Tag: politics

  • Ooni: Why I won’t play supremacy politics

    Ooni: Why I won’t play supremacy politics

    THE Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, has said he would not pursue supremacy politics with any traditional ruler because it would threaten the unity and development of Yorubaland.

    Ooni Adeyeye, in an exclusive interview, said he did not believe in any supremacy battle because only God is the Supreme Being.

    He argued that traditional rulers ought to work for the well-being of their subjects and collaborate in any area that would benefit their kingdoms.

    In pursuit of unity, the monarch pledged to extend hands of love to fellow traditional rulers, stressing that he would seek them out whether or not they like the idea.

    His words: “I like to walk the talk. Number one, there is nothing like supremacy; it is only God that is supreme. He is the King of kings, higher than anyone. There is no parent who would not pray that his children should be greater than him. It is all politics. When I was a prince, so many kings had me as their son. For me, it is very easy for me to reach out to them. When I ascended the throne, I reached out to all major Yoruba kings and obviously we are united. United we stand. So the Yoruba are gradually coming back, together.

    “There is no supremacy; everybody has his strength. In Oyo Kingdom, there is strength; they have even contributed to Ile-Ife, many years ago, just the same way Ife kingdom has contributed to the development of Oyo kingdom.

    “The Ijebu Kingdom has contributed. So everybody has made their own contributions. The most important thing for all of us is to come together and continue to do great things. The biggest and largest economy in the world starts with ‘United’ (referring to the United States of America).

    “It was possible because they were united. It is easier for me. If they don’t come to me, I will go to them. If they don’t want to see me, I will go to their doors and I have started.

    “So, the most important thing for me is to focus on the youth. I love to get them something to do. We should stop this habit of supremacy. No! They should focus on the youth and unity. The youth are getting frustrated. I am a youth, I feel their pulse; I have been there. We have to get them something.

    “We need to unite all our royal fathers. I am very happy I am extremely close to the Sultan of Sokoto. He is a prominent traditional ruler from the North and he has fully pledged to work together with me. He personally came to the inauguration of the Ife Grand Resort; he spent two days with us in Ife. What else is more than that?”

    The Ooni yesterday rounded off his over one week-long coronation with a thanksgiving.

    Standing on the pulpit to address the congregation at the St. Paul’s Anglican Church, Ayegbaju, Ile-Ife, Oba Ogunwusi thanked God for making it possible for him to become the king.

    He prayed to God to give him the wisdom to lead the people.

    The traditional ruler asked the congregation to sing along with him as he led  several praise songs to God whom he said had kept him alive, made him the king and made the coronation a huge success.

    In his sermon, the Bishop of Ife Diocese, Rev. Oluranti Odubogun, described Oba Ogunwusi as a conqueror.

    He likened him to King Solomon in the Old Testament, saying he had been ordained  king from the womb.

    Dignitaries at the event include the Orangun of Oke-Ila, Oba Adedokun Abolarin; Obawara of Iwara, Oba Olayiwola Adereti; Adagba of Iyanforogi, Oba Adebolu Fatunmise; Alara of Ara-Osi, Oba Segun Layade; Basorun Adeniyi Adeoye,  ace footballer Obafemi Martins, the Obasewa of Ife, Chief Agboola Odeyemi, the king’s father, Prince Oluropo Ogunwusi, Prof. Adeyemi Adeoye Aderibigbe and a host of others.

  • ‘Politics is about service, not satisfaction of greed’

    ‘Politics is about service, not satisfaction of greed’

    Ashipa Kaoli Olusanya, an APC chieftain, a former commissioner in Lagos State, Proprietor and Chief Learning Officer (CLO) of Kith and Kin Group of Schools, Ikorodu, in this interview told Adeyinka Aderibigbe how to prepare Nigerian youths for leadership. Excerpts

    Recently the national leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, singled you out for praise, describing you as a leader worthy of emulation by the youth; you are you, and what defines your personality?

    I was as surprised at such confidence boosting commendation as everyone because it came unsolicited. I never knew I was being keenly monitored by such a great leader of men. Though from a very poor family, we never covet. My mother taught me basic moral values, my mother was my first teacher, she taught me the values of hard work, she taught me to mix freely and not hold anything against anybody and at the same time, she taught me the value of focus. She taught me how to set goals and work towards achieving them. She taught me the value education.

    Can you access Lagos of your time and Lagos of today?

    There has been a lot that has changed between that time and now. Lagos of the 60s is a very quiet and peaceful place, a place where everybody is their brother’s keeper. There is good neighborliness; there is no thuggery and no robbery or kidnapping. We almost knew ourselves. Even as primary school pupils, you cant afford to misbehave because the news would have gotten home ahead of you and disciplined is enforced by members of the community, not necessarily your parents.

    Today, the population has ballooned. The idea of being brothers’ keeper is no more there.

    When you were Commissioner for Agriculture, you established farm settlements and encouraged Lagosians to go back to the farm. Is that still happening? What would be your assessment of government’s involvement in agriculture?

    What assisted me in my assignment was the fact that I had earlier served as an Agricultural Officer in the civil service before finding myself back in the ministry. I was therefore familiar to all the production centres. I remember Ikorodu used to be a centre for the production of palm oil estates and food stuffs and poultry. Every Friday, members of the community come to the school of agriculture there to buy farm produce and we also ship a lot of these to Alausa. We also have other production centres at Ajara, Epe, Ejirin, Araga; so, when I came in as Commissioner of Agriculture because I knew how we used to produce foods then, I said if there is any rundown, we have to bring them back, so I presented a proposal to the government at one of our early executive council meeting and money was set aside to renovate all old farm settlements. I did not start building new ones, I renovated Ajara, Ikorodu, Araga, the buildings, the pens, the battery cages, the roads were all renovated. The next thing I did was to look at the abattoir which was another run down production centre that had been badly run down and was a loss to the government.

    What would you say are the main challenges besetting the youths of today?

    The youths of today are combating a number of threats that may affect their ability to manifest their full potentials and limiting their opportunity of playing a larger role in the future. One major problem is the environmental factor. The environment can be likened to planting a seed. A farmer who plants a tree in a rocky soil and does not nurture the seed would reap an emaciated plant, but if the same seed is planted on a fertile soil, it grows into beautiful plant. So what kind of soil are we planting our youths.

    If we want to build Nigeria of our dream, government has a lot of responsibility to train these children in the path that would make them imbibe positive values that would make them patriotic and make them say I can die for Nigeria but before anyone can say that mentally, we must have enumerated what he had gained from such a system. Secondly, it is important for our leaders to empower the youths. What are we giving them that would make them available for that future when it eventually comes?

    Were you to be offered an opportunity to serve your people now, which office do you think you can best serve your people?

    The question is not about political office now, it’s about service. Where I find we are lacking competence now is in the allocation of resources for the benefit of the people and that fundamental structure is not the executive but in the legislature, a structure that can create opportunities for Nigerians, a structure that could ensure little empowerment. So, I think that platform for me would be the legislature.

    Lastly, what advice do you have for the youths?

    The youths must first believe in themselves. They must believe in their potentials. Secondly, they must stop depending on the government for everything, but become job creators. The future of this country is in people joining hands with the government to build the economy and only job creators do that. They should stop making themselves available for use by politicians as thugs; they should have patience and believe in hard work; they should be determined.

    Government should also make access to capital for youths interested in creating jobs.

  • Making politics less attractive

    Sadly, many young Nigerians below the age of 30 watching the macabre dance by our politicians in the last few years cannot but conclude politics is a game for scoundrels. Even High Chief Raymond Dopeksi, who only a few weeks back was trying to rehabilitate a near fatally wounded PDP was last week fingered by embattled Dasuki, as a partaker in the $2b ‘phoney’ arms contract under investigation by EFCC. The statements by AIT, his communication outfit,  and the one from his family which confirmed the receipt of N2.1b ‘for publicity and media political campaigns during the 2015 General Elections, probably explained the ignoble role his AIT medium played during the said election.

    But long before Dokpesi’s current national embarrassment, we have had some children of ex-PDP chairmen and other leading PDP politicians arraigned by EFCC for oil subsidy scam. In between, we have witnessed how Bukola Saraki, the Senate President was saved by the judiciary over the N9b financial crisis that led to the collapse of his fathers’ Societe Generale Bank. It was not much of a relief that he in June assaulted the sensibilities of Nigerians with a story of how he hid inside a small car for over three hours in order to outwit his other 51 APC members and later sneaked to the assembly hall where he was adopted Senate President by the opposition. He has also in the last few weeks, been going to court not to defend but to evade his trial over the weighty allegations brought against him by EFFC. The obscene scene of Ike Ekweremadu’s celebration of opportunism about how he and other PDP politicians usurped the deputy senate presidency seat which by convention belongs to the ruling party was no less agonizing to decent Nigerians.  The above, sadly is the picture of politician our young impressionable children harbour in their heads.

    I think we owe it as a duty to let our children know that Dokpesi, Saraki, Ekweremadu and current ‘new breed’ politicians are not the archetypal politician and that if indeed there are privileged Nigerians involved in ‘phoney’ arms contract in the face of Boko Haram’s war of attrition that has killed over 20,000 Nigerians, rendering over two million refugees in their own country, such characters, our children must be told, are sick minds and not politicians.

    They must be told that ‘politician’ is not a euphemism for a venal and an unscrupulous man; that men without character who hijack politics in the last 30 years starting with the Babangida era and use it to betray friends, political parties and  justify state murder of political rivals are not politicians; that true politicians are noble men saddled with the responsibility of ensuring the survival of  man in an organized society; that they are men and women often buffeted by fortune and misfortune in equal measure because of ephemeral nature of power; that they are gifted men and women called upon to find  a delicate balance between  private affluence and public squalor and that politics is a calling  not for the depraved, the opportunist and scoundrels but for those who are ready to sacrifice time and self for others.

    Those who hijacked politics for selfish ends did not only ban political parties, abridged our political socialization process, they also banned teaching of history in our schools. But we must defy those who want us to forget history by restating for the benefit of our children that politicians as true servants of the people once bestrode our shores.

    Let us start with Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. He confessed to his biographer, Trevor Richard that he saw flush toilet for the first time when he was given official staff quarters in Bauchi. He went on to become the Prime Minister with big mansion in Lagos. We have no evidence he ever considered converting the Prime Minister’s mansion to personal residence. He died leaving behind no string of houses in Kaduna or Lagos.

    We had Ahmadu Bello who selflessly served his people to the end.  He went round the northern villages handpicking brilliant northern youths without class or religious consideration and sent them to the best universities abroad. President Buhari not too long ago claimed he would have remained a poor Fulani herdsman had Sardauna not picked him from his Daura village for the military academy. When Sardauna was called upon to assume the leadership of Nigeria, he chose to stay back in Kaduna and serve his people. Sardauna died leaving no mansions behind in Sokoto or Kaduna where he reigned supreme. There was also Aminu Kano, the doyen of ‘talakawas”. He selflessly served Kano people to the end.

    Awo spent six years attending six different elementary schools fending for himself as a firewood seller, water seller, road mender and house boy in Abeokuta. He along with his ‘fanatically loyal colleagues’ such as Bode Thomas, S L A Akintola, Arthur Prest, Oba Akran, E A Babalola, Awokoya, Ajasin, Enahoro, Rotimi Williams Osuntokun among many others between 1952 and 1959 introduced free and compulsory primary school programme which moved primary school enrolment from 430,000 in 1952 to 1,037338 by November 1959, and secondary school enrolment from 6,775 in 1952 to 84,374 in 1959.  And as against a colonial government 20 post-secondary school annual scholarships for the whole country, the AG administration awarded 200 in one year tenable in the UK, US and University College Ibadan. Awo and his colleagues stopped the building of staff quarters, encouraged the white expatriates and Nigerian staff to look for houses on their own. But to ease their housing problems, the government acquired 350,000 acres of land in Bodija GRA Ibadan and 750,000 acres in GRA Ikeja and eased the process of securing loans to build personal houses. It is instructive that none of these GRAs will you come across mansions belonging to any of Awo’s selfless servants of the people including the late Pa Osuntokun who supervised the projects.

    We cannot climb the palm tree from the top, to paraphrase Edmund Burke philosophy. You have to first be a good representative of your people before you can be a good Nigerian as argued by Obafemi Awolowo.  Awo and his colleagues’ made personal sacrifices because they were serving their people. Even when facing grave difficulties in implementing their party programmes in the face of NCNC opposition, Awo in an emotional speech told his colleagues in the Western House that he was sure future generation of Western Region youths for whom they sacrificed their time would one day commend them for their efforts.

    The motivation of Awo and his colleagues in the west was not different form that of Ahmadu Bello who opted to remain in Kaduna to serve his people. It is not also different from Zik’s resolve to relocate to the East to take over from Eyo Itta, a minority as premier when he was prevented from becoming the premier of the West by those who rightly argued an Igbo man could not be leader of Western Region at a time a Yoruba man could not contest for a seat in the East or be allowed to mobilize voters for support in the North. (Akintola’s attempt in 1953 resulted in the Kano riot which tragically claimed more Igbo lives.

    Since we cannot decree loyalty, we are not likely going to have true politicians as servants of the people except we have a restructured Nigeria.

  • Books battle politics  at arts festival

    Books battle politics at arts festival

    Discussions at this year’s Ake Arts and Book Festival, with the theme, Engaging the fringe, were revealing. Taboos, transgender issues, marginalisation, conflicts, oppression and personal experiences were debated at the festival, which featured Kaduna State Governor Nasir el-Rufai and Prof Niyi Osundare, among others, Assistant Editor (Arts) OZOLUA UHAKHEME reports. 

    It was a gathering of the literati.The written word was the binding factor. No fewer than 16 books by renowned and emerging authors were discussed in eight chats that featured works, such as Mona Elthahaway’s Head Scarves and Hymens, Pius Adesanmi’s Naija No Dey Carry Last, Igonni Barret’s Black Ass, Helon Habila’s Oil on water and Tendai Huchu’s The Maestro.

    The event was the third Ake Arts and Book Festival held at the June 12 Cultural Centre, Kuto in Abeokuta, Ogun State.

    Of the 81 guest-artistes, authors and writers at the five-day festival, none found book and literature strange or boring. But, Kaduna State Governor Nasir el-Rufai confessed that books have taken the back seat in his life.

    el-Rufai, who spoke alongside Prof Howard French on Minding the Business of Africa, lamented that, these days, he hardly found time to sleep well or read a book in a week. Reason? “Battling with politics and policies,” he said.

    “I used to read one book a week, but in the last few years I have been battling with opposition and new policies… These days I do not sleep well; maybe because of the peculiar unemployment problems in the state that I am thinking of,” he added.

    Reacting to questions on effects of climate change, he said, much as climate change is real, “I don’t worry about it because I will be dead when the glazier will melt. What is important is that as long as human exists, you will always see places giving way for urbanisation. Humanity will find solution to that.”

    On planning, El-Rufai said Nigeria is on the cliff financially and “we must first survive tomorrow before planning for 20 years,” noting that he cannot speak for the Federal Government on matters of planning the future because his primarily concern is the state.

    He said, as a government, “we are thinking of the next four years which we are accountable for. As at today, Nigeria spends about 70 per cent of its income on food and fuel. These are the issues that concern us today before we think of attending to climate change.”

    According to him, “the challenge for me is what do I do to create jobs in Kaduna for the youth because no one will sleep in peace if.”

    The former FCT Minister said the problem in the Northeast where the Boko Haram holds sway is huge, blaming it on the absence of federal investments in the area.

    “Three out of four people in Yobe don’t have education. From this, you should know there is danger. The problem is huge in the area and federal investment has been lacking. What we are dealing with now is the neglect by past administrations,” El-Rufai added.

    While El-Rufai was losing sleep and unable to read a book in a week, renowned poet and scholar Prof Niyi Osundare talks, lives and reads books every day even the Holy Bible, which he said, connects easily with ‘our folklore.” He recalled that he encountered the works of William Shakespeare on the streets of Ikere-Ekiti, and that today, when he writes, he feels the impact of Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka and JP Clark. “I encountered Achebe’s Things Fall Apart in 1965 as it was part of the West African School Certificate Examination syllabus,” he said.

    His Ogun State counterpart, Senator Ibikunle Amosun earlier tasked corporate Nigeria to support the promotion of reading culture among youths. He said such commitment, which is critical for humanity’s benefit cannot all be provided by the government. He said corporate organisations should complement the efforts of the government in the fight against decline in reading culture among the youths, saying it is only true such collaborations that the situation can be redressed.

    “Literature is the soul of life. It does a lot of things, provokes many issues of interest to mankind. I am happy our young ones are being carried along at the festival and as such promote reading culture.  This is the only way we can get it right. We must encourage our young ones in reading because you don’t give what you don’t have. And from what they learnt, they can transfer into governance in future,” he added.

    He, however, noted that critics must offer constructive criticisms, which he said, is an impetus to good governance.

    European Union Ambassador to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Mr. Michael Arrion, described culture as smart economy and that “you cannot invest in water, health and education if you don’t understand the people’s culture.”

    He commended the organisers of the festival for raising issues that are taboos, be they corruption, language, politics among others in this year’s theme; Engages the fringe.

    He said, issues such as winner takes all syndromes, importance of language in politics, the seeming divide between French and English are very relevant to this year’s theme. He described democracy as when the majority is ruling and minority is being taken care of.

    Interestingly, Osundare reiterated that humanity is at the core of his books, which serve as voices for the poor because he sees a bent world. “The world I saw before me was bent, so I thought I should be part of correcting it. Our society is so unjust. I am still trying to find answers to some of these questions. If you fill your hands with arms and wealth, you will not have space for humanity. In everything, humanity must be put first,” he said.

    He recalled that three of his books were dedicated to his teachers in the primary, secondary and university, saying that ‘teaching is the most important vocation in the world and that it is a calling. I had teachers who gave their all.’

    On his inspiration, he said: “I don’t have problem linking all my readings from the world to what I inherited in my local Ikere. I also savour the messages by classical musicians from across the globe, including Nigeria. In fact, music and poetry are fist cousin and I see my lines with my ears.”

    He noted that there are many Biafras in the country, which must be handled with care. He however said the relationship between Mike Awoyinfa and the late Dimgba Igwe shows that the handshake can really be extended across the Niger.

    He stressed that oppression and conflict can never end in human society but warned: “We must find a way of fighting them. Civilisation and democracy are very young. We will get there but we must change our ways.”

  • Tackling ethnicity in African politics

    Tackling ethnicity in African politics

    A firm of legal practitioners and arbitrators has organised its 2015 annual lecture under the theme, ‘Politics, Democracy and Ethnicity’ in Lagos. Guest lecturer Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi and other participants proffered solutions to the challenges of ethnicity in politics. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI, who was at the event, reports.

    After a comprehensive analysis of the make-up of many countries, former Minister of External Affairs Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi said very few countries are populated by one ethnic nationality and that ethnicity is a global problem.

    Akinyemi, who was the guest speaker at the 2015 annual lecture of Aelex, a firm of legal practitioners and arbitrators, in Lagos, noted that ethnicity has been over flogged in African politics and that the political class should borrow a leaf from the way the problem has been managed in Europe and elsewhere in the world.

    The professor of Political Science, who spoke under the theme, “African Countries: Politics, Democracy and Ethnicity”, said it is the failure of the African political system to fully interrogate the ethnic conundrum that still constitutes the major stumbling block to nation-building. He said: “The main issue which confronts ethnicity in the electoral conundrum in Africa is how to build an inclusive electoral system which turns the ethnic kaelodoscopy into a positive factor.”

    The guest speaker called for the adoption of the two-party system, whether imposed by the constitution or evolving naturally, as the best antidote to mitigate the negative consequences of ethnicity in African politics.

    With reference to Nigeria, he said the principle of rotation between the North and the South at presidential elections is another convention that has crept into use since 1999. Prof Akinyemi blamed the military for this development, saying those who fought for the restoration of democracy were not consulted before the decision was reached to hand-over power to a Yoruba to appease the Southwest for the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election.

    Akinyemi, who was the deputy Chairman of the 2014 National Conference, said he opposed the idea of rotation, as well as the principle of Federal Character, because of the way noble concepts are distorted and implemented in a ludicrous manner in Nigeria.

    He said other African countries have in one form or the other adopted the issue of rotation in politics. His words: “For example, in Tanzania, you had President Julius Nyerere from the mainland (Tangayika) succeeded by Ali Hassan Mwinyi from Zanzibar who in turn was succeeded by Benjamin Mkapa from the mainland who was in turn succeeded by Jakaya Kikwete, a Moslem but from the mainland.

    “Another example is Kenya where the first President Jomo Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, was succeeded by Daniel Arap Moi, a Kalenjin, who was in turn succeeded by Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu, with Raila Odinga, a Luo, as a Prime Minister and who in turn was succeeded by Uhuru Kenyatta, a Kikuyu.”

    The former Director-General of the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) said the issue of tackling the influence of ethnicity in politics would remain work in progress, because the interrelation between African politics, democracy and ethnicity is a complex one. “There is no evidence to suggest that African governments have not been sincere in addressing the issues, even in the face of clear evidence of the continuing crisis posed by the issues,” he added.

    Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gen. Ike Nwachukwu, who chaired the lecture, said it could not have come at a better time because the issue of ethnicity in politics is the biggest problem currently being faced by many African countries.

    Nwachukwu asked rhetorically: How do you deal with the trust deficit caused by ethnic and religious differences? Why is the African politician dependant on ethnicity and religious sentiments, rather than the ethos of democracy, to win elections? He said ethnicity has so permeated the society that its manifestations are now beyond the realm of politics.

    The former Foreign Affairs Minister called on President Muhammadu Buhari to implement the recommendations of the 2014 National Conference, saying that it provides workable solutions to most of Nigeria’s problems.

    Elder statesman, Mr. Femi Okunnu, who was part of the audience, said if Nigeria had sustained the political trend of the 1930s and the 1940s, where ethnicity played no role, it would have become a great nation today.

    Okunnu said socio-cultural organisations like Ohana’eze Ndigbo, the Afenifere and Seriki Hausawa should stop dabbling in politics.

    The consensus of the gathering was that the problem revolves round the current warped concept of citizenship in the Nigerian federation; that the settler-indigene dichotomy should be abolished and the idea of compelling Nigerians to disclose their local government and state of origin anytime they fill a form is an anathema to the unity and progress of the country.

     

  • Afenifere  and its politics of contraditions

    Afenifere and its politics of contraditions

    There is disquiet in the fold of Afenifere following Sunday’s resignation of its leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU and ENITAN SERIKI look at the consequences of the exit of the octogenarian politician. They write that this is not the best of times for the pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation.

    SHOCK and disbelief were the expressions on the faces of notable Afenifere chieftains yesterday. It was over the resignation of Pa Rueben Fasoranti as the leader of the pan-Yoruba socio-political group.

    They content that the resignation of the octogenarian will create a leadership vacuum, which may ultimately stir a crisis within the group.

    But, to the Publicity Secretary of the organization, Mr. Yinka Odumakin, there is no cause for alarm as the situation remains under control. According to him, chieftains of the organisation would soon meet to deliberate on the issue and on other matters germane to the welfare of the Yoruba race.

    Acknowledging the resignation, he said: “Consultations are still on among members of the organisation. We are going to meet soon over the matter. We will come out with a position. We are on top of it.”

    Odumakin has an ally in Afenifere chieftain, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, who said there is nothing strange in Fasoranti’s resignation.

    Announcing his resignation on Sunday, Pa Fasoranti, said he was calling it quit with the group because the goals of its founding fathers “are gradually being eroded.”

    However, Adebanjo, disputed the claim and insisted that Fasoranti stepped on account of old age. According to him, it was untrue that the group is enmeshed in crisis, maintaining that there is nothing unusual about the resignation.

    Adebanjo said: “He (Fasoranti) is old. He is 89. That is why he resigned. Papa Ajasin and Adesanya did not attain that ripe old age. Pa Fasoranti said the youths don’t listen to elders again and that you behave as you like. When Ajasin was weak, he asked Adesanya to act. When Adesanya took ill, we appointed him (Fasoranti) as leader. There is nothing unusual about that. We have no crisis. The man has been sick (ill) of late. He just left the hospital few days ago. The job is rigorous. We hold a lot of meetings. Go and read his statement.

    “We will meet and appoint a new leader. When we get to the meeting, we will attend to the vacancy. When we meet, we will appoint a new leader. I can’t tell you how a new leader will emerge until we meet at the meeting.”

    Fasoranti,  a Second Republic Commissioner for Finance in Ondo State, joined Afenifere at inception in 1951, under the leadership of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. He succeeded Senator Abraham Adesanya, who passed on eight years ago. He was selected as the acting leader by a section of the organisation when the leader took ill.

    When the organisation split into two, following the ‘Akure Declaration’ by Fasoranti that Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, and not Chief Bisi Akande, was the National Chairman of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), aggrieved Afenifere chieftains, including Akande, Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Senator Biyi Durojaye, Pa Olatunji Hamzat, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, Otunba Niyi Adebayo, the late Alhaji Lam Adesina, and Chief Michael Koleoso, picked a Second Republic Senator, Pa Ayo Fasanmi, as the deputy leader.

    Fasoranti was later proclaimed as the leader by the faction. Key members of the Fasoranti faction include: Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Senator Femi Okunrounmu, Basorun Sehinde Arogbofa, Chief Korede Duyile, Dr. Fredrick Fasehun, Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa and Chief Olu Falae.  The division between the two camps was exhibited during the burial of Pa Adesanya at Ijebu-Igbo when the chieftains were locked in a bitter struggle for supremacy.

    But, the younger elements, led by Mr. Wale Oshun, a Third Republic House of Representatives Chief Whip, formed the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), which tried in vain to reconcile the two factions led by Fasoranti and Fasanmi. ARG members include: Dr. Kayode Fayemi, Mr. Ayo Afolabi, Mr. Segun Odegbami, Mrs Toke Benson and Mr. Kunle Famoriyo. A prominent member of the ARG, Mr. Jimi Agbaje, left the group, following his defection to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    As the leadership crisis that engulfed the organisation in post-Adesanya era escalated, other Afenifere intellectuals and compatriots – Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Dr. Dapo Fafowora, Gen. Alani Akinrinade – quietly distanced themselves from the crisis in the fold and embraced other platforms for raising the national question germane to peaceful co-existence among the diverse ethnic groups making up the heterogeneous country.

    Hope of reconciliation between the two camps was bright during the preparations for the anniversary of Pa Adebanjo’s 80th birthday. But, a highly inflammable media interview granted by the combative politician in which blamed the crisis on Tinubu, Osoba and past Allinace for Democracy (AD) governors, aborted the reconciliatory moves. No a few chieftains in the Fasanmi faction, believed the tone of Adebanjo’s interview bungled the effort.

    Afenifere’s National Secretary, Arogbofa, who was reluctant to comment on Fasoranti’s resignation, urged calm, saying that there is no crisis in the group. The renowned educationist and author said: “We should be patient. We are discussing. We are consulting. I won’t say more than that.”

    Falae, former Secretary to a Federal Military Government and one-time Minister of Finance, also declined comment. He said: “At this stage, there is no comment. Give us some time. We are sorting some matters out. There is no need for comment at this stage.”

    Fasoranti gave three reasons for his resignation. Apart from citing old age, he chided the chieftains for disloyalty. The octogenarian also lamented that the organisation has derailed from the vision of its founding  fathers, including  Awolowo, Chief S.O. Sonibare, Chief Michael Ajasin, Chief Bola Ige, Pa Solanke Onasanya and Pa Emmanuel Alayande – all deceased.

    Unlike other ethnic nationalities, Yoruba have lacked a united and cohesive socio-political group for interest articulation since the death of Chief Adesanya. Consequently, many observers believed that the once vibrant mouthpiece has been battling with a fading influence in the polity. During the last election, the organisation, against the run of public opinion, adopted former President Goodluck Jonathan, the candidate of a conservative PDP, for a second term, thereby mocking its pedigree and antecedent as a progressive mouthpiece.

     

    The place of Fasoranti in history

     

    Fasoranti will be remembered as a gentleman who became the leader of Afenifere at a very challenging period. Some chieftains, loyal to the Fasanmi group, alleged that he could not easily resist the manipulative tendency of vocal and influential members, whose activities and combativeness led to the split in the organisation.

    Although he joined the group at its inception, Fasoranti, a pioneer student of the University College, Ibadan, where he joined the Action Group (AG) Youth Association, combined his teaching profession with grassroots politics. He was a councillor at the old Akure Local Council. As he served as school principals in Oyo, Iwo, Osogbo, Ado-Ekiti and Iju/Ita-Ogbolu. He was an active member of the Committee of Friends, which metamorphosed to the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Although, Ajasin wanted to make him his running mate in 1979, the late Awolowo advised him to give the role to the late Chief Akin Omoboriowo for ethnic balancing. In Akure, he is a great community leader held in high esteem. He is a patriot and incorruptible leader.

    As the factional leader of Afenifere, Fasoranti used the platform to articulate the Yoruba interest. He flayed the Jonathan administration for the marginalisation of the race in the distribution of federal appointments. He also lamented the implications of the disunity in Yorubaland, particularly among Afenifere members, although he could not muster the strength to foster harmony.

    “We have now been relegated to the sidelines precisely because we have lost our unity and focus, and others no longer think they will lose anything, if they do not reckon with us,” he said. Ironically, he later threw his weight behind the immediate past administration, saying that the former President promised to implement the report of the National Conference.

    Collectively, Afenifere members are united by its fundamental goals. These are even beyond the promotion of the narrow Yoruba interest. In his book titled:”The kiss of death: Afenifere and the infidels,” Oshun listed the objectives to include the fight for true and sustainable federalism, resource sharing based on derivation, respect, equality and equity for all nationalities, greater autonomy reflecting in the creation of state police and the power to determine the development priorities of their respective people.

    According to observers, there is no evidence that the split in the Yoruba group has ideological connotation. Ajayi, Adebanjo, the late Chief Wumi Adegbonmire, Okunrounmu, Fasanmi, Durojaye, Akande, Adesina, Koleoso, Osoba, Tinubu, Oshun, Hamzat, Segun Adegoke, and Akin Omojola are advocates of federalism and restructuring. The point of departure is the endless personality clashes.

    This decade has been turbulent for Afenifere. What is worrisome is the lack of crisis resolution mechanism within the organisation. The bane of the group may also be its lack of consistency. In 2008, Fasoranti declared: “We have now decided to throw the membership of Afenifere open to all Yoruba people above 18 years, regardless of party affiliations, provided they accept the Afenifere credo of making the welfare of the individual citizen the main purpose of government.”  Many picked holes in this new approach.  The issue then was the difficulty of political habitation in Afenifere by members of the progressive and conservative political parties.

    A source said that Fasoranti may be persuaded to withdraw his resignation letter. But, prominent Akure indigenes doubt the possibility of a u-turn.

     

    Challenges for

    Fasoranti’s successor

     

    No doubt, Fasoranti’s successor would inherit the same challenges that confronted his leadership. These are the strife and rancour in the larger Afenifere, its loss of ideological purity and clarity, lack of crisis resolution mechanism, lack of forgiving spirit among its leaders and perception of the umbrella group as a weak mouthpiece for the Yoruba nation.

    Can Fasoranti’s successor unite Afenifere, breathe a new life into the organisation and relaunch it as a credible, trusted and tested regional mouthpiece? Only time will tell.

    From a foundation of forthrightness to tradition of inconsistency

    AFenifere of yore had a beautiful history. The miracle of development under the late political sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the old Western region is traceable to the group. During the military rule, it opposed dictatorship. From its base in the Southwest, the group fired salvos at the soldiers of fortune. Afenifere leaders were rugged nationalists. They were steadfast, committed democrats and unbending pro-democracy crusaders. Many of them defiled the military bullets. Their leaders were harassed, detained and exiled by the power that be. But they did not desert the battle field out. They were men of principle and conviction.

    The late chiefs Adekunle Ajasin, Abraham Adesanya and other compatriots were thorns in the flesh of the military neo-colonialists, who held the country to ransom. The group was not deficient in honour, integrity and credibility. The apex leadership also commanded the respect of the six geo-political zones.

    But, shortly after the restoration of civil rule in 1999, the group lost its common voice.  And since then, Afenifere has been in a fix. Things appear to have fallen apart and the centre could no longer hold. The once thriving, potent and vibrant umbrella organisation, which had its ascendancy in Awolowo political school of thought, has become a shadow of itself. The cord in the family has been severed. The chieftains are today scattered across the political parties. They are locked in the battle for power. To say that the group is in disarray would be an understatement. The group has lost its bite and nobody longer catches cold whenever it sneezes. To observers, the pan-Yoruba group has become a toothless bull dog.

    Afenifere would have lost relevance long ago but for the management of the self-induced stress when the late Adesanya held the forte. The Ijebu-Igbo-born lawyer deployed his wisdom and wielded the two blocs – Ajayi/Adebanjo and Ige tendencies in unsteady cohabitation. It is ironic that the group that fought for democracy failed to manage the achievement.

    In 1999, the group installed five governors in the Southwest under the umbrella of the AD. By 2003, only Tinubu, who was viewed by the group as rebel survived the tremor by retaining Lagos. His governor colleagues – Adesina (Oyo), Osoba (Ogun), Adebayo (Ekiti) and Akande (Osun) and Adebayo (Ondo) – lost the battle for second term despite the support they got from the organisation.

    Afenifere leaders also made a political mistake in their support for Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s second term bid. The General dealt a terrible blow to Afenifere/AD in the Southwest, where he unseated all the AD governments but one.

    According to observers, the intra-group crises were in phases. It finally culminated in polarisation. Two irreconcilable factions have wobbled on in inexplicable antagonism. The first group, backed by the residual class of “Ijebu Mafia,” is led by Fasoranti. At a time, the faction was backed by former Ogun State Governor Gbenga Daniel. The second faction is led by Fasanmi, an Awoist. Both Fasoranti and Fasanmi were not only compatriots but contemporaries in the old AG. Fasanmi’s faction is the majority Afenifere. But, no regular meeting of the faction takes place. But, Fasoranti’s faction has never failed to hold regular meetings.

    The 2011 governorship election was a litmus test for the two factional leaders. The Fasoranti camp campaigned for candidates running on the platform of Daniel’s Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN). The  Fasanmi’s group campaigned for ACN candidates.

     

    Where things went wrong?

     

    How did Afenifere lost its steam to become a weak vehicle? The group has been battling with internal crisis since Awolowo days. The internal wrangling manifested in the bitter succession battle into the stool of Awolowo, the leader of the group. One of the contenders, Ige, nicknamed Arole Awolowo by admirers, was nearly rusticated from the group in 1982 at the Yola congress of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Historians dubbed it the night of long knives.

    In this dispensation, Akinyemi, whose illustrious father, Canon Akinyemi, was a member of the old order, dissected the group, doubting that the organisation’s openness to new ideas. The former Foreign Affairs minister faulted the old method of running the group. But, the old men fired back, labelling them as too young to know the details of the credo. Reflecting on the fate of Afenifere, Akinyemi declared: “Nigeria and Africa have been plagued with the tensions arising from making a transition from political systems dominated by founding fathers to systems managed by first among equals.”

    He also pointed out that some of the dramatis personae may not have elevated Afenifere interest above personal interest.

    Oshun pointed out that the protracted crises in Afenifere had their roots in the Bola Ige/Ayo Adebanjo personality clashes and Ganiyu Dawodu/Bola Tinubu battle for supremacy and survival. Right from Awolowo days, Ige and Adebanjo had not enjoyed total cordial relationship, although they remained fiercely loyal to Awolowo. When Ige lost the AD presidential ticket to Falae, hell was let loose. As minister, Ige urged his former commissioner when he was governor of Oyo State, Koleoso, to challenge Adebanjo’s bid to retain his position as the AD national vice chairman. The party was destined for two parallel convention – one at Eagle Squares and another at Abuja Gardens.

    In Lagos State, Dawodu never hid his dislike for Tinubu. He was locked in supremacy battle with the governor in the Lagos AD. Tinubu acted fast by building a solid political structure that could survive without Afenifere, ahead of 2003 elections. When Dawodu, backed by Afenifere leaders of Ogun State origin, moved against Tinubu machinery, following the rejection of the 60:40 formula for the sharing of elective and appointive positions in Lagos State, the group crashed.

    When Afenifere ran into turbulence, its lack of crisis resolution mechanism compounded its precarious situation. When AD deputy governors – Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor and Iyiola Omisore – were at loggerheads with their bosses, when governors Adefarati and Adebayo were at war over Ondo/Ekiti joint property, when leadership tussle in AD between Akande and Akinfenwa got to the peak, when aggrieved Afenifere/AD chieftains were defecting from the party to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the political family became more vulnerable. Some Afenifere leaders called for the restructuring of the group, but the proposal was shot down.

    To observers, Afenifere failed to resolve its “D’Rovans debacle.” The AD presidential convention was expected to be a coronation of a sort for Ige, was Afenifere’s deputy leader. When he lost out, his ego was bruised. A fighter, Ige vowed to revenge. To spite his colleagues, he accepted to serve in the Obasanjo’s cabinet at a wrong time and contrary to the mood of the Southwest. He never returned alive.

    Later, the late Ven Alayande and Justice Adewale Thompson rallied other eminent Yoruba elders outside Afenifere to form the Yoruba Council of Elders (YCE). There was the suspicion that the new group enjoyed the backing of Ige, whose membership of Obasanjo government became an issue, unlike the appointment of Adebanjo into the tiny constitution review committee and the appointment of Senator Cornelius Adebayo as a minister.

    When Ige died, his camp became divided. Two associates of Ige – Akande and Akinfenwa – decided to contest the AD chairmanship. Those opposed to Ige in Afenifere queued behind the senator. But, Tinubu, Adesina, and Adebayo rooted for Akande’s chairmanship. The Mamman Yusuf/Ahmed Abdulkadir scenario was reenacted, with the AD becoming factionalised to its roots. It was evident that the AD was about to be liquidated. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was tossing around the AD by giving recognition and withdrawing the fame from Akande and Akinfenwa. The former leader, Adesanya, could not resolve the imbroglio before his demise.

    Had Fasoranti declined to make the famous Akure declaration, may be, the hope of reconciliation would not have dimmed.

     

  • The politics and economics of Sanusi’s intervention

    The politics and economics of Sanusi’s intervention

    • Continued from Octomber 29

    Belatedly, the emir blames the slow GDP growth of the first half of 2015 on the CBN’s refusal to devalue the naira. Yet, in making this statement, he willfully ignores several facts. First, Nigeria is dealing with a set of exogenous shocks, including the sharp decline in oil prices, the slowdown in global growth (which means less imports from Nigeria), and the geopolitical tensions along important trading routes around the world, which has also significantly lowered prospects for global growth. In recognition of these shocks, the IMF recently reduced its forecast of global growth in 2015 from 3.5 per cent to 3.1 per cent. Every country in the world has slowed down markedly, and Nigeria is not an island of its own. How then can one simply blame Nigeria’s slow growth on the value of the naira while ignoring the fact that the government is losing more than 50 per cent of its revenues as a result of falling oil prices?

    But, if devaluation were the simple answer, let us consider what has happened to comparable countries that allowed a full depreciation of their currencies during the last several months. For example, Ghana, Russia, Zambia, and Brazil have all allowed depreciations of their currencies to the tune of 27 per cent, 40 per cent, 45 per cent, and 42 per cent, respectively. Yet, Brazil and Russia are in recession. In fact, analysts now expect Brazil’s GDP to shrink to 0.8 per cent in 2016. In Ghana, the latest growth rate is less than one per cent while Zambia just declared a National Day of Prayer because of slow growth! What is clear from these countries is that depreciation is not a silver bullet to the economic challenges that we are facing today. To accurately interrogate these issues require much greater analytical depth than is being shown these days.

    Similarly, the assertion that the demand management policy of the CBN has deprived certain industries of critical imports ignores the fact that these are the same policies that have helped the country become self-sufficient and a net exporter in cement and other areas. Today, cement imports would have been costing Nigeria about $3 billion yearly.

    That comment also ignores the fact that most manufacturers of the 41 items restricted from accessing forex are witnessing tremendous increase in demands for their products. For instance, Erisco Foods (manufacturers of tomato paste), GZ (manufacturers of aluminum cans), Obasanjo Farms, and the association of cold-rolled steel manufacturers of Nigeria have all reported significant increase in sales and are already employing much more Nigerians and expanding their operations to meet with the demand.

    What is the “essential raw materials” for the production of items like tomato, palm oil, toothpicks, rice, cement, margarine, vegetable oil, poultry products, chicken, wooden doors, furniture, clothes, and table wares? We have no choice other than to revitalise and encourage the growth of local industry. Not too long ago, Nigeria used to control 40 per cent of the global palm oil market but today, we spend billions importing palm oil yearly, while Malaysia and Indonesia control 80 per cent of the global palm oil market. This is clearly not the way to go and we must not allow personal interests to becloud our sense of objectivity.

    The emir also incorrectly stated that the central bank is currently “pursuing tight monetary policies” and that “it is time to loosen monetary policy”.  At the last Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting of the CBN, the Cash Reserve Requirement (CRR) was reduced from 31 per cent to 25 per cent. And owing to the policies of the CBN, the interbank interest rate has crashed to a five-year low of 0.8 per cent and both lending and deposit rates are falling accordingly. The truth, therefore, is that monetary policy is already loosening significantly. The Nigerian banking system is awash with both naira and dollars and there is no sound economic basis to call for a further slackening, especially in the face of rising inflation.

    While the emir’s declaration that “portfolios flows are gone” is true, he presented it as if their exit is a result of flawed policies in Nigeria. However, it is a global phenomenon.  According to a recent report by London’s Financial Times, portfolio outflows from emerging market countries, including Nigeria, in the third quarter of 2015 has been the worst since the 2008 global financial crisis. Portfolio investors from emerging market countries have offloaded an estimated $40 billion worth of securities.

    Everyone knows that portfolio investors settle their fears on their side of caution, and as such, once commodity prices start to fall, they quickly pull their resources out of commodity-exporting countries. Besides, there are strong indications that the U.S. Federal Reserve may be raising interest rates sometime later this year. Of course, given the perceived stability and safety of U.S. securities, most portfolio investors prefer such investment and are therefore preparing to invest in the U.S. market once the Federal Reserve raises U.S. interest rates. It is therefore a symptom of intellectual laziness for anyone to simply blame outflows of portfolio investments from Nigeria on the country’s monetary or exchange rate policies.

    One must also highlight the perils for policymakers when everybody pretends to be an expert on the current economic situation facing our country. All through the emir’s four full years as governor of the CBN (2010—2013), the average price of oil was a very healthy $108 per barrel, as against the current average of $52 per barrel. The last time Nigeria was in this situation was in 2005 when the price of oil averaged $55 but with an import bill that was about N148.3 billion per year.  Yet, today, at about the same average oil price of $55 per barrel, estimates from the first nine months of 2015 show the country’s import bill is about N917.6 billion.

    In truth therefore, we have never been in this kind of situation before as a country. Likewise, the emir never experienced this magnitude of exchange rate crisis or foreign reserves pressure and cannot claim to have expert opinions on how it should be resolved. It is unfortunate that the emir who obviously enjoys his status as the darling of the western media is attempting to create the impression that any economic policy of the Buhari government that western “experts” don’t approve of is wrong. If his forays into public discussions is to make simplistic and biased prescriptions to Nigeria’s complicated economic problems, may be, it is time for him to spend much more time thinking about how to create employment and spur real growth in Kano.

    • This is the concluding part of the story published on page 3 of Thursday, October 29 edition.
  • ‘Why politics is not for us’

    Unlike their male counterparts, female students hardly participate in campus politics. Those, who dare to seek  leadership positions are mocked, intimidated and threatened. Because of their experience, others have come to detest campus politics – they believe they will lose their privacy if they engage in it. EDDY UWOGHIREN (300-Level Medicine and Surgery, University of Benin) reports.

    When Oghenenkaro Okoro was admitted to study Animal Science at the University of Benin (UNIBEN) in 2011, she had a dream. She was interested in leading the National Association of Agricultural Students (NAAS).

    Oghenenkaro
    Oghenenkaro

    Towards this end, she told her friends of her ambition and began to mobilise for support.

    Penultimate Friday, she declared her intention to run for NAAS president, an action she immediately regretted. It appeared her action pave the way for her ‘enemies’ to invade her privacy.

    Amid the gossips about her private affairs, she almost succumbed to intimidation by the male opponent, and pressure. There were talks that she was being sponsored by her ‘boyfriend’.

    In the end, Oghenekaro beat her closest rival, Joseph Nwabara, with a margin of 202 votes to win the election. She made history as the first woman president-elect of the association after 28 years of its establishment.

    •Lauretta
    •Lauretta

    Almost the sametime, Law students were trying to decide who leads the faculty between a man and a woman. The coast was clear for Lauretta Ezeugbor, following the disqualification of her male opponent. She emerged unopposed, but not without pressure to step down and gossips about her.

    Oghenekaro’s and Lauretta’s are examples of the challenges facing female students contesting for union positions on campus. Many have been discouraged from aspiring for leadership because of malicious gossips about their personal lives. Many who are elected on a platter of gold, face intimidation and opposition, thereby rendering their tenure ineffective and controversial.

    An analysis of the present UNIBEN Students’ Union Government (SUG) parliament shows that female students have less than 20 per cent representation. Things are worse off in UNIBEN Medical Students Association (UBEMSA) and the Benin University Dental Students Association (BUDSA), where female representation in leadership is about 10 per cent and five per cent.

    Investigations by CAMPUSLIFE indicated that many women are not interest in vying for leadership positions because of the ‘dirty nature’ of campus politics.

    At UNIBEN, women participation in unionism is becoming weaker, because of these challenges. Having become the first woman president of UNIBEN Students Union Government (SUG) in 2010, Chineloma Eleodimuo was seen as an impetus for female students’ participation in campus politics.

    Benita Osaghea, a graduate, said: “When Chineloma was contesting for SUG president, many of us thought she wanted to make a name for herself. Some boys started to make jest of her. They said her failure was certain, but it turned out the other way round. Chineloma showed us that if it could be conceived, it could be achieved. She made history and became a source of inspiration to many female students.”

    Five years after, only a few women are willing to take part in leadership. Why? According to Lauretta, it is because of intimidation and the expenses that may be incurred during campaign.

    She said: “For a female student to win elections on campus, many things are involved. She has to attend nocturnal meetings with male students, who parade themselves as stakeholders. Those meetings are not held at open venue, but places such as pub, club houses and pepper soup joints. It is in the meetings that a woman can make her intention known to the stakeholders.

    “What is funny is that all the drinks and everything that will be taken are made available by the aspirant. They are the ones that will sell the female aspirant over to students. If one fails to play by their dictate, she risks losing before the election.”

    Not all girls, Lauretta said, have the money to engage in the process. Thus, they become shy and abandon their ambitions.

    Fejiro Akpovete, a Microbiology student at UNIBEN, identified finance as the major impediment to female participation in campus politics.

    “Last semester, I contested for Vice President in my cultural association. I took the stakeholders in the association to a pepper soup joint on Ugbowo-Lagos Highway for a meeting, where I declared my intention to them. I spent N15,000 in buying pepper soup and alcoholic drinks for them. Unknown to me, my opponent also did the same thing for them.

    “The stakeholders called me again for another meeting, saying my opponent spent far beyond what I spent. They threatened to endorse her if I did not host them to another party. The money I spent was from my personal savings and from contribution of friends, who shared my vision.”

    Campus politics is as dirty as it is everywhere, Oghenekaro said, adding that it is only meant for the strong-hearted.

    “Apart from being intimidated, I was harassed and threatened by cultists to step down. Initially, I was afraid but since I had the desire to serve, I continued my campaign. There are a lot of girls with the intention to serve, but they are boxed to surrender by threats from various quarters. This is why I said campus politics is a dirty game; it is only for tough girls. A woman really has to be strong to participate in it.”

    •Erhabor

    Are women politicians flirt? Oghenekaro said: “If a woman wants to win, she has to be friends with everyone.”

    She added: “After I won, guys started hovering around me and if one is not wise, they will take advantage of you. I treat everyone as friend and I set boundaries to avoid falling victim to men’s traps.”

    Uwa Erhabor, Clerk of UBEMSA, said she stood against all odds to win the position. “When I got to the congress, many people told me that I could not contest for the position of Clerk, because it was my first time in the parliament. They said I was inexperienced, but I simply replied them to show me the section of the constitution that stated that a first-timer could not be the Clerk. When they could not show me, I bought the form and joined the fray. I won resoundingly.”

    Uwa advised that women must have a mission before joining campus politics. Any female student who does not have an aim, she said, would only be the victim of lascivious men.

    Joanita Ighodaro is disturbed that only a few women hold leadership position in students’ unionism. The 200-Level Economics Education student of the College of Education in Igueben, Edo State, said she has a solution to the challenge.

    She founded the Coalition of Female Campus Politicians (CFCP) whose aim is to organise seminars, where girls are mentored on how to engage in campus politics.

    She said: “At times, we sponsor the political ambitions of our members when we see that they cannot raise funds for campaign. We sell them to students by detailing their programmes and policies. We make people see reason why they should vote for women. We have achieved so much in this cause we are championing.”

    To Lauretta, money should not be the obstacle against women’s ambition. “I cannot say girls will do better when given positions but I believe they can achieve and make meaningful changes. Money and prestige should not be the reason for seeking position of leadership. People tend to believe women cannot lead students’ struggles. This is a wrong notion. Leadership does not have  gender; it is the ability to understand the yearnings of the people and act to fix them. Ladies must understand that whatever men can do, we can do equally and better,” she said.

     

  • Celebrating Ofeimun’s  poetics, politics

    Celebrating Ofeimun’s poetics, politics

    He set out early in life to be a writer. As a young lad bubbling with ideas, he came to Lagos in search of literature. Odia Ofeimun found it and more.  Forty-eight years after the celebrated poet wrote his first poem, he has over 40 books and a publishing house to show for his labour. The eminence of his art and the controversies of his politics drew dignitaries to his 40-book exhibition at the MUSON Centre, Lagos. Evelyn Osagie reports.

    Some called it a “festival of ideas”.  Others simply described it as “a feast of books”. But, the man behind the feat, the distinguished poet and social critic, Odia Ofeimun, christened it “A 40-book exhibition”.

    “If I called it a book launch that would be overdoing it,” Odia said while handing some guests a list of his books as they arrived.

    His book exhibition was tailored in the pattern of the art exhibitions done by artists. The exhibition featured 18 of his old works and 22 new books. Five copies of his old works were on display.

    “I am not a rich man; I do not have the money to print all the books,” Ofeimun said when asked why most of his new books were not on display.

    Reputed for his creative literary buffets, Ofeimun’s innovative exhibition gave freshness to his published works, unveiled his new but forthcoming works and allowed for the appreciation of his scholarly and literary wealth spanning over four decades.

    The character of re-invention is the quality Rivers State’s literary scholar Dr Obari Gomba said has consistently shaped Ofeimun’s poetry and cultural interventions. Noting that it is impossible to ignore his output due to its quality and relevance, Gomba, who took guests into Ofeimun’s literary voyage, divided poet’s writing into four literary phases and genres.

    Describing Ofeimun as a “principal Nigerian political poet”, he observed that Ofeimun “emerged in a surefooted manner that belied his age in 1970s when the Nigerian literary scene had broadened, offering a paradigm shift in the aesthetics of our literature”.

    “His earliest poems were published in the iconic post-war journal called Okike and in Nigeria’s cultural flagship called Nigeria Magazine,” he said.

    The exhibition brought notable personalities to the MUSON Centre in Lagos. Praising his ability to brave the odds bedevilling writing, many said they were drawn by curiosity mixed with admiration for the poet’s tenacity of purpose.  Guests were urged to adopted the new books, a process that turned out to be a launch of a sort.

    The event had in attendance former President Goodluck Jonathan, who represented former Minister of National Planning, Abubakar Sulaiman; All Progressive Congress (APC) chieftain and former Chief Segun Osoba; Permanent Secretary at the Federal Ministry of Communication and Technology, Dr Tunji Olaopa; Prof. Kole Omotoso, Chairman of The News Magazine, Mr Kunle Ajibade and founder of Splendid Literature and Culture Foundation and the Women Writers Association (WRITA), Mrs Mobolaji Adenubi, among others.

    While commending Ofeimun’s contributions to the development of this country politically, Osoba revisited the issue of the leakage of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s letter to former President Nnamdi Azikiwe.

    He said: “I am here to honour Ofeimun and make clarifications of your good name you are making. Odia has served this country. He has shown tenacity and the ability to hang on to what he believes in despite the vicissitudes of life. And despite the fact that he is not making money, he has not given up. People talk about his writing but his contributions to this country, politically, are immeasurable.

    “They made him to suffer for an offense he did not commit, involving the leakage of Awolowo’s confidential letter to former President Nnamdi Azikiwe that they would work. I would say it publicly that Odia knew nothing about the leakage of Awolowo’s letter to former President Azikiwe. But because he was a Bola Ige’s person, those anti-Bola-Ige persons robed it on him. But those of us who are still alive will always tell the story. And we need to continuously correct such misunderstanding in our history. That brings me to today’s journalism. No more investigative journalism. Once a news break of a politician that is corrupt, we blow it up, but did we find out.”

    On his part, Ajibade described the celebrator as a ‘literary model that has shown writers, especially the young, the path they needed to take against the odds in the industry’. He urged to publish the much awaited memoir on the late Awolowo.

    “Questions have been raised about how come that a man who is an authority for the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo has not come out with his book on the late sage. And he has always said that is precisely why I have not come out with that book because I know that people think that that is about the only book that I can do; but I want to do the most difficult ones first. And now that he has done the most ‘difficult’ ones, such as poetry, collections of essays and other books, my plea to him is that this is the time for him to do that authoritative book on Awolowo. We need that book.

    “He has not only written collections of poems. He has also, like a pugilist, engaged in serious arguments about the nature of our country, about the nature of our culture and you can see that today it’s like kind of festival of ideas. It is only a man who has stood seriously for ideas that would have this kind of festival of ideas around him. It is not about the large number of people turning out; it’s about the importance of the ideas that Odia Ofeimun has stood for all his life. That it is not an easy path at all to be a writer in a society like this. And Odia, with the example, has shown that you can conquer the demons on your path to literary fame if you stick to that path diligently,” he said.

    Recounting his contributions to nurturing of talents, Mrs Adenubi said he was an inspiration to women writers.

    For Prof Omotoso, Ofeimun’s consistence is what makes him interesting. Recounting his friendship with the poet that goes back to his days in the University of Ibadan, Omotoso said: “And it doesn’t matter how broke Odia is he would not take anything from anybody to compromise any of those situations. I have known him since 1972when I came back to teach at Ibadan; he was finishing up his first degree. He has become virtually a member of my family. My children look up to him as ‘uncle’. He would come and stay with us whether we were in London or South Africa or anywhere. It is that example of somebody who is clear and focused that makes his character interesting.

    “If you look at the books he has published – whether it is his own collections of poems, other people’s collection – they are interesting collections. I remember when the South African Radio Station 702 came to broadcast in Lagos; I gave them six copies of The Lagos of the Poets because they were fascinated by what Lagos was like. And it is interesting, especially for younger people to be able to see somebody with such dedication. And with this event today is to be able to say ‘please look in this direction; this is what people who are concerned about the Nigerian society are doing, thinking, trying to relate to the society and give back to the Nigerian society’. And Odia is really an incredible example of giving back.”

    Dr  Oloapa added his voice. His words: “Odia Ofeimun is a rebellious nationalist who comes to the nationalist struggle for the soul of Nigeria from a unique perspective—poetry. Odia Ofeimun writes politically charged poems. Of course, this character flows from his belief that a poet is necessarily a citizen; it is vain to attempt divorcing the two roles from each other.”

    His volumes of poetry such as The Poet Lied; A Handle for the Flutist, Dreams at Work and Other Poems; London Letter and Other Poems; Go Tell the Generals, I Will Ask Questions with Stones if They Take My Voic; A Boiling Caracas and Other Poems; One Country Is not Enough; volumes of Selected Poems; Salute to the Master Builder; Lagos of the Poets; Onomonresoa edited by Obari Gomba; The Child and Youth of Our Time; Nigerian Women Poets and 20th Century Nigerian Poetry.

    His poems for dance drama include Under African Skies; A Feast of Return; Nigeria the Beautiful; Itoya and Because of 1914.

    His books on politics and culture  include: The Truth of The Matter: Interviews and Exchanges, Forewords and Prefaces; Taking Nigeria Seriously; When Does A Civil War Come To An End?; This Conference Must Be Different; Remaking the Nigeria Project; Media Nigeriana; June Twelver’s Dilemma; A House of Many Mansions; Imagination and the City: A Lagosian View; In Search of Ogun: Soyinka In Spite of Nietzsche; Impossible Death of the African Author; Breaking Deaf Walls in Nigeria Literature; My ANA File; Letters to Bose on the Arts and Society  and Up and Down the Yellow Mountain. on my dead bed I want to be found writing books.

  • Amaechi and politics of screening

    Amaechi and politics of screening

    In this piece, Moses Animikhenal highlights the achievements of former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi and contends that the campaign of calumny against the ministerial nominee is devoid of logic and merit.

    I remember Mark Anthony in one of Shakesapeare’s plays where he said “Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears; I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.The evil that men do lives after them; The good is oft interred with their bones; So let it be with Caesar.”

    This write-up is about bringing Rotimi Amaechi to the abattoir and to let the people know why he should not be made a minister. Before delving into why, it is pertinent to know that in the murky waters of Nigerian politics Amaechi served the people of Rivers State in various capacities. He was Speaker for eight years and he stabilised the legislature. We are all living witnesses to what transpired there afterwards. He took on a new task by becoming the executive governor of Rivers for two terms, for those who do not know or might have forgotten in a hurry what his stewardship as governor was I will tabulate a few.

    He built and fully furnished state of the art primary schools in most communities of the 23 local government areas in Rivers state, and this was acknowledged by all well meaning Nigerians and also international partner agencies. Besides, Amaechi won  awards for the laudable initiative  from it. The UBE national office in Abuja still has the records for doubting Thomas’s.

    Secondary schools were not left out in the scheme of Amaechi’s stewardship, i am very happy they are physical structures, they are there for everyone to see.

    He also built health centres in most communities in the 23 local government in Rivers, fully equipped with medical doctors to attend to the patients. Lest I forget, drugs are equally dispensed.

    He revamped the agricultural industry in Rivers State, we are all living witnesses to when the former President Olusegun Obasanjop when he went to commission projects there.

    He expanded most of the roads in Port Harcourt metropolis and environs easing the traffic congestions in the state.

    It is also on recorded that under his government, peace and security was returned to the state, as he incessant cult clashes was brought to the nearest minimal. Besides, he was able to restore decency and order to Port Harcourt, the capital city, removing the fear factor and the incessant kidnapping of expatriate and citizens.

    It is also on record that Amaechi remains one if not the only governor in Nigeria who drives himself around as a sitting governor without any fear of being attacked or molested by the people.

    Amaechi is a detribalised Nigerian who believes in the oneness and unity of the country, against all odds joined forces with other well meaning progressives to fight the injustice in the then ruling party to bring about change the people have been yearning for.

    Though, feelers coming from the Senate has it that two senators from the state must recommend the ministerial nominee. Unfortunately, the senators from Rivers are all PDP and have drawn the battle line with Amaechi long ago. It was also reported that they have submitted a petition against him. But my take on this is that the senators should allow national interest and not personal vendetta to guide their sense of reasoning at this point when the new government is in dire need of competent hands to help stir the ship of this nation to the promised land.

    The senators representing Rivers State should as a matter of urgency, do a rethink and take a cue from their colleagues from Ekiti and Lagos and support the nomination of Amaechi and not deny the country of his service.

    Except they are telling Nigerians that Amaechi did not perform credibly well as a governor for the eight years he was in charge of the affairs of the state. Electioneering campaign is over and this is the time for  reality and the worst that could ever happen to the Nigeria in this dispensation is to be denied of the service of this young, dynamic and energetic straight forward looking gem for the sake of bitter politics.

    If we had a few more Amaechi in the country, we would have been better off for it. I rest my case.

    Animikhenal is a former aide to President Olusegun Obasanjo and currently resides in Abuja.