Tag: Nigeria

  • How Nigeria’s humanitarian reset can succeed

    How Nigeria’s humanitarian reset can succeed

    • By Bernard M. Doro & Mohamed M. Malick Fall

    Nigeria is entering a pivotal moment in its humanitarian response journey.

    As one of eight transition countries in the global Humanitarian Reset, Nigeria faces a stark reality: humanitarian needs remain persistently high, while international funding continues to drastically shrink. This tension is forcing a necessary reckoning on how humanitarian assistance is delivered — and, more importantly, who leads it.

    Nowhere is the challenge more visible than in north-east Nigeria. In Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states alone, an estimated 5.9 million people will require humanitarian assistance in 2026. Yet available resources fall far short of meeting this demand. The 2026 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan seeks US$516 million, prioritising 2.5 million people in the most acute need of life-saving support — less than half of those who require humanitarian assistance.

    These figures point to a simple truth: business as usual is no longer viable. The future of humanitarian action in Nigeria must be owned, led and sustained by Nigerian institutions and organisations, with international partners playing a supportive and enabling role.

    This shift lies at the heart of the Humanitarian Reset — a collective commitment by global humanitarian actors to deliver faster, and more accountable assistance at a time when the system is overstretched and under-resourced. The reset calls for a sharper focus on lifesaving priorities, more agile and context-specific delivery, stronger in-country leadership, deeper engagement with affected communities, and a renewed defence of humanitarian principles. At its core, it is both a reform agenda and a mind-set shift: from control to collaboration, from competition to complementarity, and from caution to courage.

    For Nigeria, this transition must begin with government leadership.

    Federal and state authorities are closest to affected populations. They carry the constitutional responsibility to protect citizens and are best positioned to align humanitarian action with national priorities. A nationally led humanitarian model requires more than coordination; it demands increased domestic financing, and sustained investment in systems that help communities withstand future shocks. No humanitarian response can be durable if the government is not firmly in the driver’s seat.

    Equally central to this transition are national organisations. Nigerian civil society and community-based organisations bring deep contextual knowledge, social legitimacy and long-term presence that international actors cannot replicate. In many hard-to-reach areas, they are the only responders with consistent access. Experience shows that when local organisations are trusted, adequately resourced and meaningfully included in decision-making, humanitarian responses become more efficient, more accountable and more relevant to community needs.

    Localisation, therefore, is not a slogan or a concession. It is a practical and necessary pathway to sustaining impact in an era of declining external funding.

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    Encouragingly, this shift is already underway. The Nigeria Humanitarian Fund, managed by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), has steadily increased the proportion of funding channelled through national non-governmental organisations. In 2025, national NGOs received a record 70 per cent of direct allocations. Once considered peripheral actors, these organisations have strengthened financial controls, improved compliance systems, expanded technical expertise and demonstrated strong risk management. Women-led organisations, in particular, are emerging as critical humanitarian actors, shaping priorities and amplifying community voices that are too often marginalised. These gains illustrate what is possible when investment in local capacity is deliberate.

    Yet localisation is about far more than funding flows.

    It requires a fundamental shift in how partnerships are conceived and managed. Risk management must evolve from exclusion to shared responsibility. Technical support must move beyond project supervision towards genuine knowledge transfer and institutional strengthening. Over time, international humanitarian actors should step back from direct implementation and focus more on advisory roles, advocacy and resource mobilisation in support of national partners.

    Local organisations, for their part, must be recognised as equal partners — not extensions of international agencies. They need predictable financing,  better access to pooled funds and structured opportunities to influence humanitarian strategy.

    Importantly, local civil society must also be empowered as agents of change. Sustainable progress depends on advocacy — changing political priorities, challenging harmful narratives and defending the rights of people affected by conflict and disaster. Affected communities should never be viewed as passive victims. They are people with dignity, agency and rights, and local organisations are best placed to champion those rights.

    The transition of the humanitarian operation in Nigeria also demands stronger alignment between humanitarian and development efforts.

    The Humanitarian Reset creates space for a more coherent approach in which emergency action focuses on saving lives, while development frameworks — including national plans and the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework — address the structural drivers of vulnerability.

    Insecurity, underdevelopment and climate risks require long term solutions.

    Investments in food systems, basic services, disaster risk reduction and anticipatory action are essential to reducing humanitarian caseloads over time. Without these investments, emergency needs will continue to outpace available resources, perpetuating the cycle of crisis response.

    As the 2026 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan is launched, the message is unmistakable.

    The era of internationally financed, internationally delivered humanitarian operations in Nigeria is drawing to a close. The next phase belongs to Nigeria itself. To the institutions that set policy, the state authorities that coordinate response, national organisations that know their communities best, and the citizens who have borne the greatest burden for far too long.

    For the United Nations and its partners, the role is clear: support this transition. Strengthen capacity where needed. Reinforce partnerships at all levels. Mobilise resources alongside government. And ensure that people affected by crises remain firmly at the centre of every decision.

    Ultimately, localisation is about dignity.

    It is about recognising that communities must lead the solutions to the challenges they face.

    Nigeria’s humanitarian future depends on embracing this shift fully and without hesitation. The opportunity is present. The responsibility is shared. And the time to act is now.

    •Dr. Doro is Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction.  Fall is the United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria.

  • FULL LIST: Chagoury, Mordi, other foreign nationals with Nigeria’s national honour

    FULL LIST: Chagoury, Mordi, other foreign nationals with Nigeria’s national honour

    The Nigerian National Awards are a series of ceremonial awards given to outstanding individuals for their exemplary service and contributions to the country.

    Also, these national honours are conferred on foreign nationals.

    These honours are divided into different ranks and categories, showing their hierarchy and significance.

    The National Awards were established by the National Honours Act No. 5 of 1964 and have been conferred yearly to deserving individuals since October 1963.

    The National Honours Awards Committee, the body in charge of nominations and award presentation, selects nominees according to different criteria, including efforts in nation-building, community development, service to humanity, professional excellence, and the upholding of national integrity.

    Here is a full list of foreign nationals who have been honoured:

    1. Queen Elizabeth II – GCON

    2. Nelson Mandela – GCFR

    3. Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi – GCFR

    4. Susanne Wenger – OFR

    5. India Prime Minister Narendra Modi – GCON

    6. Gilbert Chagoury – GCON

    From the 8th to 10th of May, 1997, Muammar Gaddafi was on a visit to Nigeria and Niger Republic (he was awarded the GCFR on the night of Friday, 11th of May in Abuja by the Abacha government at a state banquet in Abuja, Abacha also honoured President Ibrahim Bare Mainnassara of Niger Republic, who had accompanied Gaddafi on his trip to Nigeria).

    Susanne Wenger MFR, also known as Adunni Olorisha (4 July 1915 – 12 January 2009), was an Austrian-Nigerian artist and Yoruba priestess who expatriated to Nigeria. Her main focus was on Yoruba culture, and she was successful in building an artist cooperative in Osogbo.

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    On 12 January 2009, Wenger died at the age of 93 in Osogbo.

    The sculptures that were placed in Oshun’s grove from the late 1950s onwards, sculptures that were created by her followers and local artists, have belonged to the UNESCO World Heritage Site since 2005.

    In 2005, the Nigerian government admitted her as a member of the Order of the Federal Republic.

    For her efforts on behalf of the Yoruba, she was given a chieftaincy title of the Osogbo community by the king, or Ataoja, of Oshogbo.

    Late Nelson Mandela visited Nigeria in 1990 to thank the country for its support during his incarceration. A state reception was organised in his honour at State House Marina, and he was awarded the highest Nigerian national honour of Grand Commander of the Federal Republic by President Ibrahim Babangida.

    Queen Elizabeth was awarded GCON in 1969. Then she was also awarded the GCFR in 1989.

    The national award – the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger – was conferred on Prime Minister Narendra Modi for his statesmanship and stellar contribution to fostering bilateral ties.

    Recently, President Bola Tinubu conferred Nigeria’s second-highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), on Gilbert Chagoury, the Lebanese-Nigerian billionaire.

    Chagoury celebrated his 80th birthday on 8 January.

    Chagoury is the founder of Chagoury Group, whose operations span construction, real estate, hospitality, healthcare, industrial services, telecommunications, water purification, flour milling, insurance, furniture manufacturing, catering, and international financing.

    The group is involved in several high-profile infrastructure projects, including the $11 billion Lagos–Calabar coastal highway and the N1.1 trillion contract to renovate Tincan and Apapa Ports.

    The highest honours in the country include the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic, often reserved for past and present Presidents and Heads of State; Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic bestowed on Vice-Presidents, Senate Presidents and Chief Justices of Nigeria; and Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic; and the Member of the Order of the Federal Republic, often granted to Nigerians who have made great impact in their industry, communities and the nation.

    The second set of honours is the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, the Commander of the Order of Niger, Officer of the Order of Niger, and Member of the Order of Niger. Some of the privileges attached to the recipients of the honours are a letter, a medal, and a certificate signed by the President.

    Beneficiaries also enjoy respectable treatment in public spaces.

    Recipients of the high orders of the Federal Republic, especially the GCON, may be issued a diplomatic passport, and when they die, a condolence message from the President of the country.

  • Rebuilding Nigeria’s tax base amid public exhaustion

    Rebuilding Nigeria’s tax base amid public exhaustion

    Sir: Nigeria entered 2026 with a tax story unlike any it has faced in decades. From social media speculation to radio debates, conversations about the new tax laws have been urgent and, at times, anxious. Citizens worried whether their hard-earned money might be taken unexpectedly, while entrepreneurs fretted over new obligations. Yet, a careful reading of the laws shows that most Nigerians, particularly low-income earners, face exemptions and net relief.

    It is noteworthy that the new tax regime is Nigeria’s gradual movement away from oil rents and borrowing toward taxation as a core state resource. Rather than a technical adjustment, it is a fundamental transformation of the social contract. When governments rely on oil, fiscal distance allows them to remain unaccountable to citizens. When governments rely on taxes, citizens expect tangible returns including better roads, functional hospitals, quality schools, and reliable public services. The legitimacy of the state is now measured not by promises, but by visible outcomes.

    Low-income earners are mostly exempt under the new regime, yet Nigeria’s economy remains largely informal. Millions earn irregular incomes through trade, agriculture, and small-scale services. While these workers may owe no tax, administrative requirements such as Unique Taxpayer Identification Number (UTIN) registration, filings, and declarations can still create anxiety.

    This anxiety is often expressed with humour and caution on social media. One student, for example, posted a receipt from their bank account, circling the balance and writing: “Na my school fees ooh. FG no touch am.” This simple, relatable act captures the mix of fear, vigilance, and resilience many Nigerians feel as they navigate a system they are told to trust but do not yet fully understand.

    Here lies a subtle risk: fear arises not from payment, but from navigating unfamiliar systems. Reform fatigue magnifies this, as citizens recall previous initiatives that promised inclusion but delivered exclusion. To be humane, a tax state must distinguish contribution from compliance, offering gradual, supportive, and educational pathways for informal workers and microbusinesses.

    SMEs are vital to Nigeria’s economic recovery. They have been reassured of exemptions and thresholds, yet growth can paradoxically trigger fear over new reporting obligations, digital infrastructure requirements, and professional fees may accompany increased visibility.

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    A tax system that punishes growth inadvertently discourages formalisation. Humane reform means phased obligations, clear guidance, and support for compliance, ensuring that entrepreneurial success is encouraged, not penalised. This is essential for SMEs to participate fully in Nigeria’s new economic order.

    The timing of these reforms is politically significant. As Nigeria approaches the 2027 electoral cycle, perceptions of fairness, trust, and service delivery are heightened. Tax policy is therefore not merely fiscal; it is political, shaping public sentiment well before votes are cast.

    Reform fatigue amplifies suspicion as citizens wonder if the policy is genuine or politically motivated. The antidote is transparency, empathy, and consistent administration. When citizens perceive taxation as a tool for collective benefit rather than partisan advantage, compliance grows, and trust is reinforced.

    The anxiety surrounding Nigeria’s new tax economy is understandable. Reform fatigue tells us that citizens are alert, invested, and sensitive to fairness. It is a signal, not an enemy. On balance, the reforms are reassuring that most Nigerians will pay no additional tax, exemptions are explicit, and rates have been clarified.

    Yet reassurance alone will not build trust. Trust grows from clarity, fairness, visibility, and respect for citizen dignity. If Nigeria manages this transition with empathy, operational coherence, and accountability, the tax state can become a foundation for shared progress, not a source of fear.

    Ultimately, reform fatigue is not just a bureaucratic hurdle; it is a mirror of the relationship between state and citizen. Nigeria’s tax reforms will only endure if they rebuild trust, show tangible fairness, and invite people into a shared project of nationhood. The success of these measures will be measured less by legal texts than by the public’s sense that the state is not merely demanding, but deserving of their cooperation.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • UAE, Nigeria record growth in diplomatic, trade, other ties

    UAE, Nigeria record growth in diplomatic, trade, other ties

    The United Arab Emirates and Nigeria continue to deepen their bilateral relationship, anchored in mutual respect and cooperation across diplomacy, economy, society and culture.

    As economic ties accelerate, both nations are reaffirming their commitment to long-term collaboration and regional integration.

    The UAE is widely recognised as Nigeria’s most important trading partner in the Gulf region, while Nigeria serves as a strategic gateway for UAE investment and trade across West Africa.

    This dynamic partnership has gained momentum since the UAE inaugurated its Consulate General in Lagos in 2019.

    In 2022, non-oil trade between the UAE and Nigeria reached approximately $ 2.4 billion.

    Nigerian exports to the UAE totalled USD 520 million, including Gold: $489 million, Spices: $11.9 million, Charcoal: $7.24 million.

    In 2023, the UAE exports to Nigeria exceeded $1.61 billion, comprising refined oil: $ 352 million, broadcasting equipment: $ 159 million and automobiles: $149 million.

    Financial flows from the UAE to Nigeria have also increased significantly, positioning the UAE among the top sources of foreign investment into Nigeria in recent years.

    This growth has been supported by frequent trade delegations and high-level exchanges between public and private sector representatives.

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    A joint committee between the two countries plays a central role in advancing cooperation across political, economic, cultural, judicial, and security domains. The committee facilitates commercial and investment collaboration, promotes knowledge exchange, and oversees the implementation of bilateral agreements and protocols.

    In line with efforts to elevate economic engagement, the Dubai International Chamber inaugurated its representative office in Lagos, with the ceremony attended by Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. The office aims to strengthen UAE–Nigeria business ties and support Emirati companies seeking opportunities in West Africa.

    The economic team at the UAE Consulate General in Lagos continues to champion initiatives that promote mutual trade and investment, working closely with institutions and private sector stakeholders in both countries to foster sustainable growth and strategic alignment.

    As both nations look to the future, UAE–Nigeria relations stand as a model of cross-regional cooperation—driven by shared values, economic ambition, and a commitment to inclusive development.

  • Nigeria, a nation that remembers to forget

    Nigeria, a nation that remembers to forget

    • By Adaeze Anah

    January 15, 2026 marked the 56th anniversary of the end of the Nigerian Civil War, a date enshrined as Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

    It is the day in 1970 when General Philip Effiong of the defunct Republic of Biafra handed the instrument of surrender to Nigeria’s General Olusegun Obasanjo, formally ending a thirty-month battle.

    While the Nigerian Government has decided to honour its fallen soldiers on this important day, profound is the unacknowledged pivot in Nigeria’s journey.

    The day also marks the climax of a deep, festering grievance, a wound the state has repeatedly refused to acknowledge. And so to commemorate military sacrifice (like a victory parade), but stay silent on the sacrifice and sufferings of millions of Nigerians, and its consequential significance today reinforces selective memorialisation, a culture at the heart of Nigeria’s tremulous security structure.

    The Nigerian/ Biafran war, which ended on January 15, 1970, was among the most devastating of the 20th century, with casualties estimated at three million, predominantly civilians who died from starvation due to the Federal Government’s war policy of food blockade. Its root lay in the catastrophic failure of the post-independence state to manage its profound ethnic and political divisions, culminating in pogroms against Igbos in the North and a consequent loss of faith in federal protection. This, many argue, made the declaration of war inevitable.

    The war’s end was met with a federal policy of “Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Rehabilitation. (the 3Rs)” However, as scholars have noted, this was a state-imposed “forgiveness” that prioritises a singular narrative over genuine engagement with history. This approach created systemic dimensions of violence against the ‘defeated’ communities, enduring political and developmental marginalisation of the Igbo people and other minorities of the defunct Biafra. The government’s victory was memorialised; the victims’ suffering was relegated to private memory.

    This act of official silence, a deliberate “remembering to forget,” rejects the essential peacebuilding component necessary for sustainable peace, which requires acknowledging historical grievances. Organisations like the Centre for Memories in Enugu continue to advocate for January 15 to be recognised as a National Day of Peace or any nomenclature that reflects as true reconciliation cannot begin without firm, symbolic memorialisation.

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    The trial and life sentence of Nnamdi Kanu represent a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s long-standing failure to reconcile with the grievances of the Igbos of its Southeast. This article will not engage in an analysis of the specific court proceedings.

    Rather, it questions the fundamental choice to deploy the judicial system as the primary instrument to resolve a crisis that is, at its core, political, economic, and historical. This is not an argument in defence of Kanu’s rhetoric or actions but a critique of prosecution as a legal mechanism ill-suited for the task.

    Criminal litigation, by its nature, makes little room for the nuanced political, economic, and social contexts that surround a crime. To prosecute Kanu for separatist agitation while ignoring the decades of state denialism, marginalisation, and unhealed civil war wounds that created the conditions for his rise is not justice. It is a maladjusted use of memory, treating the symptom while systematically ignoring the disease.

    The application of the Terrorism Prevention Act in Nnamdi Kanu’s case presents a complex legal dilemma, one that sits at the intersection of national security, political grievance, and unresolved historical conflict. A legal analysis reveals tensions that arise when counter-terrorism legislation, often crafted for groups engaged in systematic violence, is deployed against a movement whose origins are deeply rooted in decades of unaddressed marginalisation following the civil war.

    This approach raises questions about contextual proportionality. While the state has a legitimate duty to proscribe and prosecute incitement to violence, the narrow legal framing of the case isolated it from the broader political and historical narrative. This narrative includes the documented grievances of the Southeast and the absence of any formal transitional justice process, such as truth-seeking or reparations, to address the wounds of the war.

    Consequently, litigation in this instance risked being perceived not as a neutral administration of justice, but as a continuation of a political conflict through legal means, potentially undermining the law’s legitimacy in the eyes of the affected community.

    The courtroom operated in a historical vacuum. The state’s case focused exclusively on Kanu’s later speeches and the proscription of IPOB, while ignoring the profound, documented grievances of economic neglect, political exclusion, and the unhealed trauma of the war; factors even state security officials have alluded to in other forums are treated as irrelevant to the question of justice.

    This decontextualisation transforms a complex socio-political crisis into a simple criminal matter, guaranteeing that the verdict, however legally sound on its narrow terms, will never address the concerns of the aggrieved communities.

    The Nigerian government’s approach to the separatist agitation in the Southeast suffers from a fundamental contradiction that undermines its own legal and moral standing. This failure was starkly demonstrated in the employment of a legal mechanism that conveniently divorces the history of the crime prosecuted.

    This constitutes a violation of Nigeria’s binding international obligations to provide ‘effective’ remedy for human rights violations under Article 1 and Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and Article 2(3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

    By prosecuting present-day agitators while refusing to acknowledge or address the mass atrocities that created the underlying grievance and the systematic injustices that continue to follow, the Nigerian state actively negates its duty. This litigation-first strategy thus boomerangs: it delegitimises the state’s authority, deepens the perception of systemic injustice, and ultimately reinforces the very cycle of resentment and insecurity it purports to solve.

    This tension is not unique to Nigeria. Comparative international law shows similar challenges where states face separatist or self-determination movements. The critical distinction in international frameworks, such as the guiding principles suggested by UN Security Council Resolution 1566, often hinges on the predominant nature of the acts in question: whether they are essentially political dissent that has turned violent or primarily criminal and terroristic acts aimed at civilians.

    A purely security-focused response, devoid of political and historical context, always fuels the very grievances it seeks to suppress, leading to cycles of impunity, a dynamic observed in several post-conflict regions globally.

    Therefore, a more holistic strategy would consider how legal instruments interact with broader peacebuilding objectives. An exclusive reliance on judicial mechanisms, without parallel methods that address underlying historical and political contexts, offers a short-term judicial solution but fails to provide the long-term foundation for sustainable security and national cohesion.

    So herein lies the crisis of moral standing. A government that has not accounted for its own role in a historical cataclysm that killed millions of its citizens lacks the foundational integrity to demand unquestioning loyalty or to assert that its subsequent use of force is solely in the service of justice. Its authority is comes across as transactional, based on power, not relational, and based on trust and legitimacy.

    This deficit is starkly visible in the Southeast today, where insecurity is mostly met with a purely militarised response. The Nigerian state’s denialism surrounding the Biafran War established a destructive national template: prioritising political order over genuine justice.

    This pattern of denying truths about Human Rights violations is not confined to the Southeast; it replicates itself in the government’s handling of the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast. Reports detailing the severe neglect of survivors, particularly women and children who escape captivity, contradict the information disseminated by official channels.

    This neglect violates Nigeria’s obligations under international law, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and deepens community resentment. By consistently choosing suppression of truth over substantive justice and repair, whether in the Southeast, Northeast, or in communal crises, the state erodes its own legitimacy and ensures that the root causes of violence remain unaddressed, perpetuating a national cycle of conflict.

    The path forward is not a mystery; it is memory. As emphasised at the recent African Union event under the auspices of the African Union Transitional Justice Project, in an expert seminar held in Abuja in June 2025, reparations and acknowledgement are not mere gestures but a “legal and moral imperative” for healing and sustainable peace. Addressing the wounds of the war is not an act of charity or a revision of history.

    It is the discharge of a long-overdue legal and ethical obligation. It involves, at minimum: official acknowledgement of the war’s full history and civilian suffering; symbolic acts of memorialization, a fair and inclusive review of the structural marginalisation that still follows and a commitment to a justice process that sees historical context as evidence, not noise.

    Fifty-six years after the guns fell silent, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can continue to prosecute the ghosts of its past as criminals, using laws that cannot contain historical truth. Or, it can choose the harder, more honourable path of courageous introspection and repair. The trial of Nnamdi Kanu will be recorded in law books.

    But the true judgment on Nigeria’s commitment to justice and unity will be written by its willingness or otherwise to finally confront the meaning of January 15, 1970. Until it does so, its claim to moral leadership in Africa and within the global community will remain fundamentally contested, and its pursuit of security will remain elusive. True security is not born from the barrel of a gun, but from the unwavering administration of justice and social justice.

    •          Anah, a lawyer, social justice Advocate and writer, can be reached at adaezeanah@yahoo.com

  • On Nigeria’s perilous state of affairs

    On Nigeria’s perilous state of affairs

    • By Abachi Ungbo

    Sir: It goes without saying that Nigeria is roiled by strong winds that are intent on ripping up its delicate fabric. This has drawn deep concern, and it is leaving everyone watching with bated breath on how it will walk away unscathed. Presently, an asphyxiating atmosphere of fear, bigotry and hatred which is antithetical to nation building has entirely enveloped the country. 

    What we have now is a situation where the huge paper that is spread over the nation’s wall has given way to deep and troubling cracks. The mask on different faces has fallen off, exposing the open declaration of patriotism and allegiance to the country as mere rhetoric. It is regrettable, that the badges of the respective ethno-religious camps are carried with honour.  By and large, national identity is almost non-existent. And, the abounding diversity of the country only attracts scant attention.

    Not a few Nigerians have become brutally cynical about the future of the country. They simply question our nationhood which poses a clear and present danger to our democracy and sovereignty. The social media has turned into a huge battlefield of ethnic, religious and ideological war as well as a simple barometer for gauging the crisis of unity and togetherness brewing in the country. Already, there are growing calls of secession which is spreading apace across the regional boundaries of the country. In fact, we have a host of ‘post Nigeria’ maps making the rounds in the social media showing the country carved along ethnic and religious lines.

    The current state of affairs is a corollary of the actions of the political class and religious leaders which have been far from been exemplary. They have effectively used their positions as tool of mobilization for selfish ends and oppression which has evidently made the current situation not unexpected.

    It is no news that Nigeria is prostrate by insecurity with a devastatingly high human toll. The reported international dimension to the issue is driving chills down the spines of Nigerians. Unfortunately, illegal mining activities in the hotbeds of the insecurity, massive corruption, complicity of officials among other things are conflating in not only compromising the fight against insecurity but in making it long drawn out. The situation has placed the country in a bad light with threat of foreign military intervention on the grounds of genocide.

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    The economy is still too weak to pull out the mammoth population trapped in the dark hole of poverty. Recently, PricewaterhouseCooper (PwC) reported that 114 million – about 65% of the population are projected to be living in poverty in 2026.  This provides a trigger for social unrest. The demand for sacrifices is made on ordinary Nigerians and not the leaders.

    The picture of the former Yugoslavia readily comes to the minds of Nigerians as a convenient case in point of failure in the proper handling of diversity, socio- economic challenges etc. Recall that Yugoslavia was a stable country, an oasis of peace where the different nationalities co-existed before it became a theatre of instability occasioned by economic crisis, secession agenda, clashes between the nationalities etc.

    As a matter of urgency, the trajectory of the country must be rerouted to preclude an implosion. This actually brings us to the place of strategic leadership. The security of lives and properties needs to be bolstered before the country is drawn to a Pre-Hobbesian state. Of consequence in my considered view is the revisit of the recommendations of past national dialogues not least the 2014 national conference which the APC government under the banner of the Nasir El Rufai Committee (2012) concurred with some of its provisions. Both attempts provide solutions to challenges of national development.

    •Abachi Ungbo,

    abachi007@yahoo.com

  • Why Nigeria must invest in prevention, not treatment of neurological disorders – Farombi

    Why Nigeria must invest in prevention, not treatment of neurological disorders – Farombi

    A consultant neurologist at the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, Dr. Temitope Farombi, has called on the Nigerian government to place greater emphasis on preventing neurological disorders, warning that managing such conditions after onset is significantly more costly and often produces limited results.

    Farombi, who founded the Brain Centre Neurological and Rehabilitation Service in Ibadan, noted that many neurological conditions common among Nigerians could be avoided with appropriate policies, public education, and strengthened healthcare infrastructure.

    The Brain Centre, established in January 2025 as a comprehensive neurological and rehabilitation facility, has handled more than 160 cases within its first year.

    Speaking at the centre’s first anniversary in Ibadan, the British-trained neurologist highlighted the rising prevalence of autism, stroke, dementia, Parkinson’s disease, and traumatic brain injury. She described these conditions as leading contributors to disability, yet observed that government efforts remain largely focused on treatment rather than prevention.

    She reiterated that preventive measures are consistently cheaper and more effective than post-diagnosis interventions.

    “A condition like tetanus can be prevented with a vaccine that costs a few hundred naira, but treating tetanus can cost close to two million naira, often with poor outcomes. The same applies to stroke and other neurological diseases.”

    Farombi explained that stroke prevention through routine checks and medications may cost between ₦10,000 and ₦15,000 monthly, while treating a stroke can require one to two million naira, money many families do not have.

    She described this pattern as unsustainable in a country where most citizens pay for healthcare out of pocket.

    She also highlighted the role of genetics in neurological conditions, particularly autism, adding that people with a family history of autism can pass it down genetically, making premarital and pre-pregnancy genetic testing important.

    She stated that, unlike sickle cell screening, genetic testing for autism risk remains expensive and largely inaccessible.

    “This is an area where government intervention is needed. Affordable genetic testing, proper antenatal care, and early specialist referrals during pregnancy can significantly reduce preventable complications.”

    Farombi emphasised the growing importance of non-pharmacological approaches, especially social prescription.

    She explained that social prescription involves activities such as gardening, spending time in green spaces, dancing, music, and travel, which have been shown to support brain health.

    “There is now strong scientific evidence that social and environmental factors influence brain function and disease expression. For patients with dementia or Parkinson’s disease, activities like dancing, music, and social engagement can improve movement, mood, and awareness.”

    She expressed concern that many patients with neurological conditions are confined indoors, sometimes prevented from attending religious or social gatherings, which she said worsens their condition.

    On government responsibility, Farombi said Nigeria’s health insurance coverage remains below 10 per cent, leaving most patients to pay out of pocket.

    She added that essential neurological medications are often unavailable or unaffordable, with some patients spending up to ₦500,000 per treatment session for conditions such as multiple sclerosis.

    She also pointed out the absence of advanced treatments and community-based rehabilitation centres in the country.

    According to her, rehabilitation services are largely hospital-based and insufficient, whereas patients should be able to access physical, speech, and occupational therapy close to their homes.

    “Neurological conditions are the leading cause of disability worldwide,” she said. “Without proper prevention strategies, drug availability, rehabilitation services, and public education, the burden will continue to rise.”

    Farombi warned that lifestyle factors such as smoking, drug misuse, and excessive alcohol consumption also contribute significantly to neurological damage, including memory loss and brain degeneration.

    She, however, called for stronger regulation, public awareness campaigns, and sustained investment in preventive healthcare.

    “Once neurological disease sets in, the cost is enormous, not just financially, but socially and emotionally. Nigeria must shift its focus from treating disease to preventing it.”

  • Dearth of monitoring culture in Nigeria

    Dearth of monitoring culture in Nigeria

    By Oluwole Ogundele

    Apart from the challenges of neo-colonialism and/or cultural imperialism including fierce global power play, the Nigerian modes of leadership across the board, are promoting greater underdevelopment. Leadership in this context goes beyond the spheres of local, state and federal engagements. Indeed, our primary, secondary and tertiary institutions are not an exception. Every sub-system of the society has its leadership structure.  However, the central goal of any leadership is service to humanity on a robust scale. That is to say, that responsibility and responsiveness occupy centre stage in the scheme of things. But shockingly, many leaders in this part of the world fail to appreciate let alone appropriate the above time-tested principle.

    Therefore, holding leadership positions (as far as most Nigerians are concerned) is a golden opportunity to enrich themselves through the lens of maximum corruption. Corruption is rubbishing their sanity. Nigeria has a lot of institutional frameworks to serve as checks and balances. But those in charge have consistently bastardised almost everything. Without mincing words, most of the country’s institutions are not working. The megalomaniacs have sent these institutions to the guillotine. Indeed, Nigeria is in a mess. Who will save us from ourselves?

    The overall head of a system or sub-system becomes unreachable and unmindful of the agonies of the people he is supposed to lead. This negative attitude is inseparable from some inflated ego. The ordinary people despite their contributions to the survival of the system are often treated like a bunch of trash. Dissenting voices are quickly and tactically silenced.  The body language of an average Nigerian leader is that the followers should wait for their turn or get punished. Not surprisingly, most people including NGOs and other pressure groups have gone to sleep. This is dangerous for Nigeria’s collective progress.

    The Nigerian academia needs to show much more commitment to the promotion of high ideals. The university is supposed to be a model to the larger society. That was the narrative in the past.  Academics should not join the evilly crowd despite the economic hardships ravaging the land. A great deal of sanity is needed.  In this connection, I salute our past heroes in the academia for their fiscal discipline, meticulousness and uncommon dignity. The Nigerian society and the entirety of the global community respected them. Most (if not all of them) refused to serve as errand boys for some political class members. Today, the narrative has changed.

    The youth are now being polluted and de-culturalised more than hitherto by our leaders.  They (the youth) hear every day about maximum looting of the public wealth by leaders and yet most people continue to celebrate them. Their biographies are all over the place. For how long is Nigeria going to continue to romanticise their abusers and thieves?  The future of Nigeria is certainly very bleak. Everybody is waiting for his turn to loot the commonwealth while the toiling masses continue to wail.

    It seems to me, that demons are let loose. Material poverty and greed are some of the basic underlying factors for poor leadership culture in Nigeria.  Salaries of all categories of workers are grossly inadequate. This ugly situation leads to some survival instincts enshrined in all kinds of immorality and/or criminality. No government can reduce insecurity and looseness in the various administrative offices to the barest minimum, in the face of hyper-inflation that rubbishes workers’ salaries.  Although President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is working round the clock, he still needs to do much more to correct the imbalance.  Shameful romanticisation of bureaucratic bottlenecks is a disgusting administrative culture largely traceable to corruption. We must reject it.  For instance, hiding files of innocent people in order to get bribes is gradually becoming a way of life. Their computers or servers are always having fake technical problems. In Nigeria servers are regularly having malaria fever or coughs and bribes are the medications.  What a country! Although some people are pathologically corrupt and irresponsive, I still feel that meaningful wages for workers can go a long way in dousing (to a reasonable extent) the tensions in our system.  Material poverty promotes corruption in the offices.

    The senior officers who are supposed to ensure smooth operations in a given division look the other way. This leads to helplessness of gargantuan proportions. Monitoring remains a critical component of administrative operations. It engenders efficiency, accountability, transparency and probity. However, all these elements of healthy administration can be revived in the face of determination. Sustainable development is anchored to the above elements. PBAT can seamlessly test my hypothesis by approving realistic wages for the Nigerian workers across the board. I believe that with better wages, bribes and other corrupt practices would be reduced to the barest minimum. This is a non-kinetic and humane approach to poverty alleviation. Without close monitoring of how government financial resources are being used by the different leaders, corruption would continue to go from bad to worse.

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    It is a fact, that in Britain and America among other parts of the developed world, institutions such as parliament and judiciary are respected. Nobody is above the law of the land. The structures are not put in place for cosmetic reasons. They are meant to serve as checks and balances in order to promote robust human societies. These are societies defined and ruled by mutuality of respect, empathy and compassion.

    A gross lack of seriousness is an invitation to a chaotic present and an unhealthy future.  Integrity has gone to the dogs. Today’s leaders (with a few exceptions) have no space for most of the time-tested, noble African values and value systems. These are indigenous values embedded in idealism as opposed to unholy materialism or avarice/hedonism. Things are falling apart but the centre can still hold, with the sophisticated intervention of President Tinubu. We need a revolution in administration. This has to be baked into workable laws in the interest of sustainability. Promotions must be merit-based. Irresponsible workers should get the boot. Scrutinisation coupled with actions on reports/allegations bordering on impropriety is critical to progress. The monitors across the spectrum must also be secretly monitored. Unfettered impunity has to end. Currently, there is no fear of punishment. Anything goes!

    Locusts are having a field day as if nobody is in charge. Certainly, PBAT has the uncommon capacity to change the ugly narrative in the interest of a robust Nigerian society. There are a lot of avoidable stresses and strains. Nigerians (with the exception of the political class members and their gluttonous business associates) are bleeding profusely.

    Leadership at every level must wake up. State governors, local government chairmen, ministers, university vice chancellors and polytechnic rectors need to wake up from their slumber. PBAT alone cannot successfully do the job.  He is not a magician. Most Nigerian leaders need deliverance from the bondage of stone age arrogance or exaggerated sense of self-importance, at the expense of sophisticated performance. The Nigerian ship is drifting inside the turbulent ocean of modern globalisation. There is an urgent need for a rescue operation.

    •Prof Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan.

  • Nigeria’s pervasive culture of impunity

    Nigeria’s pervasive culture of impunity

    Sir: Nigeria today labours under a quiet but corrosive crisis: a reign of impunity that has seeped into politics, religion, culture, business, and even private relationships. It is not merely that wrongdoing occurs—every society contends with crime and moral failure—but that wrongdoing is explained away, justified, celebrated, or ignored.

    Evil no longer hides. It performs openly, confident that nothing will follow. In the political space, individuals loot public resources with breath-taking boldness. Due process is treated as inconvenience. Institutions meant to enforce quality assurance, accountability, and rule of law are weakened or compromised. Politicians are no longer public servants; they are worshipped like deities. Their wealth, often of questionable origin, is paraded as proof of divine favour. Convoys replace character. Luxury becomes legitimacy. Followers gather like flies around abundance, not asking how it was made, only hoping some crumbs will fall.

    This worship is dangerous. When citizens suspend conscience for patronage, they become accomplices. When sycophants defend the indefensible, impunity gains a human shield. The loyalist who claps for corruption today will cry tomorrow when the system devours him. History has never been kind to professional praise-singers.

    In the economic sphere, employers and entrepreneurs frequently breach contracts, neglect appointments, and exploit labour under the excuse of “hustle culture.” Workers are used to achieve ends and discarded without dignity. Promises mean little. Integrity is optional. Yet the same society prays for prosperity without justice, growth without structure, and blessing without order.

    Religion, which should be society’s moral conscience, has not escaped contamination. Many religious leaders speak with the lips of God while walking in darkness. The pursuit of power, relevance, and influence has pushed some into questionable spiritual alliances, double-speaking altars, and theatrical righteousness. Congregations are fed words while character starves. When faith becomes a performance and not a discipline, it produces noise, not light.

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    Socially, relationships are increasingly transactional and distorted. Love is confused with leverage. Bodies are traded for access. Manipulation, seduction, and emotional exploitation masquerade as romance. Marriages suffer under gas-lighting, infidelity, and the quiet erosion of trust. Authority is mocked, commitment is treated as imprisonment, and responsibility is postponed indefinitely. The matrimonial bed, once sacred, is casually defiled in pursuit of status or convenience.

    Culturally, darker practices persist beneath modern appearances. Rituals, sacrifices, incantations, and spiritual attacks are still deployed against perceived enemies. The recent actions of the Anambra State government under Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo—detaining notorious native doctors and confronting ritual violence—highlight how deeply rooted these practices remain. A society cannot claim enlightenment while secretly consulting darkness. Progress cannot coexist with blood-stained shortcuts.

    Even in Enugu State, people disguise in masquerade uniforms while celebrating festivals, feasts or ancestors to stab, maim or injure rivals; enemies perceived to be more successful than them.

    Even the youth are not spared. Many young girls, instead of developing skills, character, and intellectual capacity, are pressured—or choose—to measure worth by social media validation, hook-ups, and fleeting attention. Platforms designed for connection have become marketplaces of the self. This is not empowerment; it is exploitation disguised as freedom.

    At the heart of all this is complacency. Nigerians have become too skilled at explaining away evil. “That’s how the system works.” “Everyone does it.” “If you don’t do it, someone else will.” These statements are not wisdom; they are surrender. A nation that normalizes wrongdoing will eventually lose the moral language to challenge it.

    Systems do not heal themselves. Cultures do not reform by accident. Transformation begins when individuals withdraw their consent from evil. This is a word of caution to sycophants and loyalists who mastermind impunity: history does not remember you kindly. When the tide turns—and it always does—your loyalty will not save you. Power is transient. Truth is not.

    Nigeria does not lack intelligence, faith, or resources. What it lacks is courage—the courage to say no, to demand better, to refuse participation in decay. Change will hurt. Accountability will inconvenience many. A nation that celebrates hoodlums, negotiates with bandits and terrorists even criminals would never remain in the path of peace and progress. That culture and attitude must change lest the nation will continue to bleed quietly. The choice before us is stark: reform or rot. And history is already taking notes.

     •Obiotika Wilfred Toochukwu, Nkono-Ekwulobia, Anambra State.

  • What FATF Grey List delisting, European Union’s thumbs up mean to Nigeria

    What FATF Grey List delisting, European Union’s thumbs up mean to Nigeria

    Nduka Chiejina (Assistant Editor), in this report examines the long term benefits and prospects that could accrue to Nigeria as a result of the global financial redemption from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) “Grey List,” and the European Union’s decision to delist the country from its high-risk third countries list.

    The global financial landscape is notoriously unforgiving toward jurisdictions perceived as weak links in the fight against illicit money flows. For over two years, Nigeria navigated the restrictive waters of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) “Grey List,” a designation that served as a persistent signal of “strategic deficiencies” in the nation’s anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing systems.

    However, a series of aggressive, top-down reforms have culminated in a dual victory: the country’s removal from the FATF Grey List in late 2025, followed by the European Union’s recent decision to delist Nigeria from its high-risk third countries list.

    The journey to this milestone began in February 2023. At that time, Nigeria was flagged for specific vulnerabilities, including supervisory gaps in financial institutions, a lack of transparency regarding the beneficial ownership of legal entities, and inadequate enforcement measures.

    The international community noted that while laws existed, the investigation and prosecution of money laundering cases remained limited, and the implementation of financial sanctions was only partial.

    These deficiencies created significant friction for Nigerian businesses, leading to higher borrowing costs and a “de-risking” trend where foreign banks became hesitant to facilitate transactions for their Nigerian counterparts.

    A Presidential mandate for reform

    Faced with the threat of potential blacklisting—a status that would have crippled the economy—President Bola Ahmed Tinubu placed the exit from the Grey List at the summit of his economic governance agenda. The administration’s response was characterised by a surge in legislative activity and inter-agency synergy. The enactment of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 and the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 provided the legal teeth necessary to bite purveyors of financial crimes.

    Apparently gladdened by the turn of events, an elated Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr. Wale Edun described the recent delisting by the European Commission as a significant endorsement of this vision; a development he credited the achievement to the President’s “extraordinary leadership, unwavering political will and clear reform vision.”

    According to Mr. Edun, the administration ensured that anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) reforms became core elements of the national stability agenda.

    “The European Commission, in its assessment, concluded that Nigeria had strengthened the effectiveness of its AML/CFT regime and addressed identified technical and strategic gaps,” Mr. Edun noted.

    Besides, he observed that the development would “ease enhanced due diligence requirements for Nigerian individuals, businesses and financial institutions dealing with European counterparts, improve correspondent banking relationships, boost investor confidence and further integrate Nigeria into the global financial system.”

    Transparency as a shield

    In the view of analysts, central to the reforms’ success was the operationalisation of a public Beneficial Ownership Register under the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). For years, shell companies had been used as veils for illicit actors to move funds undetected. By pulling back this curtain, the federal government provided law enforcement and global regulators with unprecedented visibility into who truly owns and controls corporate entities in Nigeria.

    Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, the Minister of State for Finance, played a pivotal role in coordinating these aspects with regulatory agencies. She noted that the reforms transformed the financial system from one of reactive measures to proactive transparency. “We didn’t just pass laws on paper. We ensured they were implemented in practice. We increased prosecutions of financial crimes and applied sanctions to institutions that failed to comply,” she said assuredly.

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    The Minister of State further elaborated on the impact of the Beneficial Ownership Register, calling it transformative for the nation’s integrity. “We now have unprecedented visibility into corporate ownership structures, making it significantly harder for illicit actors to hide behind shell companies and enhancing our ability to track suspicious financial flows,” Dr. Uzoka-Anite said.

    She added that this moment serves as proof that “Nigeria can reform, that we can meet international standards, and that we can deliver on our commitments.”

    The economic impact of delisting

    The practical implications of the European Union’s decision, contained in the Commission Delegated Regulation, are profound for the Nigerian private sector. When a country is on the high-risk list, every transaction originating from that jurisdiction is subjected to “enhanced due diligence.” This means longer waiting time, higher compliance fees, and often, the outright rejection of legitimate business deals by European banks and entities that may choose to err on the side of caution.

    However, with the delisting taking effect in early 2026, these barriers are set to fall. The Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) released a statement explaining that transactions involving Nigerian businesses will no longer be subjected to these typical high-risk measures. This shift is expected to “ease compliance burdens, support smoother cross-border financial flows, and enhance Nigeria’s attractiveness for trade, investment and financial partnerships with EU member States.”

    Expectedly, Hafsat Abubakar Bakari, the Chief Executive Officer of the NFIU, described the decision as a strong endorsement of the country’s collective reforms’ efforts. “Beyond the immediate economic benefits, this outcome strengthens international confidence in Nigeria’s financial system and underscores our standing as a cooperative and responsible participant in the global financial architecture,” she said matter-of-factly.

    Expatiating, Ms. Bakari noted that the NFIU has served as the central nervous system for these reforms, improving the quality of financial intelligence provided to investigative and prosecutorial authorities. She warned, however, that the victory must not lead to a relaxation of standards.

    “While we welcome this progress, it also places a clear responsibility on all stakeholders to sustain momentum, guard against complacency and continue strengthening our systems in response to evolving financial crime risks,” she added.

    A unified front for financial integrity

    Interestingly, a synergy of cooperation amongst interagency saddled with the responsibility of crime prevention and prosecution made this laudable feat achievable. Thus, it can be asserted that it was the collaboration among officials that made it work. As to be expected, the federal government lauded the roles played by the National Assembly, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the judiciary, and private sector operators. This united front allowed Nigeria to complete its FATF Action Plan in record time, moving from an August 2025 on-site visit to an official delisting in October of the same year.

    The European Commission’s assessment acknowledged that Nigeria had not only closed technical gaps but also fulfilled the operational commitments required to ensure a resilient financial system. For the global community, the message is clear: Nigeria is no longer a jurisdiction to be approached with suspicion, but a reliable partner in the global trade and investment arena.

    The renewed trust on the country by the comity of nations within the global financial ecosystem, it has been stressed, was well worth it.

    One of those who shares this sentiment is the Director of Information and Public Relations at the Ministry of Finance, Mohammed Manga, who noted that the removal from both the FATF and EU lists sends a “strong positive signal” that underscores the ongoing efforts to improve financial governance. By aligning with international standards, Nigeria has positioned its economy to attract the foreign direct investment necessary for sustainable growth.

    As the nation looks toward 2026, the focus shifts from exiting lists to maintaining the high standards that earned the delisting. The government has pledged to deepen reforms and strengthen its engagement with international partners like the FATF and the EU to ensure the financial system remains a force for legitimate economic expansion.

    The “Grey List” era may be over, but the work of protecting Nigeria’s financial borders continues, as Dr. Uzoka-Anite has clearly noted, “We have shown the world that when we work together—government, private sector, civil society, and citizens—we can achieve extraordinary things.”