Tag: President Muhammadu Buhari

  • Governors’ security details and  police ‘mai guards’ for big men

    Governors’ security details and police ‘mai guards’ for big men

    The question that is likely to still remain on the minds of most citizens is why governors elected by citizens in a free and fair election would need 62 security details, sixteen years after the exit of military dictatorship.

    The police has recently announced its decision to cut security details for governors from 150 to 62. The decision was sequel to calls by President Buhari for liberation of hundreds of police men and women meant to protect the community from serving as Mai Guards in the homes and cars of powerful men and women in the society. The question that is likely to still remain on the minds of most citizens is why governors elected by citizens in a free and fair election would need 62 security details, sixteen years after the exit of military dictatorship. Citizens are also worried about thousands of police officers attached to retired ministers, commissioners, and even local government chairmen in a country where the only time citizens see police men or women is on highways and street corners where police ask motorists for their driving and vehicle permits, preparatory to extorting them.

    In a way, the recent reduction of governor’s security details from 150 to 62 smacks of some commitment on the part of the IGP to the ethic of change. In the past sixteen years, governors and their wives, and often, children have experienced the generosity (or prodigality?) of the state. There was a time in the recent past when governors’ wives travelled with 40 security details and aides on the same day their gubernatorial husbands were on another assignment that required at least 60 state protectors. Should children of such governors also need to be somewhere else at the same time, they too were entitled to police men to secure them on their way to clubs, bars, or friends. It is still a common sight to see governors alight from their cars in the midst of 50 or more security details, even now that change is in the air.

    A few years ago, the governor of Dubai was featured on CBS 60-minute Sunday documentary, riding a horse and stopping to talk to citizens and driving his own car and stopping to chat with citizens. It was a moving scene of love and admiration between the ruler and the ruled. When asked why the governor would risk a foolhardy mingling with citizens without heavy police protection, he said that there was no reason for him to fear those whose interest he was working to protect and promote. In the governance style that we have in Nigeria, it certainly will be suicidal for most of our governors to see their guests off from their sitting rooms without tens of security details suffocating them and their guests. Such behaviour is typical in most post-colonial African states from Cairo to Cape Town and from Dakar to Dodoma. Our rulers in post-colonial Africa still see themselves as successors to the colonial governor and district officer who needed to be protected from the wrath and jealousy of blood-thirsty primitive natives God had brought them to Africa to civilise.

    The mention of jealousy of colonialists by the colonised is not to imply that there is no jealousy or even envy between those who rule and those who are ruled in Africa in the post-colonial moment. In countries under military rule, the rulers need protection against the electorate whose elected governments they displace by violence, more so when such military dictators repeat the political and economic sabotage of the state for which they dismiss elected civilians. Given the bellicose nature of multiparty politics in Nigeria, especially the hostility between ruling and opposition parties in a system that is characterised by an electoral culture in which the ruling party sees remaining in power as a life-and-death matter, post-election politics often requires that winners be given adequate protection. The need for special protection for governors and other holders of political appointments may not necessarily have anything to do with the behaviour or policies of governors. Even in a properly constituted democratic government, it may be foolhardy for governors with people-friendly policies and programmes not to take precaution, as the thugs of political parties that lost elections are still around to cause mayhem.

    It is thus understandable that governors be given adequate protection, but 62 security details are still too many in a country with less than 400,000 police to protect 180 million citizens, not to talk of state and personal property that requires round-the-clock protection by security personnel. I have heard those who said that 62 security details should not be considered too outrageous, if we truly recognise that our governors, regardless of the quality of their governance require protection against evil doers. Reducing governor’s security staff by 88 per governor leaves the country with additional 3,168 to return to the general pool to protect citizens. This is also a good time to seek more rationalisation in the allocation of state security personnel to non-gubernatorial big men and women as personal security guards.

    The IGP ought to know (and if not, needs to be reminded) that there are thousands of citizens perceived by the government as value-added super men and women who have police protection in their homes, cars, as well as in the cars of their spouses. In many cases, such police men are seen carrying the bags of their oga’s wives to and from the market, standing behind them in party halls, and standing at the doors of beauty parlours each time such wives of extraordinarily value-added men choose to paint their nails. Under the category of men and women of political power, the culture is that those who had served as ministers, commissioners, speakers, and in other ‘high-wattage’ political offices have police attached to them for life. The list includes surviving ministers from governments overthrown by military dictators since the sudden end of Balewa’s government for unacceptable level of corruption. Even individuals who served under military governments in what is considered in the country’s political culture as larger-than-life capacity between 1966 and now are also being protected at the expense of the state. Even three months into the government of change, members of the previous executive and legislature are still being protected by police men in cars that have no tags and those that carry NASS plate numbers.

    There must be a better strategy for protecting citizens who had held political appointments before than just reducing the number of security staff attached to them. While governors and current ministers may have some reason to fear for their lives, there is no reason why the state should be spending taxpayers’ money on special protection for individuals who ordinarily should not be in harm’s (or ‘arms’?) way months and years after leaving office. In an ethos of equality before the law and equal opportunity for all citizens, there is a need for the new National Security Adviser to think anew about how to make former political office holders feel at ease after leaving office.

    There is also no logical reason to be renting government security staff to economic giants or billionaires who also feel unsafe, to the extent of requiring special police to watch over them in their living rooms and bedrooms. In the universities twenty-five years ago, vice chancellors did not have policemen running around them and their wives. But today, a vice chancellor without a police orderly is a rarity. Even some vice chancellors of state and private universities are now seen in public with police orderlies sitting beside their drivers on highways while it is impossible for any citizen to get police to respond to stress calls.

    There is so much advantage that advances in technology can provide to support governments’ efforts to protect the life and property of current and past political office holders, more so that electricity supply is improving by the day. Electronic surveillance, home alarm systems, security presence in communities rather than in the homes of individuals with political or economic power are some of such devices to release thousands of police men working as Mai guards for politicians to protect communities.

  • Ogbemudia to Nigerians: criticise Buhari objectively

    Ogbemudia to Nigerians: criticise Buhari objectively

    Former governor of Bendel State, Dr Samuel Ogbemudia, has described the jaundiced criticisms of President Muhammadu Buhari by a section of Nigerians as unwarranted.

    Ogbemudia, who is a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees, spoke in Benin, Edo State capital, yesterday at a forum where he inaugurated the Best Journalist awards committee led by a former General Manager of the Edo State Broadcasting Service (EBS), Pastor (Mrs) Sibi Lawal-Igioh.

    The elder statesman, who was reacting to scathing remarks made by some Nigerians over perceived lopsided appointments by Buharai said: “Nigerians asked him (Buhari) to appoint people who can work with him and he can only appoint people he knows. If he fails by appointing a united nation they will say it was his fault, they ought to have known. But he is now picking people he has tremendous trust in their ability. So, those criticising him should let him do his work. If at the end of four years he did not perform, then Nigerians have another opportunity to either say carry on or stop.

    “All these criticisms, I do not buy them. And the people who are criticising him probably have never held any government position, they don’t know what is happening there, that all that glitters is not gold.”

    On the propriety or otherwise of assessing the administration in the last 100 days, Ogbemudia said it was not in order.

    “Buhari was elected for four years and in the programme of events which led to the elections, at no time was hundred days mentioned. That they were being done in the past was perhaps a persuasive authority but that does not mean that everybody should keep to it. A programme well thought out to bring Nigeria back to the line of development, the line of security and so on, planning alone takes more than a hundred days,” he stressed.

    “So they can excuse him because the Buhari they knew earlier on is no longer the same Buhari because this is a democracy. He has the National Assembly and the judicial arm now. His powers then are being shared with these two arms now. He cannot join the bandwagon, as a matter of fact that is why he wants to change the evil ways things are done before so that Nigeria will be better,” he stated.

    Justifying the introduction of the Best Journalists Award in Edo, Ogbemudia said, it was his own way of rewarding excellence in journalism.

    “When you go to Observer (state-owned newspaper), you see reporters who have worked hard over the years but no recognition. So what we want to do is that at the end of the year we will find out which journalist has excelled over the year and give him a plaque and a little money attached,” he said.

  • Presidential appointments:  Matters arising

    Presidential appointments: Matters arising

    President Buhari must be guided by the criticisms when making subsequent appointments

    President Muhammadu Buhari’s latest round of appointments to federal office has drawn a great deal of criticism, especially across the southern half of Nigeria.  The immediate cause of the disenchantment is the ethnic origins of the officials he named to the positions at issue.

    Of the six, only Ita Solomon Enang, Senior Special Assistant on National Assembly Matters (Senate) comes from the South. The other five, Babachir David Lawal (Secretary to the Government of the Federation), Abba Kyari, (Chief of Staff to the President), Colonel Hammed Ibrahim Ali (Comptroller-General, the Nigerian Customs Service), Kure Martin Abeshi (Comptroller-General of the Nigerian Immigration Service), and Suleiman A. Kawu, Senior Special Assistant on National Assembly Matters (House of Representatives), come from the North.

    Their qualifications are not in dispute.

    But in the news media and public discourse, the appointments have been described as “lopsided”, as reflecting insensitivity to the plurality of the Nigerian state, and as having stirred up “outrage across Nigeria.” Some have even gone to the incendiary length to characterising Buhari as “President of Northern Nigeria.”

    The Chief of Staff reports directly to the President. His appointment belongs entirely in the President’s discretion. That is how it should be. The Presidency will function much better when President and the Chief of Staff share outlook and vision and have matching chemistry.

    The office of Secretary to the Federal Government has a larger purview and answers to a much larger audience. But here also, Nigerian presidents, going back to the Second Republic, have traditionally exercised discretionary power in selecting those whose devotion and loyalty they can more or less take for granted. The same goes for the President’s liaison officers with the Senate and the House of Representatives.

    Of the six posts at issue, then, only two – the comptrollers-general for the Customs and Immigration services– fall outside the realm of presidential discretion. Appointment to these posts is subject to confirmation by the Senate.

    It is here that the case can perhaps be made that the President should have cast his net much wider in search of suitable appointees, of whom there is no shortage. Surely, it has been asked, if a worthy appointee could not have been found within its own ranks to lead the Customs, instead of recalling a military officer from retirement to lead the agency?

    Over the decades, the Customs service has been notorious for setting ridiculously low revenue targets, and then congratulating itself on meeting and exceeding them. Desperate for enhanced revenues to cushion shrinking receipts from oil exports, the government seems to have decided, according to informed sources, that an outsider is better placed to lead the agency to answer to the new challenge.

    But it does not follow that the person should come from the North.

    Even so, and taking into account the President’s previous appointments, it is too early to write Buhari off as President of only one section of Nigeria. Cumulatively, the appointments constitute only a tiny fraction of those he will be making in due course.

    Besides, those judging the appointments in terms of ethnic arithmetic will stand on firmer ground if they weighed them in the overall context of senior public service positions, not piecemeal. The piecemeal approach rests on an unrepresentative sample, and is to that extent flawed. Also, how much power and influence derive from it should be the measure of the office, not crude numbers.

    Still, the concerns that have been expressed cannot be ignored. The President has been put on notice that his appointees will be closely scrutinised, and that he will be pressed to ensure that they fully and faithfully reflect the pluralistic makeup of the Nigerian State, especially in terms of ethnicity, religion and gender.

    It is healthy that the President has acknowledged the legitimacy of the concerns and promised that they will inform future appointments.

  • Group lauds Buhari on 100 days

    A group, Buhari-Osinbajo Diaspora Organisation Think Tank Group (BTTG), has commended President Muhammadu Buhari for his achievements in the first 100 days of the current administration.

    The group based in the United Kingdom said the achievements of Buhari were indications of better days to come for the nation.

    Its co-chairman, Dr Dapo Williams, in a statement, stressed that the president didn’t promise anything specifically to achieve within the first 100 days.

    Williams noted that the president has set Nigeria on the path of restoration with the administration’s various policies, which it said has impacted positively on the different sectors of the nation’s economy.

    He listed some of the achievements of Buhari as the introduction of a Single Treasury Account (STA), stoppage of direct unbudgeted deductions, sponsorship of pilgrimages, stabilisation of the power sector, re-invigoration of the war against corruption and insurgency in the North East, commencement of the clean-up of Ogoni and increase in foreign reserves despite the drop in the price of oil in the international market.

    The group said all these were pointers that the president is determined to put the country on an irreversible motion of development.

    The group called on the president not to be distracted by attempts by the opposition to re-writing history.

  • Atilade to Buhari: No sacred cow in anti-graft war

    The South West Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) Archbishop Magnus Atilade has charged President Muhammadu Buhari to remain resolute and not be distracted in his fight against corruption.

    He lamented that the rots in public and private sector were extremely high and require urgent surgical cleaning for actualisation of the nation’s much-anticipated development.

    He spoke in an interview with our correspondent.

    He told Buhari to be encouraged by the massive support of Nigerians for the current fight against sleaze.

    Urging him to go after anybody found culpable of corruption, Atilade appealed that the President should have no sacred cow in the anti-corruption war.

    He tasked that no corrupt official under the guise of party members, friends or kinsmen should be left out of the anti-graft fight.

    The President of Gospel Baptist Conference of Nigeria and Overseas (GBCN&O) said any attempt to be selective in the fight against corruption will only make nonsense the effort to rid our country of corruption.

    “Nigerians are watching the President and would want him to continue and never be deterred or distracted in the anti- corruption campaign.

    “This campaign is good and would take Nigeria to the next level of greatness.”

    On if the anti-graft war is not an attempt to project the last administration in a bad light, Atilade said the revelations “on the rot in the system is heart rendering and anyone found guilty should be punished so that others would learn.”

    He however said the current administration should forgive repentant looters willing to return their ill-gotten wealth.

  • ICAN backs Buhari’s anti-graft war

    ICAN backs Buhari’s anti-graft war

    • Ambode urges support

    The Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) yesterday threw its weight behind President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-corruption war.

    Speaking with State House correspondents after leading a delegation to President, its 51st President, Otumba Olufemi Samuel Deru said Buhari’s war is in line with ICAN’s professional integrity and accountability.

    He led the delegation on courtesy visit to the president after ICAN marked its Goldeen Jubilee.

    He said: “Government interest is our interest. We are into integrity and accountability. We have like minds. I’m so grateful to the President for giving us time to articulate our papers.

    “ICAN is the voice of business. Accountability is our business     and we uphold the tenets of transparency and we must be transparent in what we do.

    “We also have the whistle blowing fund so that anybody who misbehaves and they want to penalise our members, we have N50 million set aside to fight such course so that our people can work and be transparent and be unbiased.”

    Noting that not everybody that is called an accountant is a chartered accountant, he said chartered accountants are only 40,000 in number in Nigeria.

    On his part, Lagos State Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, who is a chartered accountant, said what President Buhari has come up with in the last 100 days is about credibility and integrity for those in public offices.

    He said: “Buhari has come up with moral leadership in the last 100 days and that is what is needed to fight corruption in the country.

    “Nobody is judging anyone; what we have seen since May 29 is about strong leadership that had shown direction to all Nigerians; the mantra of such leadership that is being reflected by the president is what we are seeing in other states.

    “Everybody is beginning to feel that they must obey the rule of law. All revenue agencies are now paying to a single account and that makes everyone to be accountable.”

    Earlier, Governor Ambode  had appealed to members of ICAN to support ongoing anti-corruption and re-orientation efforts of President Buhari.

    Ambode spoke during the opening ceremony of the 45th Annual Conference of  ICAN, at the International Conference Centre, Abuja, yesterday.

    He said the pivotal role played by accountants in the day-to-day running of government means that they must be above board in discharging their duties.

    He said: “I once heard someone says “only accountants can save the world-through peace, goodwill and reconciliations. That tells me that the people who can save Nigeria are in this hall today. We must kick-start that process now by developing mechanisms that will make it compelling for members of the Institute to exhibit a high level of integrity wherever we find ourselves.”

    According to him, as custodians and managers of financial resources, accountants must be above board and resist the temptation to compromise professional ethics and personal integrity.

    He also tasked accountants in the country to commence the process of raising the bar of integrity through a pragmatic rebuilding of the nation’s value system so as to redefine the vision of the profession.

    The governor recalled that since the establishment of ICAN in 1965, the Institute has lived up to the expectations and dreams of the founding fathers, which has berthed world class chartered accountants offering quality services at the top echelon of both the public and private sector organisations.

    “From a mere 250 members to over 40,000 membership, the Institute has, no doubt, made a remarkable achievement that is worth celebrating. This is in addition to the continuous reforms in response to the evolving changes in the 21st century.

    “Today’s celebration however, presents a golden opportunity for the present leadership to bequeath to the coming generation, legacies and landmarks that will be worthy of celebration in the next 50 years. That legacy, in my mind, can be found in our motto”Accuracy and Integrity,” he said.

    Stressing that there is going to be synergy between Lagos and Federal Government now that they are of the same party, he said  the last 100 days in Lagos State has been continuity with improvement.

    On whether he is probing his predecessor, he said: “I have said it is continuity with improvement.”

  • Attacks on Buhari’s war against corruption – The case of Nwabueze

    Attacks on Buhari’s war against corruption – The case of Nwabueze

    Last week’s piece on Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah’s objections to President Muhammadu Buhari’s declared war on corruption during Dr. Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, has elicited by far the largest number of reactions to this column so far this year – 84 texts and three emails in all. Out of the 84 texts, only three vehemently disagreed with my criticism of the bishop. Another six or so shared my view, but disagreed with my hunch that religion had much to do with the bishop’s position. The rest were critical of him with no caveats.

    I think the number of the readers’ reactions alone suggests that most Nigerians, regardless of religion or tribe, consider the fight against corruption the country’s topmost priority. If my guess is right, Professor Ben Nwabueze must then belong to a minority who think otherwise. For the professor, religion, specifically Islam, and not corruption, poses the greatest threat to Nigeria’s peace and progress.

    In an over 3,300-word interview in The PUNCH of August 9 he said so categorically. Asked by the newspaper if he agreed with the widespread public opinion that corruption posed the biggest challenge the country faces, he said no. Corruption, he said, was only “the second biggest.”

    The first, he said, “is the crisis arising from the religious divide. That is the first and the most terrible. After that comes corruption. All other things are subsidiaries.”

    Our Constitution, he said, contained two contradictory ideologies, one favoured by Christianity and the other by Islam. The ideology preferred by Christianity, he said, is democracy, whereas that preferred by Islam which is based on Sharia or Islamic Law “favours theocracy and other forms of dictatorial rule.”

    The conflict between these two ideologies, he said, has landed the country in the middle of a big crisis which, he said in effect, Buhari is incapable of resolving in favour of democracy because he is an agent of Islamic theocracy.

    “He,” the professor said, “has many restraints; he has many constraints. He is not a free agent. Whatever may be his personal characteristics, he is not a free agent. HE WAS CHOSEN AS THE APC’S (ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS’) PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE AT THE PRIMARY FOR A PURPOSE; TO TRY TO IMPLEMENT AN AGENDA. I WON’T GO ANY FURTHER. His ability, his capacity to fight corruption decisively is constrained and restrained by some factors, mostly religious.” (Emphasis mine).

    As a professor, especially of law and, for that matter, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Nwabueze should know better than reach a verdict based on conjecture rather than facts. Clearly, however, his barely disguised conclusion that Buhari was elected the presidential candidate of APC to impose an Islamic theocracy on Nigeria is without any basis in fact.

    No doubt religion is important to Nigerians as a means of identity. A survey in the country ahead of the April 21, 2007 presidential elections by the American Pew Research Centre titled “Nigeria’s Presidential Election: The Christian-Muslim Divide” suggested that the vast majority of its people regarded religion as more important for their identity than their nationality, ethnicity and continent.  Among Christians the percentage was 76 for religion as against nine for nationality, six for ethnicity and eight for the continent. For Muslims the percentages were 91, five, zero and three.

    The same survey, however, showed that both groups favoured democracy over any other form of government. Among Christians the percentage of those who said free and fair elections with a choice of at least two political parties were “somewhat or very important” was 86 as against 13 who said it was “not too or not at all important.” The percentages for Muslims were 93 and four.

    It’s been eight years and two presidential elections since Pew’s survey. However, given the enthusiasm with which Nigerians have participated in those elections, it is very clear that they have not changed their minds about their preference for democracy whatever their religion.

    That enthusiasm alone must make one wonder on what basis our learned professor reached his verdict that Nigeria faces a greater danger from our religious differences than from corruption.

    In his interview, Nwabueze at first says he would not spell out the powers constraining Buhari from fighting corruption and propelling him to impose Islamic theocracy on Nigeria. “I won’t,” he said, “go any further” in naming Buhari’s puppeteers.

    Over halfway through the interview, however, he went ahead all the same to name two. The first, he says, is “the invisible government of Nigeria” whose existence is known to only a few. The other, he says, is “a group of die-hard Islamists determined to impose Islamic (Sharia) system of government on Nigeria.”

    The first group, he claimed, is led by former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida and former head of state, General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The group, he added, has been strengthened by former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, who has since left the erstwhile ruling Peoples Democratic Party.

    He named no names in his group of “die-hard Islamists,” but elsewhere in the interview he did say Boko Haram was a manifestation of the group as the local wing of global jihadists.

    Conspiracy theories come at dozens a kobo. However, the professor’s theories of an “invisible government” led by Babangida dictating policies and programmes to President Buhari, and of the leadership of Boko Haram sect as yet another godfather of Buhari, must rank as one of the cheapest form of demagoguery. Certainly it ranks as the most laughable because it is no more than an attempt by an otherwise brilliant scholar to elevate beer-parlour gossip to the level of serious scholarship.

    Actually it is worse than laughable because even in beer parlours it would be hard to find anyone who does not know that there has really never been any love lost between Buhari and Babangida since the latter overthrew the former as head of state in August 1985 in a bloodless palace coup. In any case, if the professor’s invisible government truly existed and Babangida was its patriarch, how come he couldn’t even fulfil his proverbial wish to step back in to power since the return of democracy in 1999?

    As for General Abdulsalami being a chieftain of Nwabueze’s invisible government, anyone who has followed the man’s military career would testify to the fact that a more apolitical person is hard to find. And only the most credulous person would believe the professor’s claim that Obasanjo, with his huge ego, would play second fiddle to anyone in any group in this country.

    In his over 3,000-word, two-part essay published by The Guardian last month which he claimed to be the position of Igbo Leaders of Thought – I have my doubts about his claim because associations of people don’t go announcing their positions through longish essays – he said the group objected to Buhari limiting his probe of corruption to Jonathan’s presidency alone because that would be selective and cannot put an end to the vice.

    The professor is obviously right to say that fighting corruption under Jonathan alone is selective. However, he is wrong to argue that the fight will succeed only if it includes corruption under Jonathan’s predecessors all the way back to 1985 under Babangida.

    His assumption here is obvious; it is possible to eliminate corruption. That assumption is patently false. As long as there is human society there will be corruption. What is important, however, is to have a system that makes corruption difficult and also punishes the corrupt whenever he is found out. In Nigeria’s history, no administration has made it so easy to steal with so much impunity as Jonathan’s. Such was the impunity that he could not even rely on his men – and women – not to steal the money meant for his election victory, an impunity which resulted in an incumbent losing an election at the national level for the first time in the history of this country.

    Because it is not possible to end corruption, the fight against it must never fall into the danger of allowing perfection to be the enemy of the good. Fighting all corrupt cases simultaneously is perfect but even our professor cannot deny that starting with the most obvious case is a good start. Nor can he deny that Jonathan’s presidency holds the gold medal in the race for self-aggrandisement because, as he himself said in The PUNCH interview in question, corruption today has assumed “buccaneering” proportions.

    At 84, Professor Nwabueze should be concerned about his legacies. Some of the most notable ones among these are hardly what his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren can be proud of. Among these is the Unification Decree of 1966 which he was a principal author of and which eventually led to our civil war. Another one he masterminded was the decree which established the Interim National Government under Chief Ernest Shonekan in 1993 which, in turn, paved the way for the venal dictatorship of General Sani Abacha.

    In between the two decrees he became – and continues to be – a leading advocate of Nigeria as a federation of ethnic nationalities, a most reactionary idea you can think of in a world that has since become a global village and where the wealthiest countries are melting pots of diverse creeds and cultures instead of patchworks of their constituent parts.

    Let it not, in addition, be said of him that here was a man who used his brilliance to try and scuttle the first attempt by any administration in this country to seriously fight corruption.

    Note

    I am sorry I am unable to reproduce the reactions to the last two pieces today as I promised last week due to space constraint. Next week, God willing, I’ll devote the entire column to some of the reactions.

  • Photo : Buhari at polio eradication meeting

    Photo : Buhari at polio eradication meeting

    Chief of Staff to the President Mallam Abba Kyari, Permanent Secretary Ministry of Health Linus Awute, President Muhammadu Buhari,Executive Secretary Primary Health Care Development Dr.Ado Mohammed and the Emir of Argungu Alhaji Isma’ila Mohammadu Mera  after their meeting on Polio Eradication in the Country at the State House Abuja yesterday.
    Chief of Staff to the President Mallam Abba Kyari, Permanent Secretary Ministry of Health Linus Awute, President Muhammadu Buhari,Executive Secretary Primary Health Care Development Dr.Ado Mohammed and the Emir of Argungu Alhaji Isma’ila Mohammadu Mera after their meeting on Polio Eradication in the Country at the State House Abuja yesterday.
  • Buhari’s puzzling appointments

    Buhari’s puzzling appointments

    President Muhammadu Buhari’s seemingly grudging gesture in appointing a few southerners into the presidency and security staff can neither escape attention nor censure. Of the 12 or 13 appointments so far in the presidency, only three have gone to southerners. If appointments to the nation’s security network are added, the number of southerners rises to five out of a total of about 20. It will be interesting to find out how the president’s mind works on this curious issue. He approved the appointments, indeed, he made them. But does he have the presence of mind to appreciate the troubling message the skewed appointments convey about his worldview, and to the country and his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC)?

    Until last Thursday, many commentators had given the president the benefit of the doubt on the structure and motive of his over 30 general appointments. After the recent appointments, some six in all, few analysts doubt any longer how his mind works or what his perspectives are. They still see him as upright, honest and eager to remake a country battered by more than six years of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency. In fact they will rather have him fighting corruption and sloth in public office than anyone else. But they probably no longer see him as the presumed nationalist of their hopes and imagination, nor conceive of him as the one who will be Nigeria’s moderniser and unifier. In just two or three bouts of appointments, President Buhari may have demystified his government and person.

    The signs had been there all along. Top Nigerians, some of them former presidents and former governors, had been uncomfortable with the president’s narrow circle of friends. He had a tendency to stick with those he knew and trusted, they said. He rarely experimented nor ever imbibed the wide-ranging relationships that conduce to great governance in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and very plural and complex nation like Nigeria, others volunteered. Even this column, which fanatically advanced his interest before the elections, muttered under its breath about whether Candidate Buhari had overcome the provincialism and exclusionism that hobbled his past or were ascribed to him by his critics and detractors. Might there be no one else who could galvanise the society, especially the critical mass of voters in the North, to sweep Dr Jonathan out of office? The answer, sadly, was no. And so Candidate Buhari won the support of this column, notwithstanding the reservations.

    Whatever his past, whatever was ascribed to him fairly or unfairly, and whatever bad names he had been called, there is nothing in the appointments he has made so far that justifies what he has done as a presumed and corrective patriot. The culmination of  the appointments is that Nigeria will in the foreseeable future, perhaps all of four years, have to cope with a presidency that will be distinctly northern in outlook and culture, in the same reprehensible and damaging manner the Jonathan presidency was distinctly Niger Delta/Southeast. Surely, President Buhari must recognise that one of the major reasons Dr Jonathan was repudiated by a chafing electorate was the fact that his parochial aides fouled the presidency in a manner completely irreconcilable with 21st century dictates. Why would President Buhari ignore the lessons of history?

    This must be quite an unsettling time for the APC. For, in the end, they will have to both manage the backlash that will follow these appointments and struggle to keep their fractious party together. After the riling intraparty controversy that nearly fragmented the ruling party and the National Assembly in June, it was hoped that the president would take sensible and measured steps in addressing both the apparent exclusion of the Southeast in the scheme of things and the token recognition given the Southwest, the region that inspired, structured, energised and harmonised the anti-Jonathan and anti-PDP coalitions. Instead, even the mistakes never made nor contemplated by the PDP, nor yet by Dr Jonathan, as poor in leadership as he was, are being flagrantly committed.

    Assuming President Buhari is convinced he disdained better options, it is doubtful whether there is anything he can do in the short run to remedy the situation. He cannot rescind the slanted appointments he has just made; and there are no more key and powerful presidency and security positions to fill. Worse, once a negative impression of the Buhari presidency has taken root, thus confirming the scepticism of those who doubted the so-called political and attitudinal reformation the president claimed he had undergone, it is unlikely that the hard opinion of Buharisceptics would thaw anytime soon.

    What is probably worse is that the political opposition to President Buhari and the APC will now feel emboldened by the sudden realisation that this Achilles indeed has a vulnerable heel. No amount of remedy can dispel the accusation of bias levelled against the president. There are hundreds of other positions waiting to be filled. But the president has already lopsidedly filled the key positions with northerners. All that remains is for this negative impression of him to harden. Every step he takes will then be viewed from that distorted prism. His policies may be sound, and his appointees, tilted towards the North as they are, may be among the best technocrats the country can boast of, but he will be denounced for permitting that skewness, and the value of his policies and the true worth of his appointees will be held continuously in doubt.

    Probably the most acute part of the national embarrassment flowing from the appointments is that President Buhari will now be seen as running and nurturing a presidency that is anything but Nigerian in outlook, and a kitchen cabinet he trusts absolutely but is not ennobled by diversified and inspiring perspectives of issues. After ruling Nigeria as head of state and running for the presidency four times, President Buhari was presumed to recognise the need to make the presidency largely reflect the cultural and political pastiche of Nigeria. He failed to understand this. He should be worried. His supporters suggest that by the time he is through with the remaining appointments, Nigeria’s colourful diversity would manifest. Perhaps. But to the embarrassment and dismay of the circumspect northerners he has appointed, that diversity will be absent at the highest level of the presidency.

    The problem is not that President Buhari has malevolently assembled a constricted presidency, or that he naturally wishes to exclude the rest of the country from his inner circle. Indeed, those who served with or under him in the military have attested to his sense of fairness and patriotism. The real problem is that he has spent most of his active years cultivating or mentoring a very restrictive circle of friends, mentees and subordinates. He apparently prefers to have close to himself those he can trust and feel comfortable around. It is not, therefore, that he is taking the wrong steps by design, as some Southeast politicians have alleged, but that he seems precisely the sort of leader who would do right inadvertently. For a complex society like Nigeria, that orientation is clearly intolerable, and to the Southeast, indefensible.

    Notwithstanding the most copious amelioration of the situation, including vouchsafing the remainder of the so-called juiciest ministerial and MDAs positions to the Southwest and Southeast, the president must have no illusion that any such amelioration can expand the worldview and perspectives of his presidency. Since he assumed office, this column, among many other analysts, had wondered which shadowy personalities were behind his policies and decisions in the absence of a cabinet. These policies and decisions, it was already manifesting in the weeks since he became president, did not gesture appropriately to the wider needs and cultural and political sensitivities of the country. It may get worse now that presidency and security positions have been all but filled up.

    The foundation of a government is as important as the structure of governance erected on it. Yet, no Nigerian government has attracted such dreadful unease over appointments as the Buhari presidency has managed in a few momentous weeks. Had he availed himself of appropriate advice, had he assembled a kaleidoscope of technocrats and politicians, it is unlikely he would have made the kind of appointments he made last week and before. Indeed, it is likely he would have avoided the fiasco in the National Assembly that is certain to dog his presidency for some time, not to talk of the current, unseemly controversy over presidency positions. Commentators did their best to warn the president of the growing slant in his appointments a few weeks ago, especially after he announced his new security chiefs. By ignoring them and going ahead to make the even more controversial appointments of last week, it seems clear the president knew what he was doing.

    President Buhari knew what kind of presidency he wanted. He has now consciously assembled it, and must live with it. His worldview will very likely remain constricted, unable to benefit from the variegated exchange of ideas and backgrounds that diverse presidential aides give. His perspectives will also doubtless be coloured by the philosophies and textures of the men he has assembled to work in close quarters with him. He and his supporters and party must now hope that the foundation he has laid for his presidency, from which he hopes to govern the country adroitly, will sustain his cumbersome vision of a remade and thriving Nigeria. He has his work cut out for him. If he gets away with this unprecedented experimentation of skewness, he will be a lucky man indeed. What is not certain, however, is that he can deliver on the great country the people envision, a country that retains the Buhari legacy after his time in office, renders superfluous the laying of another foundation many years down the road, and is able to offer Africa leadership because it had itself mastered its own cultural, religious and political complexities.

  • Bishop Kukah’s grandiloquence:  A mere rearguard face-saving effort

    Bishop Kukah’s grandiloquence: A mere rearguard face-saving effort

    The Peace Committee having been denied the joy of playing a Job’s comforter to now President Muhammadu Buhari, is merely out on a fishing expedition, eager, always, to protect the object of its adulation as well as its raison d’etre.

    Tatalo scored the bull’s eye when in ‘The Trial Of Bishop Kukah’, (The Nation, 23 August, 2015) he wrote:  “Let it be bluntly and baldly stated that this committee, the Nigerian Peace Committee, that is, is not about peace at all. It materialised as a last ditch ruling class initiative to force General Buhari to accept dishonourable defeat and hence to stave off the revolutionary turmoil and anarchy that would have accompanied electoral miscarriage…’ Indeed, I make bold to say that it was, essentially, the apogee of the many schemes  put in place by the core Jonathanists and  their acolytes like  Afenifere  to hoodwink  Nigerians  into silence after gifting an undeserving President Jonathan a second term. Granted that it would be uncharitable to suggest that Afenifere is not serious about restructuring, they were well aware they sold the idea of a national conference to a most unwilling President Jonathan who would later show his utter revulsion for the event by failing to do anything about those aspects he could, very easily, have effected by a mere stroke of the pen.  Yet they wanted him to win and would do everything to secure that victory. For Afenifere therefore, the national conference was seen as a ‘deu ex machina’ to guarantee Southwest votes go to Jonathan.  That intended victory must also be sustainable because only then would Afenifere get out of its decades- old consignment to political Siberia in a region where they used to be the undisputed leaders; its most important reason for supporting Jonathan. In the certainty of that victory, to get which the PDP had other schemes to eventuate, and about which Afenifere may have been completely unaware, they had to help Jonathan prevent any post election conflagration as we saw in 2011. Because of the urgency of that victory, Afenifere raised no objection, whatever, to the president’s intent to inundate the country, especially the Southwest, with soldiers and masked members of the Niger-Delta Volunteer Force. Not even when Asari Dokubo threatened to level the entire Southwest did we hear a whimper from Afenifere. Jonathan’s victory, without a repeat of the 2011 post-election conflagration was uppermost in their calculations and for this reason, we would have some international diplomats come on a ‘salvage mission’.

     Aside Afenifere, PDP was, of course, certain of its candidate’s re-election. Many were the strategies, legal and otherwise, put in place to ensure it. Up until the eve of the election, when the respected Professor Chidi Odinkalu weighed in, supporting deployment of soldiers all over the country in a democratic election, the Ekiti model, which failed in Osun because we were fast in unravelling what happened at the Ekiti election, and the yeoman’s effort to frustrate them, was to be the template.  Nigerians have since come to know the details, courtesy Captain Koli’s Ekitigate tapes. For a confirmation of this claim, I quote from my article titled: “It Will Be Most Unlike PDP Not To Rig The 2015 Election,” of  4 January 2015 in which I  quoted Musiliu  Obanikoro ( a major player in  the Ekitigate saga) in an interview boasting as follows: ‘I can tell you that we are going to win. The president is going to win BIG; we are going to clear the Southwest. You can mark today’s date and quote me.” I invite the reader to note Obanikoro’s emphatic arrogance. As at that date, Nigerians have not known anything about the tapes.

    While the PDP was scheming, APC was working on much surer ground, a fact which enabled Dr. Femi Olufunmilade, a member of its Presidential Campaign Council to observe as follows in a recent interview: “The schisms within the PDP and the support of innumerable groups across the federation and the Diaspora were there to ensure victory. Many youth organisations, trade unions and so on lined up behind the Buhari-Osinbajo ticket. It was a rainbow coalition that cut across ethnicity, religion, region, class, professions etc. A unique feature of the ticket was that the talakawas, the lower class, the very poor in society gave their time, money, and intellect to it. It was unprecedented. I recall that when my campaign team of the Buhari-Osinbajo Support Organisation (BOSO) campaigned in the Ibarapa region of Oyo State and we offered to pay some local folks to paste the Buhari-Osinbajo posters we took along, they rejected our money and felt somehow insulted.”

    Incidentally, this widespread cult following was also being observed by some people in the other camp. Such persons knew that to rig the presidential election would be tantamount to inviting a conflagration far worse than we saw in 2011. This, I suspect, was how the former U.N Secretary-General, Kofie Anan and his former Commonwealth counterpart, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, suddenly emerged on the scene. It must be recalled, however, that this was soon after Prof Bolaji Akinyemi, with clear sympathies for Afenifere, proposed the signing of a MOU between the two leading presidential candidates. Integral to the proposed memorandum of understanding was the suggestion that the two candidates should sign that their supporters will, willy nilly, ACCEPT WHATEVER THE RESULT(caps mine) of the election.  Because I have never seen or heard anything like this before, I soon reacted to the suggestion. On these pages, Sunday, 18 January, 2015, I queried: “Is this diplomacy or duplicity? Nobody wants violence but how has PDP shown it won’t rig the election, being in power? Will the president deploy soldiers, policemen, militants in masks or not? Why didn’t the diplomats or Professor Akinyemi emphasise transparency and integrity of the electoral process? Left to me, this accord is a carte blanche to PDP to rig to their hearts’ content. I am sure something preposterous is afoot and APC had better wake up.” In my view, these were all attempts to mollify Nigerians into quietude after candidate Buhari would have been mindlessly rigged out and I believe this was when the Peace Committee was birthed; aimed at giving a victorious, re-elected President Jonathan, a safe landing, devoid of any of our usual post-election bloodletting.

    I could be wrong, anyway, but this is the logical deduction I can make from the extant circumstances.

    With Muhammadu Buhari’s victory having become obvious hours before the close of vote tabulation, wringing a congratulatory telephone call from the defeated candidate to the winner became about the only remarkable thing the peace people could do. And the success of that must, to a great extent, be attributed to the massive and totally uncompromising stance of the UK and the U.S whose ambassadors were on ground, literally, eye ball to eye ball. To this must be added Olusegun Obasanjo’s earlier, and very timely, warning to President Jonathan about the not too pleasant circumstances of President Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d’Ivoire.

    Given this background, it should not surprise Nigerians that Bishop Kukah has since experienced a reverse Pauline conversion which took him away from the Nigerian hoi polloi and dropped him, ‘dead’, on the side of the oppressors. But there is something more about this Peace committee. According to the inimitable Olatunji Dare in his article: “Between ‘national icon’ and iconographer” (The Nation, 11 August, 2015) the Peace committee Chairman, in a newspaper advert, recently congratulated Chief Tony Anenih as follows on his 82nd birthday: “A leader of uncommon achievement, keeper of the peace of the nation, a political heavyweight and mentor to the upcoming generation; an elder statesman and a leader of indomitable mien. No doubt yours has been a life of consistent hard work, total commitment to higher principles and unalloyed loyalty to the national cause.”  Conceding that all this is true of the elder statesman, and given what Nigerians know about the relationship between Chief Anenih  and former President Jonathan, I ask, is it likely  that the Peace Committee  could ever lend its  weight to a probe of  former President Jonathan? I doubt.

    Nigerians should, in the light of all these, take Bishop Kukah’s grandiloquent disavowals as nothing more than blowing an empty wind. The Peace Committee having been denied the joy of playing a Job’s comforter to now President Muhammadu Buhari, is merely out on a fishing expedition, eager, always, to protect the object of its adulation as well as its raison detre.