Tag: President Goodluck Jonathan

  • PDP’s endorsement of Jonathan

    PDP’s endorsement of Jonathan

    On the day President Goodluck Jonathan was endorsed as the sole candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for next year’s presidential election, party heavyweights behaved so surreally it was difficult to tell what we were witnessing: a tragedy, a comedy, or a tragicomedy. The party has a right to adopt whomever they wish, and in whatever fashion that tickles their fancy. As expected, and in spite of the rigmarole of the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) — that raucous assemblage of merrymakers — the party has let the other shoe fall. In the eyes of the PDP, Dr Jonathan is incomparable, irreplaceable and indefatigable. He is their messiah, their magician, their avatar. So surreal were their statements and actions during the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja last Thursday that some observers half expected that by a metaphysical sleight of hand, they were poised to get the rest of us — other political parties, the millions uncommitted, and the naysayers — to endorse the president. Certainly, PDP leaders looked like they would have been delighted to make Dr Jonathan the first democratically elected Nigerian president to be unanimously adopted by all of us as the sole candidate.

    The ridiculousness of their actions did not strike them. By the last count, the party’s TAN rallies had collected over eight million signatures asking Dr Jonathan to contest, with the fecund South-South indescribably coming up with over four million of those signatures. But while rallies were yet to hold in the Northwest and the restive Northeast, party leaders impatiently ramped up the play. First was the party’s Governors Forum led by Dr Jonathan’s hatchet man, Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom State, who announced excitedly last Tuesday that the governors had adopted the president as sole candidate. Hard on his heels was the party’s National Working Committee (NWC), which animatedly followed suit. And then came the ageless terracotta warriors of the party’s Board of Trustees (BoT), whose fevered brows had been burrowed by years of apostasy and betrayal, also concurring. The icing on the cake was the said NEC endorsement which was solid enough to draw the president out of his shell in contrived amusement and feigned bewilderment.

    Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State was spectacular on that day. Having been called upon to speak on behalf of PDP governors by the remorseless Olisa Metuh, the party’s publicity secretary who could defend any side of an argument with equal and detached plausibility, the didactic Dr Aliyu ribbed his comrade-in-squirming, Jigawa State governor, Sule Lamido, to signify his presence and apparent concurrence. He seemed to be saying that if the upstart Mr metuh would put him (as a governor) on the spot, he was determined not to be left on the hot stove alone with unshod feet. A nuanced game was on; but it was not immediately clear the president and others at the meeting appreciated its delicate shades of joke and mischief. Recall that shortly before some PDP governors defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in November last year, Dr Aliyu was the leader of the subversives, and the polemicist and theorist, Alhaji Lamido, manned the ideological rampart. But on the day the rebellion matured, both Dr Aliyu and Alhaji Lamido cited some extenuating circumstances and abandoned their defecting PDP comrades at the barricades.

    Last Thursday, both men were put on the spot, and they had the distinguished honour, not to say anguish, of assenting Dr Jonathan’s endorsement, the former by his comic overkill, and the latter by his discomfiting silence. But by any colour, apostasy is apostasy. PDP BoT’s Chief Anenih, perhaps the most unprincipled politician in the country, a man for whom party and ideological differentiation is nothing but rank stupidity, was there to fix his cadaverous gaze on the PDP top brass, as if whipping them into servitude and rebellion. Reporters wrote that the PDP convention in December would be expected to confirm these endorsements. That is an understatement. The convention will confirm the endorsements, not be expected to. No one who loves his life in the PDP will attempt to oppose Dr Jonathan, either as a practical democratic joke or out of conviction. He will be crushed. And even if Dr Jonathan were to ask someone to pretend to oppose him in order to give a semblance of internal democracy in the party, the hapless fellow would still resist the temptation, for he would not be sure he was not been set up for destruction.

    Were the endorsements to be limited to the PDP, we could take consolation in the fact that the party really never had a soul, nor that even if it did, it still could not call it its own. The Southeast, as if the zone had inhaled some kind of esoteric gas, has chorused their loud endorsement. Indeed, an uproarious celebration is on in that region of forbidden republicanism to validate Dr Jonathan. Surprisingly too, a large but quite misguided section of the Yoruba elite has also endorsed Dr Jonathan, citing their distrust for and distaste of northern feudalism, and a fear of the invasion of religious dervishes from the North. The Yoruba have a talent for projecting their internal struggles onto the national plane, even as some of them, for economic reasons, such as pipeline protection contracts, are prepared to sell their souls to the devil. In the few months before the great plebiscite, there will be many more endorsements and betrayals, for it seems as if the country has lost its mind.

    The Dr Jonathan endorsement and the way it has been procured reflect a dispiriting and unnerving fact about his government and Nigerian politics. The culture had been building since the unethical and anti-intellectual years of the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency. The processes are now maturing. No one, not even Chief Obasanjo, has compromised the political elite as adeptly and with much devilry as Dr Jonathan. The Southeast is tamed and disembowelled by economic and bureaucratic baits. The South-South has reached the apogee of selfishness and errantry, with the region a virtually lawless economic ‘free trade’ zone of stolen oil worth some $8bn annually. The Southwest is laid prostrate by greed and powermongering, its long-lasting culture of race suicide reactivated. And a large swathe of the North tired of the rot, having itself promoted humungous rot during their ascendancy, have begun to sell their consciences.

    As the country under Dr Jonathan takes firm and deliberate steps towards tyranny, what we see in the mirror is a reflection of the president’s mental picture of what kind of country he prefers to govern, and a mental picture of himself. To him, and under him, Nigeria has become an eclectic pastiche with no purpose, drive or direction. And he himself has become, whether deliberately or accidentally, a dangerous, budding dictator determined to herd the country into one suffocating pen —  a country speaking with one voice, looking in the same direction, thinking the same way, regimented, devoid of soul, and unable to savour the modern joys and accomplishments of life. Between the Governors Forum, TAN rallies, PDP endorsement, and the national conference, among others, the betrayal of the country appears complete. Now, more than at any time in our history, we need a miracle to make Nigeria snap out of its self-induced stupor.

  • Presidential counterfeit

    Presidential counterfeit

    #BringBackOurGirls #BringBackGoodluck2015. We can do with more creative lying

    But for the fact that President Goodluck Jonathan has a doctorate, one might have been tempted to believe that some people that he thinks are his friends are enemies who, unknown to him do not mean well for his administration. But, given at least his academic attainments, one cannot say that. For me therefore, the president knows perfectly well what he is doing. And that is why it baffles me that some Nigerians have not understood the Jonathan administration more than three years after it came on board, and barely a few months to another general election.

    Last week, specifically on September 10, the government shocked not just Nigerians but the international community as well, when it disowned the #BringBackGoodluck 2015 billboards and those behind them. The president’s special assistant on media, Dr. Reuben Abati, said President Jonathan was not aware of the highly insensitive posters, which were a clear parody of the #BringBackOurGirls hash tag. Abati said they ‘were put up without his knowledge or approval.’ He added that “The President assures all Nigerians and the international community that his administration remains fully engaged with efforts to rescue the abducted girls and that he will not knowingly promote any actions that will fly in the face of the seriousness of their plight and the anguish of their families”.

    Apparently this repudiation was informed by last week’s Washington Post editorial which was highly critical of the offensive posters.  This is the second time that the president would be moved to act by external forces on the Chibok girls. The first time was when Malala Yousafzai made him to invite the parents of the girls to Aso Rock.

    One should be worried that a president who has the retinue of staff that President Jonathan has, that must have had cause to traverse the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) many times before the Washington Post editorial, would claim not to have seen those billboards. This newspaper, lest we forget, published the picture of the billboard sometime ago. Let’s even admit that the president did not see the posters, what of his numerous aides? None of them saw the billboards too, despite that they had been there for more than two weeks before the presidential order to dismantle them?  Lying could not have been more disingenuous. Our consolation however lies in the fact that two people cannot lose from lying: if the person being told lies does not know he is being lied to, at least the liar sure knows that he is lying.

    However, those who are rejoicing over the president’s order for the dismantling of the billboards nationwide should wait until they are removed. The same president ordered that his supporters behind the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) should suspend rallies in his honour on account of the outbreak of Ebola in the country. They did not heed the order. As a matter of fact, some of his ministers almost danced themselves lame at the rallies while they were heavily protected by security agents. Is the president not aware of that defiance of his order too?

    It is gratifying however that some Nigerians saw through the half truth, at best, and regarded the president’s order for the dismantling of the billboards as an afterthought. Regrettably, some others commended him for ordering their removal. I wonder why we are always eager to commend anything in this country. Here was a thing no one should ever have contemplated in the first place, given the sad episode that the abduction of the Chibok school girls represents in our history. Why on earth would anyone make a pun on that? The fact that such a costly pun was made on behalf of the country’s First Citizen makes matters worse.

    Without doubt, the many years of military interregnum have done a lot to our psyche such that many of us do not even seem to know that some things are bad and that what is bad can never have any other name; it is bad. #BringBackOurGirls; #BringBackGoodluck2015, how are they related?

    The matter becomes the more nauseating when it is realised that it was the president’s senior special assistant on public affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, who came up with the #BringBackGoodluck2015, in a tweet in August. He was immediately criticised. But this did not deter those who wanted to perpetually look good in the eyes of the president from adopting it as, again, on August 30, a group campaigning for his reelection tweeted: “There is no vacancy in Aso Rock [the president’s residence] we want Goodluck Jonathan again #NigeriansDemand #BringBackJonathan2015 … for continuity.” The message was re-tweeted several times without any objection from President Jonathan.

    Against the backdrop of my arguments so far, can the president sincerely swear that he never saw those billboards? And that none of his aides did? Can he swear that in their cocktail circuits they never lauded the imitation over the clinking of glasses and while exchanging banters, as one of his highly imaginative campaign slogans? And talking about imaginativeness or creativity, this is something that has always been lacking in our governments, particularly successive central governments, despite our heavy investments in feeding, accommodating and pampering the officials. They always bore us by making us travel the same road again and again.

    Thank God for the discerning in the country, the real thorns in President Jonathan’s government’s flesh. But for them, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftains could have turned all of us into morons the way they reduce everything to wall clock joke. I have had cause to caution a few weeks back that if we are not careful, the PDP would reduce the country to its base standards by its words and deeds. Have Nigerians realised that neither the party nor its government is talking about removal of fuel subsidy again. Just a few months back, they gave the impression that the country would have collapsed by now if fuel subsidy was not removed. But any Nigerian who thinks the party has dropped the idea must be a big fool. At worst, it would wait till after the election before removing the so-called subsidy. If it took the government about six months to attempt to remove subsidy in 2012, it would take it less than half that period to do it this time again, after the elections, considering the huge resources that would be committed to the 2015 polls. It is a pain that the government is keeping in the cooler for Nigerians till after the elections when, at least President Jonathan would have had nothing to lose again. That, for me, is one of the consequences we would face if we make the mistake of bringing back Jonathan or the PDP.

    Anyway, if indeed President Jonathan never saw the billboards, only God knows how many potentially damaging things would have been shielded from him. I am aware that many of Nigeria’s rulers are usually held captive by their aides. But I have always maintained that they (rulers) apparently want it so because after shielding them from reality, the aides then feed them with lies and at best, half truths, singing their praise when what they deserve at the point in time are knocks and carpeting.

    All said, President Jonathan and his supporters should understand that if there is anything Nigerians want brought back now, it is the Chibok girls. If it is not #BringBackOurGirls, it cannot be the same as #BringBackOurGirls. The counterfeit can only attract our indignation, which is what #BringBackGoodluck 2015 has done. It is a big irritant. Nigerians sure know the difference between good luck and Goodluck.

  • Bode George’s hyperbole

    There will be no end to the silly and infantile ascription of divinity to President Goodluck Jonathan, even from unexpected quarters. A few days ago, a mawkish and inebriated Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, former Governor of Bayelsa State, thinking himself deep and philosophical enough, advised Governor Rotimi Amaechi to grovel before the president in order to propitiate him and his wife. After God, cooed Chief Alamieyeseigha, the president is next, and must not be provoked. It was apparent that, given the way public officials in Nigeria genuflect before the president, governors and other elected officials, the cult of worship and the shrine of political idolatry are flourishing in these parts.

    Though it is admittedly not out of character, Bode George, the fawning and fantasising former governor and top PDP chieftain, has described the name of the president as divine. Goodluck, he concluded in a newspaper interview, was doubtless a divine name on account of the successful completion of the national conference. There are probably many more top politicians and elected governors and councillors who ascribe divinity to their bosses, and consequently plant and water heretical thoughts in their leaders’ minds. There is apparently no telling just how low Nigerians will sink in subjugating themselves, or how far they will go in encouraging their leaders to act like God.

  • The Ribadu debacle

    Have you seen the deceit President Goodluck Jonathan and the PDP have come to personify? Nuhu Ribadu is their latest trophy. They promised him the party’s ticket, and by extension, the Governor’s Lodge. Now they have thoroughly rubbished him, they have exposed Ribadu as an opportunist, how he’ll live with that is left for him to fashion out.

    But one thing is certain, he has been wounded and from now on, very few will attach any importance to whatever he says or does. Anyone investing any trust in the president and his band in the PDP does so at his or her own risk.

    By Simon Oladapo,

    Ogbomoso, Oyo State.

  • Govt ‘ll meet power expectations in two years, says Jonathan

    Govt ‘ll meet power expectations in two years, says Jonathan

    • Says 1.8m joins labour market yearly

    President Goodluck Jonathan yesterday sought the patience and understanding of Nigerians over the situation of power supply, explaining that the sector would meet their expectation between the next  one two years.

    He spoke at the 44th Annual Accountant Conference held at the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja on Protecting the public interest, enhancing professionalism.

    He said though the private owners have boosted investment in the sector, the nation requires a little more time for the realisation of the expected quantum to power delivery.

    He said: “I know that the power situation is not yet what we want it to be. But I see this as just a transition period. In one to two years from now, the power sector will begin to deliver power to us to what we all expect.”

    He said when this is achieved, the economy will will witness endlessly growth.

    Jonathan said while his government has created millions of jobs, more still needed to be done to create space for the about 1.8 million job seekers that join the army of the unemployed annually.

    The president said the government has successfully completed one of the most comprehensive and transparent power privatisation programmes in the world with the privatisation of four power generation companies and 10 power distribution companies.

    He added that to provide comfort to private investors in the sector, the government has also strengthened power market intermediaries such as the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc (NBET), which is backed with over N120 billion in financing.

    Jonathan said: “The liberalisation of this sector has opened up new investment;. this year, the 450megawatts (Mw) Azura-Edo (Independent Power Project) IPP signed a power purchase agreement with $1 billion backing from 14 high quality investors, including Standard Chartered, IFC, First Rand Bank, Siemens Bank, and First City Monument Bank (FCMB).

    He said: “All Nigerians would like to see uninterrupted power, and I know we are not there yet. But in the same way that the privatisation of the telecoms sector took some time to begin yielding benefits, I am very confident that our power sector will take off successfully in the coming years.”

    He recalled that the entire liberalisation of the sector which the Federal Government completed its privatisation last year began 10 years ago, adding that  power delivery would need one or two more years to meet the expectation of the citizenry.

  • 2015: PDP’s Jonathan  versus APC’s whom

    2015: PDP’s Jonathan versus APC’s whom

    There is probably no one left in Nigeria who thinks President Goodluck Jonathan will not be running for president in 2015. Not only will he run with flourish irrespective of the rigmarole enacted by the sycophantic Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN), he will do so with damnable indifference to  the devastations caused by the Islamic sect, Boko Haram, and with complete contempt for the manner the sect exhibits his leadership failings. There will be no contest for the PDP’s presidential ticket, at least not a contest properly describable as a dignified joust. If anyone would be courageous enough to compete against Dr Jonathan for the coveted party ticket, it would be mimic jousting designed to create the false impression of internal democracy within the self-styled biggest party in Africa.

    With TAN rallies in full swing all over the country, signing up millions of people whom the organizers describe extravagantly as converts to the Jonathan cause, it is already taken for granted that within the PDP, Dr Jonathan is unassailable, and his campaign already in full blast. No one will dare oppose him except to mimic democratic reality, and no one in civil society, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) or Nigeria’s servile law enforcement agencies will dare caution him or draw his magisterial attention to how ignobly he subverts the law. The country, in other words, quiescently acknowledges Dr Jonathan as the PDP presidential candidate and his campaign a trifling, inconsequential infraction.

    In the next few weeks, however, all attention will be focused on the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) as it begins its complex permutations to produce a winning presidential ticket. Given Dr Jonathan’s head start, not to say Nigerians’ sniveling propensity to venerate a sitting president, the APC will have the most unenviable task in the world to demolish the cultural strictures that promote sycophantic adulation of those in office. The party will be challenged to hammer out a platform that resonates with hostile or undecided voters, to outfox subservient and compromised law enforcement agencies determined to thwart common sense and humiliate the constitution, and to rein in rebellious regional political warlords whose regicidal instincts lead them to the most atrocious murder of principles and values ever. The APC will not find its task easy at all, nor, given their tendency to fight to the death whenever they disagree, do I envy the short, brutal and merciless uphill journey they must make in less than five months before the next polls.

    Compared with the conservative PDP, which appeared to have been born into power, and whose leading apparatchiks seem to think it is born to rule, the less obsequious APC, now increasingly looking like an outsider in the national political war, will want to ride upon a revolutionary manifesto to overthrow the old order. The party will not be discomfited by the discordance with which of many of its conservative but leading lights uncharacteristically flaunt a radical manifesto, nor will it allow the fratricide going on within its ranks to slow it down. It will expect that its hope of achieving victory in any coming encounter with the ruling party will triumph over its feeling of massive political incapacitation. The PDP is united by its long stay in office, and the spoils of office that cement that unity. On the other hand, the APC’s long stay out of office has become demoralizing, causing its leaders to fret endlessly and to fritter away its strength in meaningless, persistent and debilitating quarrels.

    Indeed, the most pressing task before the APC will be how to select a winning ticket from a political milieu that has morphed considerably into an unrecognizable form. Tom Ikimi, the chairmanship aspirant who recently left the opposition party, reveals that the APC anchors its hope of taking the presidency on winning the Southwest and Northwest votes in 2015. But contrary to his sinister and cynical tone, there is nothing intrinsically wrong with that calculation, especially if the party thinks the votes from those zones are sufficient for victory. However, the calculation may be based on a wrong assessment of the character and cultures of the country’s geopolitical zones. The Southwest, for instance, used to be single-mindedly progressive, and its definition of progressivism not contentious. Today, the Southwest’s political culture, which used to be fairly distinguishable from the rest of the country both for its idiosyncratic progressivism and the firm values and principles that sustain it, has moved much closer to the national mean of general and enervating pragmatism.

    Worse, even the Southwest political elite is now fractured into contentious parts by internal schisms, some of them caused by nothing more than an insular struggle for regional dominance. Shorn of the principles and ennobling values that had defined its politics, religion and culture, nay its very existence, for more than a century, the region has become distressingly susceptible to the riotous application of religious parochialism. More alarmingly, a sizable faction of the region’s power elite, as demonstrated by Olu Falae, Yinka Odumakin, Ayo Adebanjo, among others, remains dangerously trapped in the bitter, vengeful and anachronistic politics of the past, especially their dichotomous view of northern feudalism versus southern liberalism. Yet, the iconic Obafemi Awolowo made a last ditch attempt in the closing years of his political life to bridge the so-called ideological divide between the North and the Southwest, to find a common ground between the so-called northern feudalism and south western liberalism.

    If the APC is to make progress and unite the Southwest behind the opposition party’s worldview, it will have to appeal to the voters directly, over the heads of the scaremongering and parochial factional elite that now holds the region in thrall. The party will also have to draw attention to the region’s culture of accommodation, its liberal spirit of tolerating other perspectives — be it religious, political or cultural — and then advertise the existence of a richer, better future outside the dogmas and insularity of the past. There are indeed shared affinities between the Northwest and the Southwest, and these affinities are not only shared with other regions; they in fact do not preclude either accommodation or rapprochement with those other regions. Going by the outcome of the national conference, and the insistence of some members of the Southwest elite that the recommendations be peremptorily implemented without recourse to either an enabling law or the National Assembly, it is feared that even the jurisprudential legacy .of the region has been corroded by emotions and long interactions with the lawless propensity of the Jonathan government.

    In picking Dr Jonathan’s opponent, the APC will have to ensure it carries along a sizable part of the Southwest, almost the entire Northeast and Northwest, in spite of the ongoing insurgency in parts of the North, and a healthy share of the North-Central. The South-South is largely out of reach, except a part of the ticket comes from there, and the Southeast seems all but lost on account of its emotive commitment to the patronizing Dr Jonathan. These permutations, as well as a clear appreciation of the changing political culture of the Southwest and an accurate sense of what needs to be done, will closely influence the APC’s choice of presidential candidate and running mate.

    Indeed, by now, the APC must have realized that it cannot hope to fight the ineffective but paradoxically entrenched Dr Jonathan without a more than disproportionate application of unorthodox politics. Its choice of standard-bearer must be revolutionary, unexpected, forward-looking, and transcendental. The party has only a few weeks to do this, and correspondingly fewer weeks to sell him. That candidate must, therefore, have no baggage to tie down the party’s resources, and must suffer no handicap to make the party fritter away its time and goodwill.  The APC may have a few leaders enamoured of brinkmanship; now they must draw upon that facility in a chess move certain to determine whether the party survives or dies, whether it succeeds or fails, whether it has a future or is crushed by the weight of its incandescent past. Now more than ever, it must take a bold and radical step, perhaps the most remarkable ever, to make a solid political statement. Will it? Can it?

    I think the party is faced with two main choices: to play safe by hugging the past, or to take a gamble with futuristic daring. Either choice is certain to have implications for Nigeria’s political future: whether we would slip into one-party rule and fascism projected deliberately or inadvertently by the Jonathan government; or whether we would begin the process of national renewal. The choice, I believe, lies between former military head of state, Muhammadu Buhari, the taciturn, principled and doughty retired army general, who is sadly misperceived and misunderstood by a large swathe of the South and North-Central; and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, who is not even yet a member of the party, but could, should he join the party, represent its future and hope. If the APC honestly recognizes that most of the factors expected to shape national politics and influence the electorate’s voting pattern in 2015 have been concocted by Dr Jonathan and the PDP, such as religion and ethnicity, then it will have no illusion what its responses must be. Gen Buhari is probably the best man for these trying times, but best men seldom win elections anywhere except in dire, unusual circumstances. In Nigeria, where voters lack the competence to read the signs of the times, it is even worse. The APC will have to gauge whether the fanatical support Gen Buhari attracts from parts of the North is worth the risk of alienating the untrusting remainder of the country.

    On the other hand, everyone knows Hon Tambuwal’s heart and soul are in the APC. If he can overcome the frightful parliamentary fallout of defecting to the opposition, he will probably open the eyes of the APC to more tantalizing political possibilities. Not only is he unencumbered by ethnic and religious baggage, he is modern, intelligent, a consensus builder with cross-over appeal, has a mind of his own, and is principled and loyal to causes, and much more. For its sake and the sake of the country, I hope the APC does not rule out Hon Tambuwal. This is the time for the party to do a strategic rethinking of its methods and ideas; a time to abandon the staid and stultifying formalism of the past; a time to let former Vice President Abubakar Atiku exit the presidential race with all the maturity and dignity commensurate with his political stature; and a time to let Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano bide his time for a future when his stature and exposure would stand him in good stead.

    This indeed is time for a miracle; APC had better furnish the country one. For every democrat, every Nigerian, every patriot who has the instinctive feel of the danger Nigeria faces with a government heading towards tyranny, one-party rule and unexampled impotence and incompetence knows it is of capital importance to deny Dr Jonathan four more years of misrule.

  • A TAN hypocrisy

    A TAN hypocrisy

    The president should call the group to order for double standards and flouting our laws

    They are known all over the country as the president’s foot soldiers. The presidency would openly confess to know nothing about them. In fact, in the light of the slow lynching of the Ebola virus, a directive emanated from the chamber of the highest office of the land that no campaigns should hold in favour or in the name of President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Yet it is obeyed in the negative. In Ibadan, a crowd gathered in which a festive atmosphere emphasised the hypocrisy of the project. The President’s chief of staff, Brigadier-General Jones Oladeinde Arogbofa, secretary to the government of the federation, Anyim Pius Anyim, and a few other top fliers of the Jonathan administration, including the agriculture minister, Dr. Akinwunmi Adesina, showed up. Were they defying the president’s order or they wanted to demonstrate their love in the breach?

    The organisers are called the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria, TAN, and they are seen as the successors of the peacock Neighbour to Neighbour that underlined the 2011 campaigns. There is no doubt that for a decent society a lot is wrong with these campaigns, one of the most obscene being the one held about a week ago in the Rivers State capital, Port Harcourt.

    First, the president on whose behalf or dubious honour this campaign is conducted has not uttered a word of restraint, if not condemnation for this so-called open defiance of his order not to undertake campaigns in the light of the Ebola tragedies and the open rampages of the Boko Haram sect in Borno State. It pays no honour or tribute to the integrity of a leader where he says one thing and his aides do another, especially when the something is a campaign that serves his private and selfish aim.

    If the president was truthful, he should have restrained them after the first campaign. That is granting that it was a sort of house ‘coup’ for the boss. But it took on another dimension in another festivity in Port Harcourt. This is a city where panic overtook with an Ebola eruption of suspected cases of infected citizens. This same presidency that asked Nigerians to eschew gatherings to forestall the spread of Ebola infections inspired a big rally where contact of such potential contagion was possible. This was, to say the least, insensitive not only of the presidency but also all the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stalwarts that attended.

    The other sin was that the high rollers of the Jonathan administration could not distinguish the high office from its partisan entanglements. In Ibadan, minister Adesina danced with gusto, but his position is not as lofty as that of finance minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who also was unmistakable in the front row of the celebrators of Jonathan in Port Harcourt. She is also signposted in this administration as the coordinating minister of the economy. In the 2012 Democratic Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina, that picked President Barack Obama for his second term, the treasury secretary Tim Geithner was absent. By tradition, he was not expected to be there because only one treasury secretary has ever attended it in the history of the party conventions in the United States. Hilary Clinton was absent because she was secretary of state and the statutes forbade her to show any overt or subtle partisanship.  The same applied to the positions of attorney general and secretary of defence. These positions are too sensitive to be sullied by partisanship. Yet Okonjo-Iweala would cavort with full PDP gear.

    The TAN group also peddled fraud in order to boost its profile. It claimed to have amassed signatures of millions of Nigerians who endorsed Jonathan. Apart from announcing that over 8,000 groups have lined up behind President Jonathan, it regionalised its endorsers. From the southeast, it claimed to have secured 1.6 million persons, in the south-south 4.15 and in the southwest 1.8 million. These statistics have been exposed as fraudulent and signatures garnered from several Nigerians seeking employment. This is cynical and irresponsible. The numbers, on the other hand, are an indictment of the failures of the Jonathan administration. It cannot give jobs but it can turn the numbers of the jobless into boosters for his campaigns.

    What is most unacceptable about this group is that it is carrying out these rallies against the electoral laws of the land. The campaigns have not been opened by the statute books, so the least area of campaigns should be the president himself. This is impunity. We have seen campaigns months past on television screens comparing the president to some of the world’s great leaders. This laugh that is laughing at itself reflects an imbecility in high places.

    Some families are hurting from the spread of Ebola. In the north, insecurity lurks every home even as the Boko Haram sect is turning our military into a laughing stock, besting them as they beat retreat. A smaller nation that should cry to us for help has done better in fighting the militants than our own soldiers.

    Those are the issues of transformation, and not the partisan obsession of TAN. When the time for campaign comes, TAN can go full throttle.

  • Calabar Port strategic to economy, says Minister

    President Goodluck Jonathan’s approval of  the dredging of the Calabar Ports has been described as vital not only to the economy, but also to the Southsouth and Southeast.

    The Minister for Transport, Senator Idris Umar, said this when he received a delegation of traditional rulers from the area, led by the Chairman of the Southsouth Monarchs Forum, King Edmund Dakoru.

    Umar disclosed the government’s plan to establish seaports in Badagry, Delta and other coastal towns. He said the Calabar Port is strategically important to the  two zones and the country.

    The country, the Minister said, has suffered enough neglect of its coastal waterways which are supposed to be  a veritable means of economic transformation.

    “With this dredging, the economic activities, especially within the two zones will spring up again, creating massive employment opportunities in the area and in the whole country,” he said.

    Umar said the creation of more ports was in line with the transformation agenda of the President,  adding that a maintenance firm has been appointed to manage the Calabar channel. He urged the private sector to fully tap into the inherent economic benefits.

    He lauded the President’s efforts in ensuring that life was brought back to hitherto comatose projects, such as railway system and inland waterways and assured that the Eastern rail line from Port-Harcourt -Maiduguri which is under rehabilitation would soon be completed.

    He thanked the rulers for expressing their gratitude to the President for the dredging of the Calabar Channel.

    King Dakoru, who led five first class rulers, said they had come to thank the government for the dredging of the Calabar seaport.

    Dakoru said the port would be of immense benefit to the erstwhile landlocked regions.

    Members of the delegation include HRM Eze Cletus l Ilomuamja- Obi of Obinugwu and Chairman, Southeast Council of Traditional Rulers, King Dandeson Douglas Jaja-Jeki V, Amamyananabo of Opobo, His Eminence Edidem Ekpo Okon Abasi, Obong of Calabar, HRM Alh Aliyu K Danesi-Aidonogie of South Ibie and Secretary, South-south Monarchs Forum and the Special Assistant (Special Duties) to the President, Dr Alfred Chiakor.

  • Confab: opening its  political balance sheet 1

    Confab: opening its political balance sheet 1

    Just reviewing the basic laws of union would have been enough for a conference of that size without overloading the delegates with an encyclopaedia of items about governance

    If Professor Bolaji Akinyemi’s self-congratulation is a good measure of how to assess the just concluded national conference in Abuja, there would have been no reason for any federalist in the country to have a second thought about the hyperbolic claims of success at the end of the conference. Having served as the vice chairman of the conference, nobody would blame the former foreign minister for grading a project he co-directed generously, although most people in that capacity would rather wait for others not engrossed in the project to do the evaluation. The balance sheet of the conference does not look as good as it has been painted by the conference’s vice chairman. That the balance sheet appears more negative than the vice chairman has acknowledged is not necessarily because of what the conference staff did directly or did not do at all.

    The conference was aborted ab initio or at its planning stage. Preferring to select delegates to mandating communities to elect their representatives in many ways hobbled the good people that were selected to determine how the peoples of Nigeria want to inter-relate with each other in one united political territory. In addition, the assignment given to the conference was too much: amending or re-writing the 1999 Constitution and also writing a proposal on how to re-invent governments across the board. Just reviewing the basic laws of union would have been enough for a conference of that size without overloading the delegates with an encyclopaedia of items about governance– from designing form of government to showing how to build a silo to keep harvested grains in the country.

    Moreover, the possibility of thinking out of the box in terms of constructing basic laws of union was limited by the house rules that required a minimum of 70% of votes for any decision to hold in the absence of a consensus. Furthermore, what was needed to make delegates think creatively about how to design a multiethnic state-nation was ruled out at the beginning of the conference by its convener: President Goodluck Jonathan. Delegates were told that nobody had the right to think about self-determination, as doing so would question the basis of the union of Nigeria’s nationalities, as if a constitutional conference is not about questioning or problematising the status quo.

    There is no doubt that honest delegates must have gone to the conference, not necessarily for the emoluments as many commentators have observed, but perhaps because delegates were optimistic that they could achieve very much with very little. To be fair to the delegates, they must have exerted themselves. Just seeing the catalogue of what they advise governments to do in order to make Nigeria work or thrive regardless of the type of constitution it has, is enough to convince those who live by criticising others that the delegates thought and talked about many things in the few months of deliberation. Taking over 600 resolutions about every aspect of governing a country, ranging from establishing a sports village and how to choose athletes to represent the country to ensuring adequate supply of potable water for toilets in the markets across the country must have required paying attention to details. The success of the conference is not in the changes delegates recommended in the direction of restoring federalism but more in terms of giving the president a Governance Blueprint of what to do and how to do them in order to govern meaningfully.

    Opening the balance sheet after the conference has submitted its report to the convener suggests that the Yoruba region in particular has gained the least from the conference. This may not be because of any inadequacy on the part of Yoruba delegates. Yoruba delegates included some of the country’s best and finest men and women, many of whom would have been elected by their people were such opportunity available before the conference. But the Yoruba went to the conference as disparate groups or members of opposition parties or pro- and anti-Jonathan groups, rather than as Yoruba people with the belief that true federalism marked by shared governance and shared sovereignty including a reasonable measure of resource control among federating units would improve the life chances of Yoruba people. Each Yoruba delegate believed that his or her patriotism was enough to guarantee seminal contribution at the conference.

    Even before the conference, the Yoruba region was divided on the issue of the conference. Some of the delegates, especially those referred to as leaders of Afenifere or old Afenifere were believed by many to have colluded with the presidency to design a conference that was to be driven by North-South dichotomy and to strengthen Jonathan’s bid for another tenure, on the assumption that de-federalisation of Nigeria since 1966 was the brain child of the North. Such individuals who later became delegates joined forces with other southern regions to prepare a Southern Position, which, from all accounts, now appears to have been jettisoned before the meeting or during the meeting.

    In fact, it took the circulation of the paper from the North titled the “Strength and Backbone of Nigeria” for some Yoruba delegates to commission a paper on regionalism, to replace the anecdotal case each brilliant Yoruba delegate was capable of and expected to make at the conference. It also took one of the young delegates from the Yoruba region to beg and cajole a lot of the delegates for them to see the need to keep their eyes on the ball: functional federalism. The reason for this should have been obvious at the beginning. Yoruba leaders who believe they constitute the region’s permanent shadow cabinet were bent on proving Yoruba politicians who thought the conference was a diversion wrong. In this process, they were enthusiastic more about making sure the conference did not end prematurely than in ensuring that any meaningful re-federalization took place.

    Such leaders had trust in the alliance they conjured with some Southeast and South-south leaders. The burden of proving Yoruba APC leaders wrong about the conference hobbled many of the delegates from the Yoruba region, to the extent that none of the issues raised over the years by the Yoruba about how to bring federalism back to the polity got into the catalogue of resolutions. The highlights of the conference’s success according to Professor Akinyemi should be seen in the context of the overall desire to avoid clear failure that could prove those opposed to the conference right. I am not sure most of the delegates had time to worry about those of us who argued that a national conference called by anybody and at any time was always worth attending. Otherwise, going back to the old National Anthem would not have counted as a success worth celebrating. Pro-democracy groups during the anti-Abacha dictatorship switched from the “Arise o compatriots” to “Nigeria we hail thee” without necessarily moving the country a notch higher on the ladder of federalism.

    This was not because individual delegates did not think and talk right at the conference. It must have been because the civil war the Yoruba fought at home before and during the conference became a burden for most of the delegates, to the extent that regions that came there with proper strategic thinking got what they wanted while the Yoruba region got the option of a state police that is to be subsumed under the central police, which, in addition to other central para-police units: FRSC, National Civil Defence Corps, each state must have as the country’s superintending law enforcement agency. The conference report shows that the Yoruba may be better than other regions in fighting civil wars among themselves, other regions, particularly the North and the Southeast are more astute in strategic thinking, directed at getting their political desires fulfilled.

    To be continued

  • Jonathan okays N50b for mechanised farming

    Jonathan okays N50b for mechanised farming

    President Goodluck Jonathan yesterday said he has directed the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to set aside N50 billion for full scale mechanised farming in Nigeria.

    Jonathan said the money will be used to fund the establishment of 1200 agricultural equipment hiring enterprises nationwide.

    He spoke at the inauguration  of the new 100, 000 metric tonnes (MT) silo complex and the flag off of private sector-driven agricultural equipment hiring enterprises in Kwali Area Council, Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    Represented by the Vice President, Namadi Sambo, Goodluck said he had already directed that 590 unit of tractors, 500 power tillers and harvest and post-harvest equipment be used to support women and youths in agriculture.

    He said: “As part of our drive to leave behind hoes and cutlasses and to replace them with modern agricultural equipment, I have directed the CBN to set aside N50billion mechanisation intervention fund. This support fund will speed up the full establishment of the 1200 private sector-driven agricultural equipment hiring enterprises in all states of the federation.”

    The president also said the Federal Government, through the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, had made available N4.5billion to support the refinancing of the acquisition of the tractors by the private sector through the Bank of Agriculture (BoA).

    According to him, when fully supported, famers will not only feed the country but will also be a major contributor to feeding the world, adding that 14,000 farmers have been registered this year under the government’s Grow Enhancement Scheme.

    The president said: “That is why I launched the Agricultural Transformation Agenda (ATA) in 2011 so that we will have 20 million mt of food by the year 2015. “Powered by access to new technologies especially the new seedlings and fertilizers, Nigeria farmers increased national food production by a total of 21 million metric tonnes within the past three years surpassing the 20 million target set for 2015.

    “When supported, Nigerian farmers will not only feed Nigeria, they will become a major contributor to feeding the world. As we produce more food, it has become more necessary to expand our food storage capacity and reduce post harvest losses.

    “The development of policy grains reserves is central to our policy of stabilising food price for the consumers and assuring guaranteed minimum price and market access to farmers. Much progress has been made in boosting our strategic grains reserve capacity.”