In 18 years, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has produced 13 national chairmen; nine substantive chairmen, three acting chairmen and one caretaker chairman. As the opposition warms up for the election of its 14th chairman at the national convention billed for Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on Saturday, Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the turbulent careers of the past helmsmen and the crises that drew the curtains on their tenures.
In 18 years of its existence, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has produced 13 national chairmen. That leadership instability underscores the tragedy of an acclaimed largest party addicted to crisis. Many of the past chairmen have tales of woes to tell. They endured turbulent tenures, which ended on a sad note. They emerged as chairmen, following the battles of attrition waged by them or on their behalf against powerful forces in the fold. The trend of a high turn over has been sustained. Curiously, the party has always survived the multiple crises and forged ahead in its bid for federal power.
In 1999, the late Chief Solomon Lar was its pioneer chairman. He led the party in the electoral battle against the All Peoples Party/Alliance for Democracy (APP/AD) coalition. After the victory of the PDP at the poll, Lar’s leadership was threatened. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo wanted a party in his own military image. In a twinkle of an eye, the elder statesman was shoved aside. He was succeeded by another politician from the Middle Belt, Chief Barnabas Gemade.
Lar accepted his fate. But, his successor did not fare better. When he was frustrated out of office, he cursed the platform. Brimming with anger, Gemade predicted that the fate that will befall his successors in office will be worse than his predicament. He bowed out in bewilderment. Later, he defected from the PDP. Gemade is now a senator on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Out of the three chairmen installed by Obasanjo-Gemade, Chief Audu Ogbeh and Dr. Ahmadu Ali, only Ali, a retired colonel, who understood the language of General Obasanjo perfectly, completed his tenure. The tenure of Gemade, Ogbeh, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, Chief Okwesilieze Nwodo, and Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, Alhaji Adamu Muazu and Senator Modu Sheriff were full of tension. They were consumed by protracted crises.
Lar:
Lar was an experienced politician. He took the baton of leadership from its interim chairman, the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi, the Aro of Mopa. In the First Republic, he was a member of the House of Representatives. In the Second Republic, he was governor of old Plateau State. He also served as Minister of Police Affairs under the military rule. He was the bearer of the G-34’s ‘sack letter’ to former military Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha in Aso Villa. A progressive, he earned the respect of the founding fathers of the PDP, who did not anticipate the turbulence. Under his leadership, the party was built on a solid foundation. In the early days, the PDP was a beautiful platform. The fold was a mixed grill of conservatives, progressives and repentant military apologists. Yet, Lar was able to wield the fold together. The AD arrowhead, the late Chief Bola Ige, was among the eminent politicians who wrote the PDP constitution. It was after he left the group that Major-General David Jemibewon (retd) became the chairman of the party’s Constitution Committee.
Lar, a disciple of the Great Zik of Africa, and a celebrated democrat, was to work with Obasanjo, who relished the hierarchical military dictatorial order and command. Obasanjo’s first move was to get the title of the ‘National Leader’ of the PDP. Following his assumption of office, he agitated for the change of baton at the party’s national secretariat. That was necessary to limit the party’s influence and moderation on presidential activities. There was tension between the “party chairman” and “party leader.” Lar had to bow out honourably. He spent barely a year in office.
Lar wanted party supremacy and discipline. He was also a crisis manager. Reflecting on Lar’s ouster, one of his aides, Dr Solomon Dalung, who teaches Law at the University of Jos, said: “Immediately Obasanjo was inaugurated as the President, he disbanded Lar’s cabinet and the disbandment of that cabinet remains the PDP’s waterloo today. When Obasanjo came in, being an African General, he came in with the Machiavellian theory of dispensing with whosoever that might have made him king because it was only him who knows the intrigues that brought him to power. He applied this to Lar.”
Obasanjo made Lar “Adviser Emeritus,” without any role. But, when pressure was mounted on him, he made him the Chairman of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Board. After edging Lar out of the equation, the former President showed interest in his successor.
Gemade:
After Lar’s exit, the Northcentral geo-political zone retained the slot. Those itching to succeed Lar included Awoniyi, and Gemade, former member of the Interim National Government (ING), led by Chief Ernest Shonekan. Awoniyi, a Yoruba, was from Kogi State. Gemade hails from Benue State. Other contestants were Senator Ahmadu Ali, Yahaya Kwande, and Sule Usman from Kogi State.
Awoniyi often described himself as a Yoruba-Northerner. Obasanjo was not favourably disposed to his ambition. He got the shock of his life when Obasanjo from Ogun State declared that, in the PDP, Yoruba could not produce the President and the National Chairman at the same time. Awoniyi fought back, saying that, by geographical factor, he was a northerner. But there was logic in Obasanjo’s thinking. That reality jolted the minority Yoruba in Kwara and Kogi from the illusion that they were northerners. It also fuelled their agitations for the a new geographical design that would re-unite them with their kith and kin in the Southwest.
Obasanjo knew that Awoniyi paraded intimidating credentials. He was a federal Permanent Secretary, former Private Secretary to the late Sardauna of Sokoto and the Premier of the defunct Northern Region, the late Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a Third Republic senator. He was a tough politician who could not be tossed around. Awoniyi insisted on his right to contest, but he was harassed out of the party. On his way out, he lamented the collapse of the party’s due process and the derailment of the vision of its founding fathers. Awoniyi said that he was leaving the party of sinners. He made an attempt to float a new party, but without success. Later, he became a moral voice in the North as the Chairman of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF).
The chairmanship election was not a walk-over for Gemade. A committee of elders from the Northcentral, led by PDP Vice Chairman from the zone, Alhaji Kolo from Niger State, interviewed him and other aspirants at the Agura Hotels. Other members of the committee included former minister, Chief Isaac Shaanu and ormer Kogi State Governor Shaaba Lafiagi.
Gemade’s move after inheriting a party ruptured by post-presidential primaries was to pacify the aggrieved presidential aspirants. Obasanjo had directed state chairmen to hand over to new chairmen. There was commotion. Gemade went on tour of the troubled chapters. Many of them were polarised. Party chieftains believed that the key to solution was Obasanjo, not the party caucus. Suddenly, there was a push for the extension of the tenure of the members of the National Executive Council (NEC) from two to four years.
Gemade advised Obasanjo to concentrate on running the party and allow him to run the party. A crisis of confidence was brewing. The chairman was on a collision course with the party leader. His days in office were numbered. Gemade complained that certain powerful forces in the party were making unreasonable and unethical demands from his office, adding that the fall of anybody trying to meet these demands would be more catastrophic than the one resisting the demands. Reflecting on his tenure, Gemade said: “The way I saw the situation in the party at that time, it was clear to me that the mindset of the people who had the party in their control and who had the government in their control that time was such that the meddlesomeness that we were experiencing as the leadership of the party would not change”. At a special convention organised by a committee, led by Senator David Mark, Gemade was replaced. As he put it, it was not a sack, but a retirement.
Ogbeh:
Ogbeh, who hails from Benue State, was a nominal member of the PDP when he bounce into reckoning in the party. He had risen to prominence in the Second Republic, when he served as the Minister of Communications in the Shagari Administration. He did not aspire, but when he was selected, he embraced the call to service. Other aspirants were edged out of the contest for him to succeed Gemade. All those who wanted to succeed Gemade were edged out by the presidential muscle for him to emerge.
Ogbeh became the chairman as the party was preparing for the 2003 elections. The party was in turmoil. The state chapters were crisis-ridden and the divisions had weakened the fold. The crisis in Anambra State chapter drew a wedge between the President and chairman. Both canvassed separate solutions.
Ogbeh’s advise that the PDP should not field former Osun State Deputy Governor Iyiola Omisore as the senatorial candidate for Ife/Ijesa District to preserve the image of the party was ignored by the president. Some party leaders supported him, explaining that, since Omisore had not been found guilty of murdering Ige, he could contest while still in the custody.
However, the parting of ways became imminent between Obasanjo and Ogbeh. The former chairman publicly advised the President to pay more attention to the sliding economy and the public cry for improved welfare. As the Special Adviser to Obasanjo on Agriculture, he addressed some cogent issues related to governance, based on public outcry. The former President took exception to washing the administration’s linen in the public. The party chairman told the President that he was not his boy. “I told Obasanjo that I was not his cook,” he reminisced.
Ogbeh’s exit was dramatic. He was invited to the Aso Villa by the Commander-In-Chief. He ate launch with the President. Then, Ogbeh was advised to resign. He dragged his feet. First, he addressed his letter of resignation to Obasanjo. Later, lawyers told Obasanjo that the resignation was invalid. But, when Ogbeh was harassed by security agents, he saw the danger coming. He resigned in 2005 in controversial circumstances and later joined the defunct Action Congress (AC).
Ali:
Dr. Ali, former Federal Commissioner for Education under Gen. Obasanjo was the only chairman who had a smooth relationship with him. Ali had been described as a chairman-in-waiting, since he contested against Gemade. Initially, former Governors Fidelis Tapgun (Plateau) and Lafiagi (Kogi); Senators A.T. Ahmed, Alex Kadiri and Abdulazeez Farouk were interested in the job. But they stepped down for Ali.
When he was inaugurated as the chairman, Obasanjo said: “Now, Ali has come. Ali must stay”, a vague reference to the call for his removal as minister by students who insisted that “Ali must go”. Ogbeh, his predecessor, was absent at the ceremony, which held at the party’s national secretariat, Abuja. Unlike his predecessors, Ali spent his full term.
Ali unfolded a new membership drive. He stirred controversy when he announced that party members should re-register. To anti-Obasanjo forces, the move was meant to de-register perceived foes. The crisis between Obasanjo and Atiku got to a peak under Ali’s leadership. Atiku became an unwanted spare tyre. An administrative panel was set up to investigate his activities in government. Later, Atiku left for the defunct AC.
Ogbulafor:
Ali did not seek re-election. Obasanjo has handed over to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua. Up came former Governor Sam Egwu of Ebonyi State and former Senate President Pius Ayim. The ambition of the two gladiators polarised the party. The pre-national convention rift reflected the struggle for the control of the party by pro and anti-Obasanjo forces. Obasanjo threw his weight behind the former governor. The party was on the brink of disaster. Party elders rose to stem the tide of destruction. A dark horse, Prince Ogbulafor, succeeded. He was intoxicated by party power. Basking in the euphoria of the PDP’s victory at the 2007 polls, he declared that the party will rule the country for another 60 years. The statement irked the opposition. They believed that PDP sent a signal to rig for six decades. Also, Ogbulafor’s statement about zoning sparked off crisis. He said the presidency should remain in the North after Yar’Adua’s death. Dr. Jonathan was irked by the statement. A group, the PDP Reform Forum, called for the dissolution of the PDP National Executive Committee (NEC) and National Working Committee (NWC). In 2010, a corruption case against Ogbulafor was exhumed. He was forced to resign from office in controversy. He did not complete his tenure.
Nwodo:
Ogbulafor was succeeded by Nwodo. Like his predecessor, he also had a turbulent tenure. The former national secretary had once deserted the party when it was engulfed in crisis. He resurfaced when the pro-and anti-Jonathan forces were at war. But, his home state, Enugu, was also in turmoil. The national chairman was locked in a protracted battle with Governor Sullivan Chime over the imposition of candidates for elections. At the PDP presidential primary in 2011, Nwodo was consumed by the crisis.
Bello:
When Nwodo was shoved aside, his deputy, Dr.Haliru Bello, became the acting chairman. He became chairman, following the resolution of the National Executive Committee (NEC). But, Bello wanted to be a minister. When he was appointed as Minister of Defence, the national secretary, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, became the acting chairman.
Baraje:
Baraje is from Kwara State. He was a permanent secretary in the state. His leader, Senator Bukola Saraki, sponsored him for the position of secretary. When Bello resigned as acting chairman, the mantle of leadership fell on him. He later became the chairman of the new PDP, whose members defected to the APC.
Tukur:
The next national convention was fixed for March 24, 2012. Like Obasanjo, former President Jonathan wanted to impose a chairman. He insisted on the candidature of Tukur as the chairman. The argument of the President was that, since the governors were in control of the state chapters, he should be allowed to control party structures at the centre. The zonal congresses and national convention were rancorous. In the Southwest, stakeholders protested the emergence of former Ekiti State Governor Segun Oni as the National Vice Chairman. Also, some protested over the election of the national secretary, Gen. Olagunsoye Oyinlola. When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) report came, it was discovered that 16 national officers were elected without following the laid down rules. They were advised to step down. The relationship between Obasanjo and Dr. Jonathan had turned sour. Therefore, when Oyinlola and Oni, who are members of the Obasanjo camp, were removed from the NEC, the former President believed that the President was against him. Also, following the court ruling, which recognised the Adebayo Dayo executive in the Gateway State, Tukur directed that the Dipo Odujinrin factional executive, which had the backing of Obasanjo, should be dismantled. Reconciliation between the Obasanjo camp and Dayo executive, which is backed by Buruji Kashamu, also collapsed. Also, former Governor Gbenga Daniel, who could not find his feet in the troubled chapter, defected to the Labour Party (LP).
Tukur presided over a house of babel. It was an era of strife and rancour. As the PDP prepared for its re-scheduled convention, there were complaints that Tukur excluded some delegates from Adamawa, Kano, Sokoto, Jigawa and Rivers states from the convention.
Ahead of the convention, Oyinlola, whose election as the national secretary was not voided by the INEC, celled for his reinstatement. He went to the court to challenge his removal. When the court reinstated him, he was suspended from the party.
During the convention, aggrieved governors and party chieftains walked out. At the Shehu Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, they set up a parallel NEC. They unanimously called for Tukur’s sack as the chairman. Later, five PDP governors-Wamakko, Kwankwaso, Nyako, Amaechi and Abdulfatah Ahmed-defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Tukur’s reforms were his undoing. His advisers have urged him to cut the wings of the governors, who have become a powerful cult. Therefore, Tukur decided to liberate the office of the national chairman from the jaw of the governors. He introduced the on-line membership registration and payment of dues by members at the ward level. It is an innovation that could aid aggressive mobilisation of party members. Tukur relied on the governors for money for running the party. Therefore, with the on-line registration, he sought to assert his independence by relying on the party members, whose dues would now be used for running the party.
Tukur also tried to sideline the governors by canvassing for the sponsorship of the party by the Federal Government. The governors felt slighted. Tukur and President Jonathan were governors before. They knew that the governors controlled the party at the state level.
However, Tukur did not tender his letter of resignation. He just walked away from the party secretariat. He was bitter.
Muazu:
The mantle of leadership fell on Muazu, who had a case with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), in January 2014. He resigned on May 20, 2015, following PDP’s defeat at the general elections. He was forced to resign over the humiliating defeat by the APC.
Secondus:
When Muazu left, his deputy, Secondus became the acting chairman of the demoralised platform. His tenure was to last for three months. But, he exceeded the three months, until he was asked to leave the office by the court.
Sheriff:
The PDP governors imposed Sheriff, former governor of Borno State, as chairman. His name was not on the list of nominees sent by the Northeast caucus. He was a new comer to the fold, having just defected from the APC. Sheriff was appointed as chairman in February 2016 to complete Muazu’s tenure. He had the financial muscle. Many chieftains thought that he will use his resources to fund the party. But, he started plotting tenure elongation. He claimed that he was elected, not to complete Muazu’s tenure, but to start a fresh tenure. Also, Sheriff allegedly nursed a presidential ambition and promised to make three PDP governors his running mate. The trick of divide and rule leaked. The governors turned against him. They demanded his resignation. But a fighter, Sheriff called their bluff.
Sheriff became the PDP’s albatross. Although delegates converged on Port-Harcourt, Rivers State capital, for a convention, it was rancorous. Instead of electing a new chairman, the party managed to set up a National Caretaker Committee (NCC) headed by Senator Ahmed Makarfi, former governor of Kaduna State.
Makarfi:
In the last one year, PDP has been groaning in pains. But, the NCC has been up and doing. Many stalwarts defected to the APC, but the opposition party has not gone under. Under the caretaker chairman, PDP triumphed over the antics of Sheriff. The court ruled that he was not the authentic chairman. Makarfi’s committee has set in motion a reconciliation machinery. While the mission was successful in some states, it failed in other states. On Saturday, no member of the NCC will be vying for party offices. But, can the committee conduct a hitch-free national congress?
No fewer than eight gladiators are contesting for the chairman. The slot has been zoned to the South. It is now a bone of contention between the Southwest and the Southsouth. The Southwest is agitating for micro-zoning to the region. The Southsouh is kicking against it. If the NCC fails to conduct a credible and peaceful convention, PDP will be back to square one. But, if the committee succeeds, the party will bounce back as a credible opposition ready to fight for federal power in 2019.
