Trust, once destroyed, takes a long time to rebuild. In politics, what is expected is total, undiluted loyalty, no matter the test of time.
Those who have been in politics for many years are conversant with these rudiments of relationship in the corridor of power. Those who are likely to enter its murky waters later should start developing endurance strategies.
Politics is beautiful, yet hazardous. The ultimate goal, according to Obafemi Awolowo, is the attainment of power. Though power is alluring, it often becomes intoxicating. Officialdom is electrifying, yet slippery.
Government is a lucrative business and the only route to it is through politics. In our clime, this has become more of an occupation than a vocation. In the corridors of power, competition is stiff; the battle is better imagined. Power, as it is now internalised, is not served a la carte. Those in power are strengthened by resources and the ability to wield it by coercion. The losers in the power game are left in the cold. They become liabilities; they slip through circumstantial vulnerability.
The dark side of politicking is that once a crisis erupts, fence-mending becomes compelling yet difficult to achieve. A crisis resolution is as tedious as creating and escalating conflicts. Politicians who easily forgive a partisan sin of betrayal are rare. It is doubtful if anyone, even if he tries hard to forgive, can ever forget what may be perceived as backstabbing from a political family member.
The lesson of the Ondo State political crisis is the neglect of the ethics of moderation, which, in Plato’s view, proposes that a rational balance should be maintained in all human pursuits.
This requires a sort of native intelligence. Besides, navigating the difficult political waters requires a good knowledge of history which lesson is often ignored by actors at their own detriment.
The current political impasse, exemplified by the collapse of loyalty, fidelity and trust, is typical of Ondo politics. The state is addicted to governor-deputy governor rift, which has often polarised the ruling parties and drawn negative attention to the state.
In the Second Republic, the reticent Governor Adekunle Ajasin and his deputy, the mercurial Chief Akin Omoboriowo, who were paired by their leader, Awo, to complement each other, parted ways in their first term; in fact, barely within two years. The protracted crisis that ensued defied solution, even to the surprise of the national leadership of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN).
Many years after, Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, who is too direct, undiplomatic, frank and predictable, was at loggerheads with his erstwhile deputy, Agboola Ajayi, a highly talented and experienced grassroots actor with an uncanny capacity for maneuvering, almost a maverick.
The sources of conflicts are similar to what currently obtains. The accompanying predicament is also the same. As the number two eyes the seat of number one, there is resistance and split in the once indivisible and united camp, thereby creating stress and distress for the ruling platform.
In the process of maintaining loyalty or shifting alliance, neutrality becomes a cardinal infraction. Clandestine meetings are held. There is mutual suspicion. Rival camps indulge in bickering, rumour mongering, propaganda, embellishments, campaign of calumny, character assassination and mutual liquidation.
In this particular circumstance, there is a rush of emotion. There is no vacancy at Alagbaka House in Akure, the seat of government. The chief occupant is only indisposed. No mortal is insulated from illness. It is pathetic of the Ondo State APC, which midwifed a government, that it could not put its house in order. While the opposition is lamenting being out of power, those in power cannot manage their achievements and exploits.
This period of protracted illness, political uncertainty and anxiety calls for sober reflection. The gladiators are unfair to their leader and custodian of the mandate, Akeredolu, who assembled a formidable team that is now being divided over next year’s succession game.
It is a failure of leadership on the part of the deputy governor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa, that he cannot hold forte effectively, be the alter ego of his boss, ensure unity, foster cohesion, inspire team spirit, make sacrifice and promote an attitude of abnegation. That is why the State Executive Council (Exco) meeting could not hold for three months and the feeling started growing in the public domain that governance was on hold in the Sunshine state.
The position of deputy governor in the Nigerian presidential democracy is very delicate. A state’s Number Two citizen is the typical spare tyre. But, he could be easily catapulted to the front burner during an emergency. To weather the storm, the occupant needs patience, skill, tact, humility and support of the Exco, party leadership and other critical stakeholders.
The distance between the powers of the governor and his deputy is wide. As the vice president of Nigeria is not perceived as the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces – since he is not so called by the constitution – the deputy governor is not designated the Deputy Chief Security Officer of the state. Neither can any deputy governor be chairman of the state executive council.
The constitution favours the transfer of power to the deputy governor to act, in certain circumstances. But because of the level of political culture in the country, the title of “acting governor” is a mere appellation when the ailing governor is still alive, signing bills and giving directives, although he is not in Akure, the state capital. The loyalty of the majority still goes to the boss, who is kept abreast of events by commissioners, special advisers and other aides that are appointees of the governor and colleagues of the deputy governor.
If deputy governors are conscious of these limitations, the option left to them is to embrace the reality, endure the pains of constitutional restrictions and exhibit unconditional loyalty, which is the only asset that can endear them to their power-loaded executive governors, the only undisputed leaders, who casually delegate powers to them.
Paradoxically, across the states of the federation, many members of a governor’s team could be envious of the powerless office of the deputy governor because of the prospect it holds in an unexpected moment. Political envy is inevitable, and it stems from the fact that if there is a cordial relationship between the governor and his deputy, the latter’s ambition to succeed his principal is a monumental threat to the aspirations of other stalwarts and competitors.
Also, if the unexpected happens, the deputy governor may be the ultimate beneficiary. But, it is wishful thinking to anticipate any calamity. God is the decider of human fate.
Akeredolu, in his wisdom, picked Aiyedatiwa as his deputy. Being from Ondo South Senatorial District, where APC will source for its next governorship candidate, many believed that he had an upper hand. At what stage did the gulf occur between the deputy and the governor? This is a question for Aiyedatiwa.
It is gratifying that the APC national leader, President Bola Tinubu, has intervened in the Ondo crisis and brokered a truce. Those calling for a legal solution are correct, but elders who have suggested a political solution are not fools.
Having provided a rare opportunity for soft-landing for the two warring camps, the terms of the political solution agreed upon at Abuja before the president should be strictly adhered to. The peace deal, if well implemented, can lead to suspension of tension.
Aiyedatiwa is at the centre of the crisis and controversy. Indeed, the deputy governor, his recuperating boss, the House of Assembly and the party are in the eye of the storm. The onus is on him to ensure that the peace accord does not suffer. He has a chance of either becoming the gainer or loser, depending on how the deal is implemented.
Compliance with the Abuja resolution is challenging. It involves the principle of “give and take.” What even matters now is not the survival of Ayedatiwa or Akeredolu but the welfare of the state and survival of the party that gave birth to the government through the electorate. Leaders of both camps are expected to be less inflexible but more condescending. Hypocritical commitment may herald a collective doom.
The implications are as follows: since Ayedatiwa has made a unique commitment to party leaders that he will sign an undated letter, it is incumbent on him to avoid any act that will compel the lawmakers to exploit the situation to remove him. It is an unusual, unprecedented and delicate situation.
It is easy for the House of Assembly to comply with the discontinuation of the impeachment move, if the peace terms are not violated. But, there is a challenge. The deputy governor has to be wary of the three personalities monitoring his activities. Speaker Olamide Oladiji is head of the aggrieved House of Assembly that has an axe to grind with him. APC State Chairman Ade Adetimehin is a staunch loyalist of Akeredolu. Secretary to the State Government Oladunni Odu is Aiyedatiwa’s rival in the quest for the governorship ticket of the party in next year’s election.
In the final analysis, Aiyedatiwa is now at the centre of the matter, more than his boss, whose indisposition in the course of his tenure has thrown up the current brouhaha. The deputy governor is in the position to either ensure the success or failure of the peace deal.
