war against corruption were freely given out by the EFCC at the workshop. One of them was a bulky magazine titled Zero Tolerance. Two days after the workshop, some of the contents of the magazine went viral in the media. As usual, former President Olusegun Obasanjo was widely quoted as throwing jabs at his former deputy, Atiku Abubakar, and the immediate past EFCC chairman, Farida Waziri. These have elicited serious controversy and debate in the polity. With both Atiku and Waziri up in arms against Obasanjo, the public is, once more, being treated to another season of accusations and counter-accusations, all bordering on corruption by major actors in our nation’s political history. As it is, the last may not have been heard in the last few years about what transpired in the corridors of power in the war on corruption and official sleaze.

    On the political turf itself, all is not well with our politicians, especially among the ranks of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. A splinter group among the PDP, with about seven governors as arrowheads, now known as the New PDP or NPDP, is doing all that is possible to assert themselves in the political space. It is now a war between the old and the new PDP as the struggle for power in 2015 assumes a frightening dimension. In the meantime, all efforts by the NPDP to open offices in Abuja and the states have met with stiff resistance with the old PDP using the police as veritable weapons against its perceived opponents. Offices have been barricaded by the police in Abuja and Port Harcourt. The climax was the prevention of Chibuike Amaechi and his guests from accessing the Government House in Port Harcourt last Thursday.

    In the meantime, Bamanga Tukur, the chairman of the old PDP, has continued to spit fire by referring to the members of the splinter group as rascals. Tukur is at the epicentre of the ongoing controversy over his style of leadership of the party since he took over as chairman. Perhaps, it is not inappropriate to refer to the splinter group as rascals because what Nigeria needs now is the emergence of some rascals in the polity. This is to invigorate the process of governance in the country.

    The political temperature in the country was further heightened in Warri, Delta State as the Itsekiri people gave their monarch, the Olu of Warri, an ultimatum to vacate the throne. This was predicated on the recent proclamation of the monarch renouncing the Ogiame title and other traditional rites being practised by the Itsekiri nation. The renunciation sparked off several protests with the indigenes barricading the palace of the monarch for several days. Not even the timely interventions of Emmanuel Uduaghan, the state governor, could sway the people. After four days of protest, the monarch capitulated, and rescinded his earlier decision to renounce the title. That is the triumph of people’s power and an indication that the people can no longer be trampled upon. This is a signal for people who are holding positions of authority either at the community, local government, state or national level to understand that they are doing so on behalf of the people and not vice-versa. Sovereignty belongs to the people and these powers must be exercised in conformity with the wishes of the people. Not to terrorise them or impoverish them.

    Last Thursday, Mike Ozekhome, Senior Advocate of Nigeria who had been in kidnappers’ den for about 20 days, was set free. But this was not without paying a ransom, the value of which has not been properly laid in the public domain. It is indeed a sad commentary in our national life that a flourishing kidnap industry has taken over everywhere with people’s lives being endangered every day. Not only this. Millions of hard-earned money is also involved in the thriving and criminally lucrative business. It is sad that the country’s security agencies have not found an enduring solution to this epidemic, which is why many people tend to accuse some of them of connivance.

    However, the week ended on a sadder note as Olusegun Agagu, former governor of Ondo State, died in Lagos last Friday night. May the Lord grant Olufunke, his wife of many years, his children, family, his colony of friends and admirers the fortitude to bear this irreparable loss. His sudden death, once more, underscores the transience of life. May he find solace in the bosom of His creator. Amen.

  • Nigeria puts $200m SWF cash in investment

    Nigeria puts $200m SWF cash in investment

    Nigeria’s Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) has made its first investment, handing over $200m to UBS, Credit Suisse and Goldman Sachs to manage a fixed income portfolio.

    The first investment, even if relatively small, adds Nigeria to the small cadre of commodity-rich countries that over the past decade have become one of the most powerful forces in global financial markets through their sovereign wealth funds, according to a report by the Financial Times.

    Uche Orji, chief executive of the $1bn Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA), told the Financial Times the fund gave UBS $50m last week to invest in United States (US) Treasuries. A further $150m is being transferred this week to Credit Suisse and Goldman Sachs to build a US corporate bond portfolio.

    “This is a major milestone for us,” Orji, a former banker who was recruited to set up the fund last year, said in an interview in Abuja.

    Mr Orji said in June that he had delayed making any initial investments due to the volatility in global markets. But yesterday he said he felt the bond market was now “fairly valued”.

    The first investment comes ahead of this week’s crucial meeting of the Federal Reserve. The US central bank is likely to start phasing out its bond buying programme that has kept interest rates at ultra-low levels. “There is more optimism now,” Orji said.

    The Nigeria sovereign wealth fund is the third largest in sub-Saharan Africa, after the $6.9bn Botswana and $5bn Angola funds, though tiny compared to those of oil producers such as Saudi Arabia, Norway and Abu Dhabi, which have more than $600bn in assets each.

    The sovereign fund was set up to safeguard oil revenues for future generations, provide a buffer against external shocks and spur infrastructure development in Nigeria. Despite decades of oil production, the country has never previously had a sovereign wealth fund or any ringfenced method of saving. Nigeria’s government wants to grow the fund by about $1bn a year, but faces opposition from governors, who receive a share of national revenues. Orji acknowledged that new inflows were not guaranteed, but said that the seed capital was enough for now. “$1bn is not inconsequential,” he said. “Not many sovereign wealth funds have started out with that amount.”

    Under the investment policy approved by the NSIA earlier this year, the fund is split into three pools. The stabilisation fund has a 20 per cent share – the $200m handed over to banks this week. Capital preservation is the main aim, with the fund acting as a buffer against short-term economic instability.

    The future generations and infrastructure funds will each receive 32.5 per cent, or $325m, with 15 per cent unallocated. The NSIA has drawn up a long list of financial institutions to manage the future generations fund, which aims for a long-term return of US inflation plus four per cent. Investment options include listed stocks, hedge funds, private equity and real estate.

    Orji said he hoped this fund would be running by the end of March 2014. But he expressed concern about rising valuations in the developed world stock markets. “We find quite a few asset classes, such as US equities, to be a bit rich at the moment,” he said. “We see more value in emerging markets.”

    For the infrastructure fund, which will invest in Nigerian projects in sectors including power, healthcare, transport and agriculture, the NSIA has signed memoranda of understanding with the Africa Finance Corporation and International Finance Corporation to work together on transactions. It also has an agreement with General Electric (GE), and is in talks with Power China about a possible electricity investment.

  • The Nigeria Police Force

    Sometime in 1998 as preparations reached top gear for the return of democracy to Nigeria after decades of military rule interrupted midway by General Ibrahim Babangida’s failed third republic, a certain businessman in Ikeja, capital of Lagos State called a press conference for his office at midday. My colleagues and I were there.

    As he was into selling of exotic cars, we were looking forward to him unveiling yet another of such cars into the Nigerian market as was his practice. But we were wrong or rather shocked when we arrived at the imposing glass house structure that was his office and found nothing to suggest that an unveiling of a next generation car was in the offing. Nothing of sort was planned; the Chief from Ijebuland had other ideas.

    As he welcomed us into the press conference he launched into the reason for gathering the media into his office that mid afternoon:Nigeria, yes Nigeria, our dear country was on his mind. The incoming democratic dispensation was troubling his mind and he wanted to share his thoughts with Nigerians on how to make the 4th republic better.

    He was an elderly man and we listened patiently to his wisdom. Out of all the problems confronting our country then he singled out the Nigerian police as one problem, if solved, that could solve most if not all the other problems. Why, we asked.

    He noted that Nigeria’s problem is essentially maintenance of law and order or rather lack of it. If our laws were enforced to the letter by the police in particular and other law enforcement agents, he reckoned that Nigeria would not only be better but also prosper.

    He reckoned that if the Nigeria Police Force is well funded, the officers and men properly trained and catered for they would be willing and even expected/compelled to ‘serve with heart and mind’, as our national anthem says, Nigerians and the nation and not the leaders who pay the piper. We couldn’t agree with him less.

    As he later became a close confidant of former President Olusegun Obasanjo and even a strong member of his kitchen cabinet, we expected that the Nigeria Police would fare better under that regime and serve Nigerians better. You all know the outcome of the NPF under Obasanjo.

    As the drama of the ongoing power struggle in Rivers State between the State governor, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and the Commissioner of Police Mbu Joseph Mbu reached a head last Thursday with the latter prevented from accessing his official residence through his normal route by policemen acting on the orders of Mbu, the question came to mind as to whether the police force as it is today is actually Nigeria Police Force or Nigeria’s President Police Force.

    And whoever has been following developments in Rivers State since Governor Amaechi contested and won the chairmanship of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum for a second term against the wish of President Goodluck Jonathan can not but (in good conscience) conclude that the Nigeria Police Force as it is today is working for and in the interest of Mr President. And this is unfortunate.

    It is not as if the situation had been different in the past, the NPF had always been serving their master’s voice, whether under the military or civilian government. But the appointment of Mohammed Abubakar as Inspector General of Police had raised hopes that with an officer and gentleman, at the saddle at the Force Headquarters Nigeria would finally have a police force to serve the interest of Nigeria and Nigerians.

    The IGP actually started well and the Force could be said to be doing well but for the problem of the Rivers State command and CP Mbu. Abubakar’s order dismantling police checkpoints across the federation has not just brought so much relief to the people but has also left criminals confounded as to where and when they could encounter a police patrol. This has brought the elements of surprise and unpredictability which are essential to fighting crime.

    The Force has been engaged in some laudable things but which the politics it has enmeshed itself in in Rivers State could rubbish altogether. If the IGP does not know it, CP Mbu is damaging the Nigeria Police and he is a bad advertisement for a professional police force that Nigeria crave for and which we expect Abubakar to give us.

    Let us leave the politics of what is going on between President Jonathan, his wife Patience on one hand and Governor Amaechi on the other hand aside. Why should the police under the guise of enforcing law and order prevent a state governor from moving freely on any route in his state, especially the route that leads to his residence? What is that security situation that the governor does not know or should not know about that would warrant him being denied access through a particular route/road in his state? If there was such a situation and it happened suddenly as Mbu’s apologists may want to argue, why wasn’t the governor informed immediately and advised accordingly? And assuming the policemen around did not know the governor was the one coming with his guests, why wasn’t his convoy allowed to pass through once their identities were established if the police command was not playing politics?

    There are so many ifs and whys here begging for answers, but the truth is that irrespective of whatever Governor Amaechi had been or could have been doing wrongly in the current political crisis rocking his state, the police in particular and every other organ or agents of government anywhere in Nigeria for that matter, should give him the honour and respect as the elected governor of Rivers State. It is not necessarily about him, but about that office and the Nigerian constitution which the police are duty bound to respect and uphold.

    The argument that there was an alternate route he could have taken and chose that particular route just to give solidarity to the recently opened state headquarters of the new PDP which he belongs does not hold water. Even at that, when has that become a crime and what business has the police got in sealing off the headquarters of the new PDP in Rivers State? More shocking ad disgraceful was the fact that the team that sealed off that party office and forcefully brought down both the flags of Nigeria and that of the party was led by a deputy Commissioner of Police. What a shame? What kind of officers are these? These are the kind of things that bring public disrespect to the police. When the people see naked partisanship like this by the police, absolute partiality, they lose respect for the force. If President Jonathan had been on the other side of the party, say a member of the new PDP, would the police have prevented his faction from opening it’s office or even the president taking the road in front of the party office to wherever he wanted to go? When the Nigeria Governors’ Forum was factionalized and President Jonathan decided to back the minority faction why didn’t the police say NO? Why didn’t the Force send policemen to seal off the office of the Jang faction of NGF? Going by the police logic on the new PDP, Jang faction of NGF is also operating illegally, so, why not apply the law on that group. Was it because the president is involved? This is the kind of inconsistent application of the law by the police that tends to promote crises and anarchy in the land. This is the kind of things that the IGP should prevent if the Nigeria Police Force are to be respected by Nigerians. The truth today is that Nigerians have more respect even for the Civil Defence Corps than a policeman or woman. It is that bad. And it is politicians in uniform like CP Mbu Joseph Mbu that promotes this kind of low esteem and contempt that most Nigerians have for the Nigeria Police Force, in spite of the efforts of such gentlemen officers like IGP Abubakar and most of his officers and men, including some that had served meritoriously in the NPF in the past.

    Back to the Rivers issue, IGP Abubakar, apart from the image of the Nigeria Police, has his own personal integrity to protect in this matter and should not allow one incompetent CP acting at the behest of his paymasters outside the Force, to tarnish his own reputation and taint his tenure as IGP. Abubakar should resist the temptation of allowing the NPF under his watch to be used as the militant wing of the ruling party the way one of his predecessors Sunday Adewusi deployed the police in the second republic to serve the interest of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). We all know the place of Adewusi and the NPF of that era in Nigeria’s history today, IGP Abubakar should not travel that road. He has a name to protect. Nigerians are watching.

  • WCQ:  Nigeria draws Ethiopia

    WCQ: Nigeria draws Ethiopia

      Ghana to meet Egypt, Ivory Coast vs Senegal

    Super Eagles of Nigeria would meet the Walya Antelopes of Ethiopia in the final round of the 2014 FIFA World Cup qualifier for African zone.

    In the draws held on Monday morning in Cairo, Egypt, Ivory Coast was paired with Senegal, while Ghana would square up with seven-time African champions Egypt.

    Other pairings are – Algeria versus Burkina Faso and Cameroon versus Tunisia.

    The matches would be played in October and November to determine the continent’s five representatives in next year’s World Cup in Brazil.

     

     

  • Breaking News: Kidnapped Anglican Archbishop freed

    Breaking News: Kidnapped Anglican Archbishop freed

    The kidnapped  Dean of the Anglican Church of Nigeria, Archbishop Ignatius Kattey has been freed by his abductors.

    Kattey, who was abducted along with  his wife, Beatrice last week  Friday along Aleto-Eleme in Eleme Local Government Area of River State, was freed on Saturday night.

    His release  was confirmed by the Rivers State Police Public Relations Officer, Mrs. Angela Agabe, who said the cleric was rescued by the police and other security forces.

    Details later