At a high-level dialogue on malaria elimination in Abuja, African leaders and global health partners pressed for urgent action to turn decades of commitments into results, pointing to Nigeria’s progress and Cabo Verde’s recent malaria-free certification as proof that the goal is achievable.
The meeting, themed “Harnessing Africa’s Central Role in the Big Push Against Malaria,” opened with calls for stronger political will, sustainable financing, and homegrown solutions to end a disease that still takes a heavy toll across the continent.
Nigeria’s Minister of State for Health and Social Welfare, Dr. Iziaq Adekunle Salako, reaffirmed the Federal Government’s resolve to break the cycle of malaria deaths and economic losses. He described malaria as both a public health emergency and a development challenge, stressing that the country must scale up interventions with urgency.
“Nigeria bears the highest malaria burden in the world. If Africa must win this fight, Nigeria cannot fail. The Federal Government is committed to investing in local solutions—such as vaccine deployment, net production, and strengthening of our health systems—because ending malaria is not just about health, it is about saving our economy and our people’s future,” he said.
He identified the “triple threat” of mosquito resistance to insecticides, climate change, and overreliance on donor funding, and called for a “Big Push” that brings governments, parliament, civil society, and the private sector into a shared effort.
Nigeria, which accounts for 26.6 percent of global malaria cases and 31 percent of deaths, has made measurable progress, reducing malaria deaths by more than half since 2000. Strategies include distribution of insecticide-treated nets, preventive treatments for children and pregnant women, and rollout of the R21 vaccine.
Dr. Moji Makanjuola, veteran broadcaster and event co-moderator, noted that while progress has been recorded, leadership and accountability remain the decisive factors. “What matters is the will to do things differently if we must end malaria in our lifetime,” she said.
The dialogue also celebrated Cabo Verde, which in 2024 received WHO certification as malaria-free. Delegates highlighted the country’s success—anchored on surveillance, community engagement, and political accountability—as a model for high-burden countries like Nigeria.
Parliamentarians, led by Hon. Linda Ogar, Chair of the House Committee on AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, warned against endless “talk shops” and called for a multi-disease agency alongside new domestic financing streams such as taxes on tobacco, alcohol, luxury goods, telecoms, and mobile money to reduce dependence on donor aid.
Civil society leaders pledged to act as “foot soldiers” in the fight, while demanding inclusion in decision-making processes.
Global partners, including the WHO, the Gates Foundation, the Global Fund, and Aliko Dangote’s Malaria Council, reaffirmed support. Uche Anaowu of the Gates Foundation recalled Bill Gates’ challenge to eradicate malaria like smallpox, while Dangote, speaking virtually, urged the private sector to step up. “Malaria robs us of lives and economic potential. The time to fight is now,” he said.
The Abuja dialogue underscored the symbolic journey “from Lagos to Cabo Verde”—from Nigeria’s pre-elimination strides to Cabo Verde’s post-elimination success. The lesson, participants stressed, is that elimination is possible when political will, financing, innovation, and community ownership align.
Africa still accounts for 94 percent of global malaria cases and 95 percent of deaths, but the gathering ended on a note of urgency and hope. For Nigeria, the message was clear: the road is long, but with determination and collective action, malaria elimination is within reach.
The football governing body, Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), has confirmed the deduction of three points from South Africa for fielding an ineligible player, Teboho Mokoena, during the 2026 World Cup Qualifiers game against Lesotho.
Over the years, several countries have suffered point deductions, results overturned, or matches forfeited. Below are notable examples (date, competition, reason, sanction, and impact).
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1. Cape Verde — 2013 (2014 World Cup qualifiers)
– What happened: Cape Verde used Fernando Varela in a decisive qualifier when he was suspended.
– Sanction: The Match was forfeited, and Tunisia was awarded a 3–0 win; Cape Verde lost their playoff spot.
– Impact: Ruined a historic qualification run — Tunisia took the playoff place instead.
2. Ethiopia — June 2013 (2014 World Cup qualifiers)
– What happened: Ethiopia fielded Minyahil Teshome Beyene, who had not served a suspension.
– Sanction: FIFA awarded the match to Botswana 3–0 (Ethiopia stripped of the three points).
– Impact: Points and a win removed from Ethiopia’s campaign.
– What happened: Gabon played Charly Moussono (who had previously represented Cameroon in a Beach Soccer World Cup) — FIFA ruled him ineligible.
– Sanction: Match(es) awarded to opponents (3–0), and Gabon lost points.
– Impact: Group standings were affected across African qualifying groups.
6. Togo — 2013 / 2014 qualifying windows (reported cases)
– What happened: Togo had a case where an ineligible player was fielded in qualifiers (leading to disciplinary action).
– Sanction & impact: Forfeits and points awarded to opponents in the qualifiers; several African qualifying groups were reshaped by these rulings. (See aggregated reporting on multiple African cases in 2012–2013.)
7. Nigeria — Dec 2017 / 2018 (Russia 2018 qualifiers)
– What happened: Nigeria fielded Shehu Abdullahi, who had failed to serve a one-match suspension (two prior cautions).
– Sanction: FIFA declared the match forfeited and awarded Algeria a 3–0 win; NFF was fined.
– Impact: Nigeria lost three points from that fixture (the incident attracted heavy media coverage and an NFF apology).
8. Equatorial Guinea — May 2024 (2026 World Cup qualifiers)
– What happened: FIFA found Emilio Nsue ineligible for two qualifiers (he played and scored in both).
– Sanction: FIFA’s Disciplinary Committee forfeited those matches — recorded as 3–0 losses for Equatorial Guinea; Nsue received a ban.
– Impact: Points and goals removed from Equatorial Guinea’s qualifying tally.
9. South Africa — 2025 (2026 World Cup qualifiers) — (recent/high-profile example)
– What happened: South Africa fielded Teboho Mokoena despite him having accumulated enough cautions to be suspended. FIFA opened disciplinary proceedings and subsequently sanctioned the association.
– Sanction: FIFA awarded Lesotho a 3–0 win, stripped South Africa of three points, fined SAFA, and issued a warning to the player.
– Impact: The decision reshuffled Group C’s standings and reignited debate over delayed disciplinary processes.
China’s Ambassador to Nigeria, Yu Dunhai, disclosed plans by Chinese companies to establish a local insulin production facility in Nigeria.
Yu said when completed, it would end Nigeria’s dependence on import.
The envoy spoke at a reception in Abuja to mark the 76th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.
He said: “Chinese companies are in talks with Nigeria to build Africa’s first local insulin production facility, potentially ending Nigeria’s reliance on imported insulin and positioning Nigeria as a hub for African medical biotechnology.”
He also said Nigeria-China relationship is a growing “comprehensive strategic partnership” with expanding political, economic, and cultural cooperation.
Dunhai described the year 2025 as a pivotal moment for China’s development, China-Africa relations, and global diplomacy.
“This year marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations,” the ambassador said, referencing China’s Global Governance Initiative, which he said offers “Chinese wisdom and solutions to strengthen and improve global governance.”
The ambassador celebrated China’s achievements over the past seven decades, describing the transformation as “miraculous.”
Over the past 76 years, the Communist Party of China, with a strong spirit of self-reform, has united and led the Chinese people in achieving two miracles: rapid economic growth and long-term social stability.
“The Chinese nation’s great rejuvenation has entered an irreversible historical trend,” he said.
Listed some of the progress achieved which include poverty alleviation.
He noted that China had lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty, sayin it a “Chinese poverty alleviation miracle.
He added, “In 2024, China’s GDP exceeded $18 trillion, with a per capita GDP surpassing $13,000. For years, China has contributed over 30 percent to global economic growth.”
Dunhai said the next phase of China’s development — national rejuvenation through modernization — would emphasize peace, development, and mutual benefit.
He said:“We are eager to share development opportunities with African countries, including Nigeria, and the rest of the world.”
Dunhai praised Nigeria’s recent endorsement of the GGI, stating, “Days ago, the Nigerian government issued a statement to endorse the Initiative. China deeply appreciates this support and backs Nigeria’s greater role on the international stage.
“We are ready to work with Nigeria and African countries to advance cooperation under the framework of the GGI,” the envoy added.
He also stressed the increasing economic and diplomatic engagement between the two countries. “It has been one year since President Bola Tinubu’s state visit to China,” he said, noting that the visit elevated bilateral ties to a “comprehensive strategic partnership.”
The Ambassador pointed to several key projects as evidence of tangible progress, including the Lekki Deep Sea Port and the Abuja Water Supply Project. “The Lekki Deep Sea Port has become a new ‘national gateway’ for Nigeria’s global trade,” he stated, adding that it is projected to generate $360bn in economic benefits and create 170,000 jobs over the next 45 years.
On water infrastructure, Dunhai noted, “The Abuja Water Supply Project was completed in June. With a daily capacity of 480,000 cubic meters, it will meet the clean water needs of nearly 3 million people.”
He highlighted the story of Nigeria’s first female train driver, trained by China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation, saying, “Ms. Issah Abiola, known by her Chinese name Bai Yang by Chinese netizens, was honoured with China’s ‘Friendship Envoy Award’, one of only six global recipients.”
He welcomed the recent move by the Federal Government to include the Chinese language in the senior secondary school curriculum.
Throughout his speech, the ambassador repeatedly emphasised themes of unity and mutual development. “China stands ready to deepen cooperation with Nigeria across various sectors,” he said, pledging to align Chinese policies with President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” agenda.
Also, the Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin stressed the symbolic connection between both nations, noting that Nigeria and China share a common national day—October 1st.
Represented by the Senator representing Jigawa North-West Senatorial District, Babangida Hussaini, the Deputy Senate President noted that the partnership between the two countries has evolved into a “comprehensive strategic partnership,” which he said is reflected in visible investments across Nigeria in sectors such as roads, railways, power plants, and industrial parks.
Today, Chinese enterprises and investments are visible in every corner of Nigeria, contributing to the modernization of our infrastructure,” he added.
Jibrin also described Tinubu’s state visit to China, as a turning point that “consolidated our shared vision for a future where the resources, talent, and strength of both countries are harnessed for the prosperity of our people.”
He expressed optimism about future collaborations under frameworks such as Nigeria’s 10-Year Development Plan and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
He said all these are “opening new opportunities for growth, connectivity, and shared prosperity.”
On people to people relation, he said, “Thousands of young Nigerians today are studying in China, acquiring knowledge and skills that will shape the future of our country. Similarly, Nigerian culture is finding appreciative audiences in China.”
Jibrin also reaffirmed the National Assembly’s commitment to strengthening ties through parliamentary diplomacy.
In 2025, only about 10% of Nigerians have reliable access to health insurance coverage, while access to quality healthcare services remains below 45% nationwide—and considerably lower in rural and underserved communities. More than 76% of Nigerians continue to pay for healthcare out-of-pocket, highlighting deep inequities and the persistent failure of public insurance schemes to reach most of the population. With over 54% of Nigerians projected to be living in extreme poverty (earning less than $2.15 per day)—75.5% in rural areas and 41.3% in urban areas—access to healthcare often becomes a mirage after the harsh reality of meeting basic needs like food and shelter.
Official counts now estimate 127,000 new cancer cases each year, but leading oncologists in Nigeria warn that the real figure is likely double or more, since most cases are not diagnosed until late stages. Rural and poor communities are disproportionately affected due to stigma, cost, and distance from the few available cancer centres—leading to high mortality rates and thousands dying undiagnosed. Similarly, more than two million Nigerians are estimated to have Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD), but experts agree this is a major undercount. Hospital studies show up to 85% of CKD patients present late, with many never reaching tertiary care because of the high costs—virtually all of which must be paid out of pocket.
Access to cancer and CKD treatment in Nigeria is determined largely by socioeconomic status, geography, and financial capacity. Well-off urban residents access care more reliably, while rural and low-income Nigerians face severe barriers due to cost, distance, service availability, and limited awareness. Cancer and CKD data must therefore be seen as just the “visible tip” of a much larger health crisis.
Prevention, they say, is better than cure. If the majority of citizens cannot access functional healthcare systems and diagnostics for chronic diseases, they should at least have access to safe, nutritious food. Yet exposure to contaminated food, unsafe water, air pollution, and dermal contact with toxic substances contributes to cancer, kidney disease, organ failure, nerve damage (e.g., Parkinson’s disease), reproductive disorders, and impaired brain development.
Pesticide residues in Nigerian food are a documented public health concern. Over 65% of active pesticide ingredients used in Nigeria is classified as Highly Hazardous Pesticides (HHPs). Chronic exposure to these chemicals through food has been linked to cancer, kidney failure, hormone disruption, and other severe health impacts.
As Nigeria’s health and agriculture sectors face mounting crises, government and legislative subsidies for cancer and CKD treatments have soared—while constituency projects, public budget allocations for agriculture, and donor funding continue to push toxic pesticides onto farms and plates. This contradiction reveals a vicious cycle that undermines both public health and the nation’s economic wellbeing.
Nigeria has more than two million CKD sufferers, yet only about 2% (approximately 40,000 people) receive lifesaving haemodialysis due to cost and access limitations. The federal government now subsidizes each dialysis session by N38,000 (patients pay N12,000, down from N50,000). At the medically recommended two sessions per week (approx.104 annually), the cost is: Annual subsidy per patient: N38,000 × 104 = N3,952,000. Total annual subsidy for 40,000 patients: N3,952,000 × 40,000 = N158.08 billion
Despite this, funding reaches only a fraction of those in need, leaving most CKD patients to struggle without adequate support.
Cancer cases are rising sharply, with 127,000 new diagnoses each year. The National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) offers a N400,000 subsidy for radiotherapy. If every new patient received it, the cost would be: Annual subsidy required: 127,000 × N400,000 = N50.8 billion
Yet, the federal allocation for cancer care in 2025 is just N200 million (N150 million for the National Cancer Health Fund and N50 million for the Childhood Cancer Health Fund)—a minuscule fraction of actual need. Philanthropy and private sector support attempt to fill the gap, but the financial burden remains catastrophic for most households.
Nigeria loses $362.5 million annually due to the EU’s ban on Nigerian beans, citing high pesticide residues. Up to 76% of Nigerian agricultural exports are routinely rejected on safety grounds, including for pesticides banned internationally but still legal domestically. Beans, melon, sesame, and fish increasingly fail international quality checks.
What is rejected abroad for health reasons is consumed back home—amplifying exposure and fuelling cancer and kidney disease. An Alliance for Action on Pesticides in Nigeria (AAPN) survey found that seven of the 13 most common pesticide brands in use are cancer-causing and linked to organ failure. With over 85% of farmers lacking knowledge of safe pesticide use, and with little government support for scaling safer alternatives, Nigerians are losing their health to the very food they eat.
The health risks are stark: 75% of surveyed women farmers reported health problems linked to pesticide use, including respiratory illness, skin rashes, nausea, vomiting, eye irritation, and even suicide. Yet legislators, state governments, and NGOs still distribute these toxic chemicals to poor communities and farmer associations—without considering the health, environmental, or social costs.
Federal, legislative, and donor support for HHPs not only perpetuates disease but also drives up national health spending. These policies directly fuel the same illnesses that consume billions in treatment subsidies. Export rejections over pesticide contamination drain hundreds of millions of dollars annually, while scarce public funds are wasted subsidizing both disease and hazardous inputs.
Nigeria must gradually phase out HHPs from government, legislative, and philanthropic supply chains, rapidly adopting bio-pesticides and safe alternatives. This would protect public health, restore market access, and redirect scarce national resources toward safer, more productive investments.
Even major agrochemical and seed companies recognize that the future is not in HHPs. They are already diversifying into bio-pesticides, bio-herbicides, and organic inputs—responding to global trends and consumer demand for safer, sustainable food systems. What remains is for governments, institutional buyers, and consumers to clearly signal and prioritize safer markets. With bold leadership and procurement shifts, the private sector is ready to accelerate Nigeria’s transition to health-protective, environmentally responsible agriculture.
Global experience shows that phasing out HHPs does not necessarily reduce food production—if bans are planned and paired with alternatives. In Kerala, India, a ban on 14 HHPs had no negative effect on crop yields; fluctuations were driven by rainfall and land use, not pesticide bans. Similarly, reviews from other regions confirm that targeted bans on HHPs—when paired with safer substitutes and Integrated Pest Management (IPM)—do not undermine food security.
However, abrupt blanket bans (such as Sri Lanka’s 2021 ban on all pesticides and fertilizers) cause disruptions when implemented without preparation, alternatives, or farmer training. The key lesson is that transitions must be planned, gradual, and supported by extension services, farmer training, and availability of safe substitutes.
The best global practice for Nigeria is to phase out HHPs while promoting bio-pesticides, scaling IPM, and investing in agroecology—methods proven to sustain yields while protecting both health and the environment. This approach is practical, evidence-based, and aligns Nigeria with international trends toward safer, more sustainable food systems.
•Ofoegbu is of Alliance for Action on Pesticides in Nigeria (AAPN).
Nigeria’s Q2 2025 GDP figures, released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the report shows that Nigeria’s economy is building momentum in key infrastructure and services sectors despite broader structural challenges.
The latest figures show a robust performance for Nigeria’s economy, which grew by an impressive 4.23 percent in the second quarter of 2025.
According to data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), coal mining emerged as the fastest-growing sector in the quarter, expanding by 57.53 percent year-on-year, overtaking Rail Transport and Pipelines in the first quarter of 2025.
Close behind were the Quarry and other minerals, which grew by 45.86 percent, a continuation of momentum from 2024 amid improved global demand and rising local extraction.
Here are the fastest-growing sectors in Nigeria in the second quarter of 2025, based on the latest GDP report:
1. Coal Mining (57.53%)
Coal mining surged to the top, recording an extraordinary rebound. The sector jumped from a contraction of -22.28% in Q1 to an impressive 57.53% growth in Q2.
2. Quarrying and Other Minerals (45.86%)
One of the quarter’s biggest turnarounds, this sector bounced back from -21.15% in Q1 to post 45.86% growth, underscoring a remarkable recovery.
3. Rail Transport & Pipelines (43.08%)
Building on its Q1 lead of 28.95%, this sector grew even further to 43.08% in Q2, solidifying its place among the fastest-growing industries.
4. Water Transport (27.90%)
In line with logistics sector gains, water transport expanded from 3.46% in Q1 to 27.90% in Q2.
5. Road Transport (24.50%)
Road transport sustained its momentum, accelerating from 18.46% growth in Q1 to 24.50% in Q2.
Reflecting stronger logistics and trade activity, this sector rose from 14.80% in Q1 to 22.09% in Q2.
7. Mining and Quarrying (20.86%)
As the parent sector of several strong performers, mining and quarrying grew from 2.97% in Q1 to 20.86% in Q2, boosted by the success of its sub-sectors.
8. Crude Petroleum and Natural Gas (20.46%)
The oil and gas sector rebounded sharply, moving from 1.87% growth in Q1 to 20.46% in Q2, significantly lifting GDP performance.
9. Electricity, Gas, Steam and Air Conditioning Supply (11.47%)
This sector remained in positive territory but slowed, easing from 18.65% in Q1 to 11.47% in Q2.
10. Water Supply, Sewerage, Waste Management and Remediation (10.60%)
A consistently strong performer, this sector grew steadily from 9.43% in Q1 to 10.60% in Q2, reflecting rising demand for essential services.
…as NPHCDA, partners seek media support against misinformation
Nigeria is set to roll out Africa’s largest integrated health campaign, with the Federal Government announcing plans to vaccinate over 100 million children while formally introducing the measles-rubella (MR) vaccine into the country’s routine immunisation programme.
The nationwide exercise, beginning October 6, 2025, was described by NPHCDA Executive Director Dr. Muyi Aina at a media engagement in Abuja as a landmark initiative under the Renewed Hope Agenda aimed at protecting millions of Nigerian children from preventable diseases.
“Nigeria is preparing for a health campaign starting in October 2025. It is going to be a model of all campaigns, the largest in the history of Africa.
“This campaign will also signal the introduction of the measles-rubella vaccine into Nigeria’s routine immunization,” he stressed.
Represented by the agency’s Director of Advocacy and Communication, Dr. Landa Aliyu Mohammed, Aina explained that the campaign would deliver multiple life-saving interventions, which include routine immunisation for infants aged 0–23 months, the measles-rubella (MR) vaccine for children between 9 months and 14 years, HPV vaccines for adolescent girls, and polio vaccines for children under five.
Highlighting why the rollout is critical, Aina described the introduction of rubella vaccine as a “game changer,” noting its potential to prevent serious health complications for women of childbearing age.
He added that its wider benefits span reducing deaths and disease burden across all age groups, strengthening herd immunity, promoting healthy ageing, and providing maternal and neonatal protection.
According to him, the economic advantages are equally significant, as prevention through immunisation remains far more cost-effective than treating vaccine-preventable diseases (VPDs) and their complications.
He also stressed that robust vaccine coverage helps avoid the huge expenses linked with outbreak responses, thereby boosting overall health security.
Aina, however, raised concerns over misinformation, which he identified as one of the greatest risks to vaccine campaigns, noting, “We are not saying the media propagate rumours, but you are indispensable partners in countering misinformation.
“Your role is to provide accurate information on the benefits of vaccination, as you have done in the past”.
While he reassured Nigerians that the MR vaccine is safe, effective, and free in all public health facilities, the ED further clarified that even children who had previously received measles vaccines should still take the MR vaccine for additional protection.
With the government fully funding the vaccines and providing them free of charge, the campaign represents a major step toward protecting children, reducing outbreaks, and moving Nigeria closer to universal health security, he noted.
Echoing his remarks, UNICEF’s Health Manager for Immunisation, Shaikh Kabir, described the rollout as “One of the most ambitious public health interventions in Nigeria’s history.”
“This is a historic opportunity for Nigerian children. All children aged 9 to 14 years will receive the measles-rubella vaccine to shield them from these killer diseases, while children under five years will also receive polio vaccines,” Kabir said.
Kabir added that the exercise would run in phases from October 2025 through February 2026 and would also tackle multiple diseases, including neglected tropical diseases.
He urged journalists to drive vaccine awareness and uptake, noting, “Your role is paramount in building awareness, countering misinformation, and strengthening community trust.”
Dr. Frank Obi, Non-Polio SIAs Consultant with AFENET Nigeria, reassured parents of the safety of the new measles-rubella (MR) vaccine, explaining that it is a weakened form of the virus that cannot cause illness but primes the body to resist future infections.
“When the real virus shows up, the child’s immune system is already armed and ready to fight back,” he said, adding that mild side effects such as fever or rash are rare and temporary, with vaccination teams fully equipped to manage them.
On surveillance, Dr. Baffa Ibrahim, AFENET’s Consultant on Vaccine Preventable Diseases, warned that over 60 percent of suspected rubella cases are managed clinically without testing, leaving the disease hidden under measles surveillance.
He stressed that the MR vaccine is vital to protect girls of childbearing age and prevent congenital rubella syndrome.
Also speaking, Mrs. Goodness Hardly of IVAC/WAVA urged journalists to use their influence to combat misinformation and save children’s lives, noting that measles and rubella can cause pneumonia, blindness, brain damage, or death if children remain unvaccinated.
NPHCDA’s Director of Community Health Services, Dr. Nana Sandah-Abubakar, called on the media to spread accurate information, stressing: “Health is everybody’s business. Awareness will guarantee participation.”
The Director of Advocacy and Communication, Dr. Mohammed, explained that unlike previous campaigns, the exercise would not involve house-to-house visits.
Instead, vaccination stations will be set up close to residential areas, while mobilisation officials will go from house to house to raise awareness and mobilise caregivers along with eligible children for the exercise.
He said the approach is designed to maximize access and ensure a larger number of children are reached.
Afew Sundays ago, I got published on these pages, an article I titled: ‘The Coming Storm’.
That was on the 17th August, 2025.
Still shackled by the same fears for our country, especially given the toxic rhetoric of both former Vice- President Atiku Abubakar and his soul mate, the former Abambra state governor, Peter Obi, I am today examining how very close they daily draw Nigeria to the brink of uncertainty ahead the make or mar 2027 Presidential election.
I believe the duo think it pays their adversarial politics to heat up the polity by being unnecessarily critical of everything the government, or somebody near government does.
Worse, they even attempt to interpret anything that happens, elsewhere, be it in Jupiter or Mars, as having implications for the Tinubu government.
Let’s take two examples.
Atiku hears about an uprising in Nepal, and whether or not he can locate that tiny country of the map of Asia, prompto, he jumped out, triumphantly, warning of “possible unrest or at best a revolution in Nigeria due to what he called hunger and starvation ravaging the country”.
Atiku has easily forgotten how he masterminded the sale, in sweetheart deals, of about N100B national assets for less than N10B, working with (his hand-picked) El Rufai during his Vice- Presidency. Then there was no thought of a revolution even as thousands were made to kiss their jobs, and livelihood, bye.
Then as if Atiku must not have one on him ahead their coming contestation for the ADC presidential candidacy, the political wanderer, Peter Obi also jumped, needlessly, into First Lady Remi Tinubu’s birthday Appeal for financial support for the completion of the National Library.
Hear Peter in a critique he titled “We (they) are finished”, criticising the request that birthday well-wishers donate towards completing the National Library in Abuja, as an indictment of Nigeria’s leadership priorities.
Writing on his X account he claimed that while the First Lady’s appeal was “noble and selfless on the surface,” it exposed the failure of government to fulfill its responsibilities”.
Didn’t they say this man read Philosophy at the University or is Logic not a component of that subject at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka?
Or please tell me: where is the Logic:rather than her well- wishers pouring billions on adverts, a thinking soul wants such funds put on a national asset, but a ‘brewery industrialist’ thinks otherwise, believing he knows better.
For all⁹ Nigerians, these two incidents should be enough to seal the fate of ADC, come 2027.
Let’s now get to brass tasks.
As Nigeria celebrates its 65th anniversary, the country’s political landscape is bracing up for another crucial test in 2027.
With the current toxic and divisive nature of the political opposition, concerns are rising about the potential consequences of their actions if they lose the upcoming presidential election, as they sure will. Will they torch the country, or find a way to navigate their defeat with civility?
What’s the current state of our politics?
Nigeria’s democracy has been marred by electoral violence, corruption, and insecurity. The 2023 general elections were characterised by reports of intimidation, vote buying, and sporadic violence. As the 2027 elections approach, tensions are escalating, with opposition leaders accusing the ruling party, albeit without any concrete facts, of plotting to rig the elections. They even accuse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of attempting to foist a one party state on the country, all because their parties are haemorrhaging as many of their top ranking members rush to join the ruling party.
Any, or all of these could have serious consequences for the country.
These include the following;
Electoral Violence, as protests and clashes between rival supporters could escalate into full-blown violence, undermining the country’s fragile democracy.
Insecurity: The already precarious security situation could deteriorate further, with armed groups and bandits taking advantage of the chaos.
Economic Instability: Investor confidence could be shaken, leading to economic instability and exacerbating the country’s existing economic challenges.
These will worsen, without a doubt, the following factors presently contributing to our current crisis:
Economic Hardship: Nigerias economy is presently struggling with hìgh inflation, unemployment, and poverty.
Polarisation: The country’s politics has become increasingly polarised, with politicians exploiting ethnic and religious divisions to mobilise support.
Also, our institutions, the judiciary and electoral commission, inclusive, are facing challenges in maintaining their independence and effectiveness.
To mitigate the likely risks to the 2027 elections, several steps should be taken.
These include: deliberately
strengthening the judiciary and the electoral commission just as our security agencies must be equipped to ensure their effectiveness.
We must also promote civic education whereby citizens will be educated about their rights and responsibilities, as well as the importance of peaceful coexistence.
Here one must give kudos to the National Orientation Commission with its many ongoing advertorials.
Our political leaders and stakeholders must learn to engage in dialogue to find common ground as well as promote peaceful coexistence.
Concluding, our 65th anniversary presents an opportunity for reflection on the country’s progress and challenges. As the country approaches the 2027 elections, it is crucial for stakeholders to prioritise peaceful coexistence, strengthen institutions, and promote civic education.
The fate of Nigeria’s democracy hangs in the balance, and it is up to all of us, the citizenry, and leaders alike, to ensure that the country emerges stronger and more united. By working together, Nigerians can build a brighter future and avoid the pitfalls of violence and instability.
Reacting to the unsealing of Senator Natsha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s office after her six months suspension, former vice president Atiku Abubakar and self appointed leader of the coalition of opposition forces for the 2027 polls declared that the action was indicative of the retreat of authoritarianism. In his words, “It is reassuring that the voice of reason has prevailed at last with the unsealing of the office of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. Though the precious time denied the people of Kogi Central in the Senate can never be reclaimed, this struggle has not been in vain. It has proven, once again, that when we stand together, we can triumph over tyranny.” Not only did he misread the unwholesome incident, as he has misread nearly everything in the last few decades, including his own political modus operandi, the country must take consolation that he left his former habit of petitioning global powers to the senator’s ‘useful idiots’.
But back to neocolonialism and the custom of Nigerians reporting their country to their former colonial masters. Having burnt his fingers in America over allegations of money laundering, the former vice president has been predictably reluctant to report his political enemies to the US, the superpower which has inherited Britain’s colonial mantle. He leaves that onerous task to ‘useful idiots’, a coinage adopted by Sen. Natasha to qualify agitators, publicists, and activists whom she suborns to energise her politics. But beyond her histrionics, too many Nigerians also ride that chariot of fire to political or social media prominence. On September 22, a group of women, inappropriately called Womanifesto, running errand for the senator authored a petition to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Girls alleging that she was unlawfully barred from resuming her legislative duties despite a favourable court ruling.
It is not clear where they got the idea that the courts ruled in her favour. The courts expressed sentiments in her favour and mused that the suspension was excessive, but to say they declared the suspension unconstitutional was a misreading and propaganda spread by the senator herself. Last February, she had alleged sexual harassment against her by Senate President Godswill Akpabio, but has so far been unable to substantiate or prove it in court. In March, she was suspended for six months for violating senate standing rules, a punishment the Federal High Court in Abuja last July said was harsh but constitutional. For the past one year or more that the senator’s affairs had riveted the public, she had sold all kinds of stories, falsehoods and misinformation to sex-up her position and send her supporters and the rest of the gullible public on a fool’s errand. Indeed, how the ‘useful nonesuchs’ came to the conclusion that the senator was being punished for speaking out is truly bewildering.
Too many false narratives swathe Sen. Natasha’s histrionics, most of the stories knowingly and mischievously advanced by activists echoing the senator’s phantasmagoria. As one-time presidential aide Reno Omokri, a former victim of the senator, said, she had a history of lying and dishonesty. But those traits have never discomfited her supporters. Nor have her tall stories and general extremes led former vice president Atiku to caution himself about giving a fillip to the senator’s campaign. He insisted on social media that the country stood together and thus triumphed over tyranny. Which national unity was he referencing? And over tyranny? What tyranny? And how on earth did a trifling misunderstanding in the senate become a fight against tyranny, let alone becoming a cause célèbre? Alhaji Atiku and his spokesmen have sometimes, if not always, subordinated substance beneath lexical and rhetorical flourish. It is a reflection of their superficialities, not the ingenuity, sturdiness or ethicalness of the senator, that she has successfully worked her sorcery over them.
Most Nigerian activists and agitators, like the rest of their compatriots, are at bottom suffering from inferiority complex. Having been colonised by White men, they have found it extremely difficult to get their cultural independence after securing political independence. Hence the constant report to their prefectural colonialists. The classical definition of neocolonialism indicates “a situation where a former colony, though officially independent, remains dependent on its former colonial power through indirect means such as economic, financial, political, and cultural pressures, instead of direct military rule.” This explains the abiding faith many Nigerians repose in skewed and culturally dominating global institutions, and at a time Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic are exiting those oppressive and condescending world bodies. It explains why activist Deji Adeyanju is petitioning in the US against former Rivers governor and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister Nyesom Wike over house acquisition and money laundering.
The neocolonial hangover is so bad in Nigeria, the most populous black nation on earth, that some Nigerians sometimes organise protests to foreign embassies asking them to blacklist Nigerian officials and deny them visas. They also organise protests wielding foreign flags, denigrating their country, and idolising Western nations, including lauding their criminal justice systems despite those systems being hobbled by systemic racism.
The US may, through President Donald Trump’s shenanigans, be exploding the myth nurtured by Nigerians about the ethical, legal and cultural superiority of foreign countries, but old habits die hard. If ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, citing practical reasons, could set up a few corrupt Nigerians governors in foreign countries and even report his former vice president to the US, it will take more than routine campaigns to exorcise the neo-colonial mindset from Nigerians and their leaders. Sen. Alhaji Atiku and Sen. Natasha proved how arduous the campaign would be, and many ‘useful idiots’ and mercenary activists will not allow themselves to be coaxed into increasing their self-esteem. And unlike old Sparta, which taught their young to endure unimaginable pain for heroic reasons, the ‘useful idiots’ would rather expose themselves to a judgemental world while being incapable of weaning themselves off the appalling neocolonial diet fed them by White societies.
At independence, Nigeria, in the midst of the euphoria amongst Nigerians and the huge expectations locally and internationally, was confronted with a series of possibilities and challenges that made the prospect of political independence a daunting one. On the one hand, Nigeria had just gained the independence it required to start taking charge of its own political affairs. On the other hand, the new nation must put all its resources together to be able to articulate an ideology of nation-building that will make the nation responsible for its citizens. One of the most immediate challenges Nigeria faced was determining the direction of the Nigerianization Policy, especially in terms of placing Nigerians into the civil and public services. Since Nigeria emerged from the colonial amalgamation policy, it became extremely important that employment in government business must be done with care. The dilemma that faced the nationalists was to decide between meritocracy and representativeness. Should civil servants be recruited based on merit, stricto sensu, or based on their ethno-religious affiliation, in equal measure?
Understandably, the pendulum of the policy decision swung towards representativeness. This was partly because of the fact that Nigeria had already become a deeply divided nation, fragmented along multiethnic paths. And partly because of the urgency of constituting a civil service that would be saddled with the task of overseeing the implementation of development policies. One significant consequence of the adoption of the principle of representativeness as the yardstick for recruitment into the administrative cadre of the civil service was the bit of unguarded multiplication and redundancies that came with it, one which assaulted the size, growth and trajectory of the evolving administrative system. Many of the regional leaders, therefore, saw civil and public servants as the representatives of regional rather than national interests. There was thus created within the system a clash of interests: civil servants often faced the pressure to be loyal to their ethnic, regional and even personal interests, which they are expected to use public resources to serve. Furthermore, this divided interest led increasingly to a measure of de-professionalisation as the civil service became inevitably somewhat bloated by reason of the balancing art embedded in the principle of representativeness.
What the foregoing suggests is that the civil service, even in its glorious days of the 1960s, had its high and low points. Modelled after Whitehall, the British civil service, it was nonetheless celebrated at the time for its effectiveness and efficiency in maintaining law and order; in delivering high professional service; and in generating revenue for the colonial authority. Indeed, despite the challenges of transitioning from colonial rule to independence, the challenge of filling in for the capacity gaps created by the exit of colonial expatriates and the heated polity, the service maintained stability and continuity, ensuring that the government machinery functioned effectively. As per the low point, the heated political climate that eventually culminated in military incursion into governance was not the most enabling, but it did not distract the service. As the implementation of the Nigerianisation policy was still ongoing, the service indeed had shortages of skilled professionals and senior-level graduate specialised personnel in many cadres, thus limited in its overall capability readiness in a very significant sense. According to M. O. Onajide (1979:31), “there has been little and inconsistent training resulting in glorified amateurism” at this period in time. Nonetheless, the service earned for itself a reputation within the Commonwealth of Nations for being a beacon of integrity in a significant sense, and for serving as a model for effectiveness and a testament to a well-functioning public service during crucial periods of national emergencies and development.
Lars Kolind (2006) in his book The Second Cycle: Winning the War Against Bureaucracy, identifies three factors that inject a downward spiral and gradual decay in the lifecycle of an organisation before such an organisation achieves maturity and commences the process of reformulating its original vision. These factors are size, age and success. These factors turn a life cycle into a death cycle for any organisation in spite of whatever success the organisation has made. The second factor and the age factor. As the service grows older, it develops traditions, for example, the tradition for dealing with ideas. Decay sets in if age gives tradition preference over innovation. And the older the service gets, the more deeply rooted the preference for tradition becomes. The most dangerous factor, however, is success, because it inevitably leads to self-satisfaction and an unreflective defence of the status quo even where the once successful system is not necessarily as successful any more. In other words, it could happen that long after the unique selling point and strength of an organisation have been lost, it continues to live in the illusion that it possesses the secret key to success. Public administration systems behave similarly. Administrative leadership think they know what the problem is and simply stop listening and do more of the things they know best. The resulting organisation’s deafness leads to a tendency to react slowly to both weaknesses and opportunities, responding by doing more of the same rather than doing something different from that which perpetuates the status quo.
This was how I interpreted one of the elements of the symptoms of the decay that set into the civil service in Nigeria in my 2018 inaugural lecture at Ibadan. By 1971, the Chief Simeon Adebo Second and Final Commission on Wages and Remuneration concluded its work by calling for a more fundamental review of the organisation, structure and operations of the public service in view of the expanding role of the state and the need to manage the effect of a devastating civil war. It argued that the wages and salary issues that it was called to address were just symptoms of a deeper systemic challenge that Nigeria needed to address. It therefore recommended the setting up of another commission, which came to be known as the Public Service Review Commission, led by Chief Jerome Udoji. The Udoji Report saw the problem of the civil service as that of administrative inflexibility in the idolization of the status quo, making it therefore hard for the system to internalise and adapt global best practices as a measure of response to positive changes. The non-implementation of the report and evident deafness in receiving the new thinking and the more fundamental idea offered by the report, beyond the wage bonanza, was a missed opportunity for administrative renewal and rebirth, one that would have set the nation on the path to transform a colonial heritage into a postcolonial engine room of a developmental state.
Fast forward, by the time the Muhammed-Obasanjo military regime got underway in 1975, the rot and corruption in the civil service system, which may not have been so significant in the yesteryears, had multiplied abysmally in the regime’s estimation. With the impact that representativeness and quota system, to attend to ethno-religious balancing created, the decision to critically and massively downsize became almost inevitable in the reading of the new helmsmen, within the general framework of development and governance imperatives. In other words, the regime must have reasoned that if Nigeria was to make developmental progress, the civil service system must be brought into a significant level of professionalism and capability readiness. And hence the purge of the civil service was carried out “with immediate effect”!
The objective of the purge was to ‘sanitise the civil service’ system by eliminating corrupt, inefficient and redundant officials and public servants. The administration was both methodical and severe in its objective through the constitution of panels of inquiries to investigate all allegations of misconduct and corruption, as well as divided loyalty, perceived decline in productivity (through old age), and so on. The investigation led to the compilation of more than 11,000 names including not only rank-and-file public servants but also the top echelon of the civil service, including the famous and notorious super permanent secretaries. The super permanent secretaries indeed have a place in the annals of administrative history in Nigeria. They emerged at a most critical time when the Nigerian state was witnessing a fragmentary civil war that threatened the unity of the country. And their exceptional administrative credo and credentials went beyond the bounds of the traditional status of the civil servant. It was due to their administrative ingenuity that Decree 31 of 1967 (Public Security decree that outlawed the possession of firearms and ammunition), and Decree 4 of 1968 (the military courts’ special powers to enforce discipline among the Nigerian troops). Indeed, the history of the Nigerian civil war and its administrative dynamics would be incomplete without their extremely competent and committed administrative and developmental policy inputs.
The emergence, unbridled presence and dominance of the super permanent secretary demonstrated two significant facts about the civil service that Nigeria inherited from Britain. It reveals one that the system was elitist, class-based, professional and meritocratic. Two, the bureaucracy became in the hands of the military an ideological instrument for political intervention in the economy. This was especially given the fact that the colonialists deliberately prevented the emergence of indigenous private enterprises while allowing foreign enterprises—Leventis, Cadbury, Lever Brothers, UAC, PZ, Kingsway, etc.—to flourish. Three, this elitist and professional status of the civil service overexposed it, especially during the General Gowon regime, to political intrigues which possibly brought the super permanent secretaries on a collision course with the political class and the army generals.
And so, it is not surprising that the super permanent secretaries—Allison Ayida, Philip Asiodu, Ime Ebong, Ibrahim Damcida, Ahmed Joda, and many others—were brutally axed by the Muhammed-Obasanjo regime. Other key bureaucrats retired included Alhaji Sule Katagum (Chairman of the then Federal Public Service Commission), Alhaji Abubakar Tatari Alli, Mr F.M.C. Obi, Chief J.A. Adeyeye, and many more. The case of Sir Samuel Layinka Ayodeji Manuwa—surgeon extraordinaire, Inspector General of Medical Services, and former Chief Medical Director to the Federal Government of Nigeria—was too tragic to be narrated here. The short side of the story is that on September 27, 1975, he was unceremoniously booted from office and given only two weeks to make his way out of his Ikoyi government apartment. He died six months later. Judges were not left out of the severe purge: Dr Taslim Olawale Elias (Chief Justice of the Federation), Justice Adewale Thompson, Justice Ebenezer Ayoola, Justice O. Odumosu, Justice F.A. Abina, and others. Other civil and public servants included: Alhaji Adamu Atta (Secretary to NEPA), Dr Clement Isong (Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria), etc. In academia, Professor Horatio Oritsejolomi Thomas, Nigeria’s first indigenous professor of surgery, was unceremoniously booted from office as the vice chancellor of the University of Ibadan. His dismissal came over national radio while he was hosting the luncheon for guests, including some global figures who had attended the convocation ceremony at UI.
The downsizing of the civil service created a paradoxical effect. On the one hand, civil and public servants were served the critical notice that they would be brought to account, and that inefficiency and administrative sloth would no longer be condoned. However, on the other hand, the purge crucially undermined institutional morale, performance and productivity. There are several intended and unintended consequences of this arbitrary purge. The first and fundamental one was the loss of experienced officials and officers, and the subsequent destruction of institutional memory across the civil and public services. The names of Asiodu, Elias, Manuwa, Katagum, Thomas, Isong, Attah, etc. represent some of the best institutional and structural resources that the civil and public service has produced. These people embody what ought to have been a generational capital that the civil and public service could deploy in regenerating, consolidating and sustaining the vitality of the system for the continuing possibility of developmental and governance transformation.
The unintended consequence of the 1975 purging of the system is even more debilitating—the institutionalization of bureaucratic decay and corruption. Civil servants who witnessed the terrible trauma of the downsizing immediately read in between the lines and came to the uncomfortable conclusion that the system cannot be trusted. A culture of fear, silence and insecurity emerged that set the civil servants against the system that could traumatise those who have given their lives to serving the public diligently and with commitment. The tenure that used to be trusted has become a source of pragmatic thinking that engendered an ethical problem, which undermines the basis of the very concept of public service. In other words, rather than deferring gratification, civil and public servants are now compelled to seek instant gratification that enables them to secure their future at the expense of the public they are meant to serve.
The civil service purge was a unique one in the annals of Nigerian administrative history. There has never been anything like it after, even when it sadly has ever since become a culture of governance. This statement is not complimentary. It also implies that the Nigerian civil service system has not recovered from the massive erosion of the integrity of the system. Several predicaments of the system can be traced back to this singular moment of a badly implemented policy. One, the ethical framework guiding the operation of public service values was terribly eroded in ways that enthrone bureaucratic corruption arising from the vice of instant gratification. Two, the purge destabilised the internal management control mechanisms around which civil and public servants circumscribe to be more effective and efficient in the performance of their responsibilities. Thus, there was a virtual abandonment of the rule of law, the rules and procedures on which the system itself rests. And this is all the more, until today, in spite of the extensive framework of modernisation through digitisation and computdigitisationerization of the system.
Three, the pay and compensation system had become increasingly disarticulated from institutional performance, especially from the 1980s. Wages, in other words, have remained stagnant even in the face of extreme economic downturns and recessions. This deficiency undermined the human resources management dynamics of the civil service. First, there was a massive draining of talents and expertise away from the public to the private sector. Second, those remaining in the system began to look for coping mechanisms that directly undermines institutional structures and processes: the manipulation of travel allowances and per diems, connivance with contractors, outright theft of public assets, and alteration of date of birth to guarantee prolonged tenure. All these constitute a symptom of the fear of the unknown that sudden and unplanned retirement seem to imply for civil servants.
The fourth predicament of the civil service system derives from the non-professionalization of the MDAs’ departments of planning, research and statistics as the hub of planning and policy analysis. This systemic failure was reinforced by the absence of a culture of town-and-gown policy-research synergy which has the potential of institutionalizing and facilitating the development of policy intelligence and strategic thinking in development management. Lastly, the purge disrupted the key element of esprit de corps which is necessary as a fundamental factor in the emergence of a community of service and practice which sustains the civil service profession.
The most fundamental lesson to learn in all is simple: what institutional reform initiatives are required to extricate the civil service system from the albatross of the 1975 purge? In other words, how does a commitment to administrative reforms transform the civil service beyond the limitations of 1975? There are several reform options and frameworks that have to come into play in the urgent need to redeem the institutional integrity and functionality of the system. The obvious starting point for such a reform is the need for a fundamental reassessment of the role of the state and governments, and the implications that this reassessment has for the structure, functions and operations of MDAs. This makes it imperative to articulate a more development-oriented federation through the restructuring of the Nigerian federalism as a framework for macro-institutional governance reform. Such a restructuring challenges us to deeply rethink the politics-administration and policy-implementation powerplay to be able to achieve a more development-friendly partnership between politicians and policymakers in the best tradition of performance management that is grounded on a re-professionalised civil service as the foundation for a developmental state in Nigeria.
The system also has to rethink the urgency of radically improving its own organizational intelligence quotient through (a) a re-professionalization and reskilling program that increases the capacity of the system for policy intelligence, and (b) the creation of a senior executive service (SES) that embodies the best that the system can offer in terms of the core competence the civil service requires to match Nigeria through the VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—policy environment of the twenty-first century. Here, we must defer to Bob Garratt’s thesis that in administration, the fish always gets rotten from the head first. Thus, if the head is reconstituted to become healthy, then the administrative body becomes optimally efficient. This theory enables us to compensate for Nigeria’s overreliance on external policy experts and consultants for technical support as a means of undermining the system’s capacity deficit. Here, I am compelled to suggest the reinvention of the tradition of the super permanent secretary. This is solely from the perspective of the policy intelligence and managerial acumen that the tradition brought to bear on Nigeria’s administrative and governance context.
The next significant reform direction demands the restoration of a competency-based human resource management that is aligned with strong performance management and a talent management system. This requires that the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) undergo a serious institutional reform itself to be able to serve as the gatekeeping mechanism that prevents the wrong people from gaining entry into the service, while putting critical matrices in place for scouting, recruiting, incentivising, retaining and promoting the best talents. This also requires a serious commitment to a vision of industrial relations that ensures that the government and labour unions are connected not by adversarial but developmental industrial relations.
The Nigerian civil service system has to leave behind the terrible systemic trauma of the 1975 purge and reinvent itself through a thoroughgoing institutional rehabilitation that restores the capacity and readiness of the bureaucracy as the fundamental pathway to national development.
•Olaopa is the Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration, sent the piece from Abuja.
Using global parameters, including United Nations standard, Nigeria at 65 should qualify for the status of senior citizen. The surprise is that despite having an unimpressive life expectancy of less than 57 years, the official age for a senior citizen is 70 years and above according to the country’s National Senior Citizens Centre Act, 2017. However, in nearly all jurisdictions, 65 years is the average retirement age that qualifies a person for special privileges. At that age, whether 65 or 70, a man is not expected to still be impressionable, swayed anyhow by doctrines, ideologies, or prejudices. However, Nigeria is not a person but a country whose boundaries may sometimes be redrawn by wars and politics, but whose age may in fact be indeterminate.
Yet, by now, Nigeria should have transcended its existential conundrums, settling down into a fairly defined or predictable way of doing things, equipping its citizens with a sense of their country and what defines its character. Unfortunately, decades after its artificial founding, the country has roamed among infinite ways of playing politics, running its economy, and organising its society. Its people and leaders have so far been unable to overcome their colonial hangover and induced inferiority complex, and have embraced a warped understanding of diverse political concepts such as democracy. It bandies and applies fanciful economic terms, and apes and regurgitates studies and orthodoxies probably best suited to other climes and peoples. The result is that Nigeria has actually become a mimic entity confused about its own identity and incapable of transcending its inherited fault lines.
For its energies to be unleashed and potentials to be realised, Nigeria cannot avoid redefining itself. Embedded in that life-giving definition is the absolute inescapability of restructuring, a term so alienated by the elite, and so feared by the rabble that many analysts fear to mention it because of the hysteria it generates. The Bola Tinubu administration may have pragmatically tackled a few knotty issues skewing the country’s existence and stymieing its progress, such as the place and funding of local governments, but as iconoclastic as the administration has tried to be, it cannot attempt a more far-reaching effort to redo the wobbly foundation of the country. In 1999, the military bequeathed an inappropriate constitution to the country and the Fourth Republic. Since then, every administration has been stuck with it, sometimes angrily rebuffing any sympathetic effort to amend difficult areas of coexistence between religious and ethnic groups.
For more than six decades, Nigeria’s founding elite have shown a lack of depth. But the tragedy is that their successors, though more educated, have been far less circumspect or deep, a chasm no one has been able to bridge. This may explain why the country has oscillated between parliamentary and presidential systems, including hiatuses of sometimes brief or toxic flirtations with universally corrupt and cruel military dictatorships or diarchy. Even today, the country is uncertain what system to run: the presidential system they regard as expensive and unwieldy, or the parliamentary system they clearly lack the discipline and fortitude to operate; or worse still, the abstract homegrown unknown prescribed by the eclectic and sometimes chaotic ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo. On some occasions, the country stumbles into fail-safe methods of rotating and sharing power, but its rambunctious and self-centred elite have often done their worst to counteract any serendipitous formulae. The future, sadly, is bleak, judging from the intense opposition to the structural realignments being undertaken by the Tinubu administration, while the present is even more fraught considering how bigoted indulgent political and entitled business elites have become.
If the country’s elite cannot selflessly grapple with the national question, they should at least have the decency and sense of responsibility to amicably part ways rather than subject hundreds of millions of people to bloodletting. At 65, they should reflect on and find ways to change the national narratives away from the sophistry the country has been inundated with and the pedantry that creates dichotomies between age groups, classes, and religious affiliations. You hear the ephemeral nonsense about ‘not too young to run’, almost as if the old should be subjected to legalised euthanasia. Donald Trump first won the presidency at 70, and got a second term at 79; Russia’s Vladimir Putin is still president at 72; Joe Biden won the presidency at 78; Winston Churchill won his last election at 75, left office at 80, and died at 90; and Malawi’s Peter Mutharika has just won the presidency at 85. It’s all about experience, imagination and competence, not age. It is time to redirect the national narratives away from mundaneness to competence and vision.
It is also time to remake democracy, a concept lionised by Abraham Lincoln and heedlessly accepted in many countries sometimes to their detriment. In light of happenings in Europe and America, contrary to what is happening in China for instance, it is urgent that Nigeria should rediscover itself, restructure its regional and ethnic relations, resolve the age-long contention between its secular tendency and theocratic fantasy, and completely eschew the sense of entitlement polluting and complicating Nigerian politics. The next elections may very well determine whether, despite its widespread systemic failings, the country can overcome its limitations and survive the fate many doomsday prophets have predicted.
