It is a tribute to their nuisance value that the organisers of the August 1 – 10, 2024 protests have triggered tremors high on the Richter scale in the corridors of power. The whole populace, government, and security agencies are awake, agitated and waiting for doomsday as it were. Meanwhile the protest organisers, full of rhetoric and bombast, are sleeping blissfully here and in far-flung places. They will keep playing the same protest card and doing the same thing over and over again until the whole protest saga becomes farcical. The 2020 EndSARS protest was erroneously thought to be leaderless, and despite the damage to the body politic and the enormous complication it brought to ethnic relations in Nigeria, the browbeaten authorities allowed it to end ‘leaderless’ by not prosecuting anyone.
The August 1-10, 2024 protests are a different kettle of fish. Unable to resist the lure of being recognised as one of the leading organisers of the August protests, Omoyele Sowore, founder of the controversial online medium, Sahara Reporters, has appropriated to himself a leading role. He is one of the inspirations behind what he described as a movement: Revolution Now. His medium has published fiery, inciting and unsubstantiated news about the ‘ignoble’ roles he believes some Nigerian leaders are playing in trying to forestall the protests, including making allegations of bribery and subversion. A few days ago, the medium published the list of the protesters’ demands, and followed up with their risible requests concerning the execution of the protests in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. In the lengthy list of demands, the promoters hubristically conflate their opinions and grievances with those of Nigerians and the youths.
Among the demands are the following: “Scrap the 1999 Constitution and replace it with a People-made Constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria through a Sovereign National Conference immediately followed by a National Referendum.
“Toss the Senate arm of the Nigerian Legislative System, keep the House of Representatives (HOR), and make lawmaking a part-time endeavour.
“Pay Nigerian Workers a minimum wage of nothing less than N250,000 monthly.
“Invest heavily in education and give Nigerian students grants, not loans. Aggressively pursue free and compulsory education for children across Nigeria.
“Release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu unconditionally and demilitarise the South East. All #ENDSARS and political detainees must also be released and compensated.
“Renationalise publicly owned enterprises sold to government officials and cronies.
“Reinstate a corruption-free subsidy regime to reduce hunger, starvation and multidimensional poverty.”
The online medium followed up with another farcical and badly written letter signed by one Damilare Adenola, Director of Mobilisation for the Take It Back Movement (TIB) in Abuja, and directed at the Minister of FCT, Nyesom Wike. The letter asks for “access to the Eagles Square between August 1st and 10th, 2024, for our #DaysOfRage, #EndBadGovernance protest.” Affronting every rule of civility, and indicating the poor intellectual background of the activist, he continues: “This request entails using this national asset day and night for the duration of the historic protest. Also, note that the protest may be prolonged beyond ten days as we embark on the protracted crisis occasioned by the ruling party. Further, your office must also ensure the provision of a 24-hour power supply, toilet facilities, water, and security for the convenience of Nigerian citizens who will be camped out at Eagle Square. In short, we ask that the protesters are accorded the courtesy accorded to foreign and local official dignitaries who have frequently used the space.” Then he concludes magisterially that, “In addition, we request that the outer wire mesh barrier facing the Aso Rock Villa be removed in the meantime, as protesters may decide to visit the Presidential Villa during the protest. It is our sincere hope that this request will be granted expeditiously.” There can’t be a worse upbringing. Is this what Nigerian youths have become?
Both the demands and the letter indicate just one thing: that Nigeria has fared very badly in building the next generation of responsible citizens to run Nigeria and take it to great heights. The demands indicate a galling sense of entitlement, a disgraceful opportunistic desire to be cast as the leader of a potentially destructive and ‘historic’ protest/revolution, and shallow reasoning of what constitutes statecraft and how modern economies are run. It is this concatenation of drivel from Messrs Sowore and Adenola that the unreflective Charles Oputa, aka Charly Boy, and the angry and implacable former Education minister Obiageli Ezekwesili are investing their names and reputations. It is pointless analysing the protesters’ demands and the letter published in Sahara Reporters. They show, even at first view, that the protesters have no real reasons to protest. They see the hunger in the land, imagine that the government is lax in dealing with the crisis, and hope that if somehow they can trigger a revolt of indeterminate end, they can benefit from a future arrangement.
Charly Boy is 74 years old. Apart from being foul-mouthed in his peevish statement on the impending protest, he also managed to reveal his true intention. Unmindful of the prevailing and troubled world economic system from which Nigeria is not insulated, he voiced this incitement: “Nigerian youths don’t ever back down. If dem no fear us, dey can never respect us. Nonsense. Dia fathers.” So, the rest of Nigeria, and particularly the leaders, must fear them in order to respect them. And then the expletives – all coming from a 74-year-old presumed leader of thought, a man who desires to shape a new Nigeria. Well, if Charly Boy had always being disrespectfully anarchical, what of Mrs Ezekwesili, a former minister of the federal republic? Hear her: “I hope that our politicians and public officials will heed counsel and allow themselves the humility of listening and learning from their citizens at a time like this. I wish the protesters a well-organised, orderly and peaceful protest.” She is obviously also a closet revolutionary whose dualistic us-versus-them worldview leads her to view the government as arrogant and ignorant.
It is not clear how long Nigeria can stave off disaster. From the cantankerous views of so many young people itching for a fight to the stolid indifference and speciousness of the so-called leaders of thought, Nigeria is caught in a bear hug. Hopefully, the country will still have enough breath left in their lungs to rethink and strategise their way through the thicket of untenable political system and costly and garish governance which they superintend.
Fallacies of Rage: Why Nigerians must shun call to mayhem
Beneath the mask of revolt, history spills with blood of the fallen
In the hazy light of an October morning, the streets of Awoyaya, Lagos, birthed an unspeakable horror crocheted in blood and ash. The neighbourhood shook as Gabriel Maduka Igwe, a police officer, suffered the grim inevitability of fate. Leaving his home in Ologunfe, Awoyaya, Ibeju Lekki, to withdraw cash from a nearby Automatic Teller Machine (ATM), Igwe ignored the cries of his three-year-old daughter, Goodness, promising a swift return. Yet, as he mounted his motorbike that October 21, 2020, destiny charted for him, a darker course.
Igwe’s mundane trip to the ATM, to withdraw money for food, turned into a journey of no return. The previous night, a macabre dance of bullets and cries had unfolded at the Lekki tollgate, as security operatives enforcing a curfew opened fire on protesters. The dawn that followed was shrouded in tension and rage as Lagos listed, on the brink.
Igwe traversed the streets, oblivious to the storm gathering around him, until he encountered a mob—hoodlums returning from attacking the Elemoro Police Station, their bloodlust inflamed by the death of one of their own.
The Gauntlet of Rage
“He’s a policeman!” The accusation erupted like a thunderclap, shattering the air. His frantic denials fell on deaf ears, and a swift search sealed his fate. His police ID card, a stark death warrant, gleamed ominously in the harsh light. The mob descended upon him, a hurricane of fists and feet battering his quaking form, while his motorbike was engulfed in flames, a sacrificial pyre.
But the violence spiraled further into the abyss. Thrust into a cold steel wheelbarrow, Igwe became a grotesque spectacle. Beer bottles exploded against his skull, shards of glass and pain mingling. Knives danced across his skin, carving cruel, bloody patterns. Clubs and machetes followed, each strike a grim exclamation of suffering.
Weakened by blood loss, his body sagged, but the mob’s fury was unrelenting. They encircled him with tires, a sinister wreath heralding his doom. The fire roared to life, consuming flesh and bone, transforming him into charred remnants, a harrowing testament to unchecked rage.
The mob’s wrath did not end with Igwe’s death. They turned their eyes towards his home, seeking his wife, Doris, and their daughter, Goodness. But the neighbours, in a rare act of courage, shielded the family. Fleeing for their lives, Doris carried the memory of her husband’s last moments, a burden that would shadow her steps. Friends and neighbours, under the cover of night, sought to reclaim what was left of Igwe. The ashes they found bore silent testimony to the brutality that had claimed him.
In the weeks that followed, Doris, three months pregnant, buried her husband’s ashes in Nnewi, Anambra State. Their daughter, Goodness, now five, had ceased to ask for her father, a silence more heartbreaking than words. The family’s suffering caught the attention of Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who, moved by their plight, extended a lifeline—a cheque of N5 million. Yet, no sum could mend the rift torn into their lives by violence and loss.
Shadows of the Fallen
In Ibadan, Oyo State, the grim fate of Sergeant Adegoke Ajibola and Corporal Rotimi Oladele mirrored Igwe’s tragedy. Pursued by a bloodthirsty mob, they ran, desperation lending speed to their steps. They sought refuge, pleaded for mercy, but found none. The mob’s rage was unrelenting, their pleas lost in the cacophony of violence. Beaten, clubbed, and knifed, their lives extinguished in a blaze of fury. Set ablaze atop a heap of tyres, their voices were swallowed by the flames, their bodies consumed by fire.
A viral video, posted by one of the perpetrators, immortalized the horror—Ajibola and Oladele burning, their agony shared with the world. They were not criminals but protectors, fallen in the line of duty, their deaths a grim testament to the chaos that had gripped the nation. Igwe, Ajibola, Oladele—names added to a litany of loss, among the 22 policemen, seven soldiers, and 59 civilians who perished in the fires of the #EndSARS protests, their stories a haunting reminder of the cost of silence and the price of rage.
A Spark of Misinformation: Genesis of #EndSARS
In the twilight of October 2020, Nigeria’s pulse quickened with the first beats of a rebellion. The #EndSARS protest, like a storm conjured from the ether, began with a singular, unsettling image—a video of police brutality, recorded by one Prince Nicholas. As he journeyed from Ughelli to a wedding in Warri, Nicholas captured what appeared to be an unprovoked killing by SARS officers. “They don kill the boy o. Safe Delta Ughelli. The boy don die o,” he narrated, his voice trembling with the weight of perceived injustice.
This footage, raw and visceral, spread through social media like wildfire. Despite later revelations that the young man, Joshua Ambrose, survived and was not fatally harmed by the police, the initial surge of outrage could not be contained. The hastily deleted video, a digital ghost, had already seeded a fertile ground for mass dissent. By the time the truth emerged, the narrative had slipped beyond the grasp of its originator, spiraling into a nationwide outcry.
From Peaceful Protest to Tragedy
The streets of Lagos, Abuja, and cities across Nigeria became rivers of humanity, flowing with the demands of the young and disillusioned. Among their pleas was a call for the fundamental reform of the police, encapsulated in five core demands that ranged from increased police salaries to the eradication of systemic corruption. Yet, the movement, which began in hope, soon descended into despair.
On the fateful night of October 20, 2020, the Lekki toll gate, a nexus of protest, became a scene of horror as soldiers opened fire on unarmed protesters. The echoes of gunfire reverberated through the nation, leaving scars that have yet to heal. The fervor of #EndSARS had transformed into a lament for lost lives and shattered dreams.
Untold casualties of #EndSARS
During the #EndSARS protests, significant property damage occurred, with the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) estimating over N700 billion in economic losses in 14 days. An unforeseen consequence was the destruction of Wills and Codicils kept at the Lagos High Court. A business magnate discovered his Will had been destroyed when he approached the court for an update. The Lagos State Judiciary issued a letter confirming that his legal document, lodged on January 8, 2020, was destroyed in the fire caused by the protesters. This incident has led to many individuals realizing their legal documents are lost, causing widespread concern about the implications for their estates and loved ones.
In the same vein, felons destroyed many police stations, razing vehicles. The magnitude of effect of this destruction on the economy is unfathomable. Likewise, a recent Dataphyte report which noted over 27 razed police stations, with 10 missing AK-rifles, questioned the compounded effect on an already sinking economy, serviced by debt. Not to mention the opportunity cost of repairs which the country would have channelled to other areas of the country. Worse, though, there was also no distinction between government and private property, as raiders plundered indiscriminately.
The crisis spiraled with over 59 reported incidents across 26 states. The economic repercussions were significant, with damages from the protests estimated at over ₦47.12 billion.
The protests particularly impacted correctional facilities in Edo and Ondo States, resulting in the escape of over 2,000 inmates. Security forces were able to prevent similar incidents in Ikoyi, Lagos. Both public and private properties were set on fire, disrupting critical revenue streams.
The protests also had significant impacts on the insurance industry, with claims totaling about N11 billion across five critical sectors: Fashion & Beauty, Agriculture, Food & Beverages, Retail Trading, and ICT. According to a report by Intelpoint, only 3.6 percent of 388 affected businesses in Lagos had insurance, while 94.6 percent did not. The most affected sectors included Services, Transportation, Entertainment, Building & Construction, Education, Health Services, Online Retail, Real Estate, Consulting, Engineering Services, Hotel and Leisure, Manufacturing, and Travel/Tourism.
The report highlighted that more than half of the affected SMEs had 2 to 4 employees, and seven in every ten businesses surveyed had to lay off staff post-protests. Among the reasons for the lack of insurance coverage, a significant number of business owners cited uncertainty about where to start. Only 13.1 percent of those without insurance had alternative plans for fire or theft.
Additionally, data from the Nigerian Insurers Association (NIA) revealed the breakdown of claims: 99 for malicious damages, 8 for business interruption, 455 for burglary attacks, and 912 for fire and burnt sites.
Murmurs of Discontent: The Call for ’10 Days of Rage’
Fast forward to the present, and the embers of past protests glow ominously in the darkening socio-economic landscape. Recent reports suggest a coordinated effort to reignite the spirit of resistance, under the banner of ’10 Days of Rage.’ From August 1 to 10, various groups plan to take to the streets, voicing their anguish over the soaring cost of living and economic hardships that grip the nation.
The embers of the #EndSARS protests, once ignited by a spark of misinformation, now flicker anew, threatening to blaze into a ’10 Days of Rage.’
As the dawn of August 1st approaches, an air of anticipation hangs heavy over Nigeria. Discontent simmers among the populace, fueled by rising costs of living and economic hardship. Random agitators within the socio-political circuit call for a nationwide protest, invoking the memories of past upheavals. The nation stands on the precipice of potential chaos, with the spectre of violence lurking in the shadows of citizenry dissent of the ruling class perceived misgovernance and insensitivity to their plight.
A UN threat and risk assessment, dated July 19, 2024, raises alarms about the potential for violence. It recalls the febrile atmosphere of February 2023, when scarcity of the new Naira currency sparked violent protests across the South-East and South-South regions. The possibility of large-scale disruptions looms, threatening to paralyse the nation once more.
Prominent organisations and leaders, including the Ọhanaeze Ndigbo, have cautioned against participation in the protests, citing the risk of escalation and the spectre of hijacked intentions. They remember past insurgencies perhaps, where noble aspirations were eclipsed by chaos, leaving the common man to bear the brunt of the fallout.
History warns that unbridled passion births devastation. In the late 18th century, France’s bread riots toppled the monarchy, ushering in bloodshed and Napoleon Bonaparte’s dictatorial reign, costing over 3.5 million lives.
The Arab Spring of 2010 ignited in Tunisia, a rebellion against corruption and dictatorship. Yet, it birthed worse tyrannies, civil wars, ISIL’s rise, and mass migration. These revolts mirrored Europe’s 1848 revolutions and the Prague Spring of 1968, both ending in turmoil.
And in 2014, Ukrainians ousted pro-Russia President Yanukovych, but internal strife opened doors for Russia’s annexation of Crimea and a full-scale invasion. Ukraine remains scarred.
Unplanned revolutions and unchecked demands often spiral into tragedy. African youths must foster leaders with clear agendas within established parties, plan protests meticulously, negotiate thoroughly, and educate protesters on their cause and safety measures. Only then can true change emerge from the flames of dissent.
The UN’s assessment underscores the fragility of the situation, warning of confrontations between pro-government factions and dissenters. The demands of the protesters, while echoing past grievances, now focus on reversing recent policies of President Bola Tinubu, which are seen as exacerbating the country’s woes. Among these demands are the reinstatement of subsidies, reduction of import duties, and a call for transparency in public administration.
A Global Resonance: Lessons from Kenya
The planners of ’10 Days of Rage’ draw inspiration from the recent Gen-Z protests in Kenya, where youth-led demonstrations against President William Ruto’s tax policies ended in bloodshed and destruction. The echoes of Kenya’s struggle resonate with Nigeria’s own turmoil, suggesting a shared yearning for justice and an end to corruption.
As civil unrest continues spreading across Kenya, protesters led by Generation Z, a demographic cohort of educated unemployed youth, are calling on President William Ruto to resign over his poor leadership.
On July 23, a group of Gen Z activists stormed Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, the largest airport in sub-Saharan Africa, to protest its alleged sale, while another group took over the capital, Nairobi.
The protests erupted in mid-June over legislation that would have imposed unaffordable tax increases on ordinary citizens and businesses already burdened by the high cost of living.
The president withdrew the bill on June 26 and fired his entire Cabinet except the foreign minister on July 11, VOA reported.
The Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights said at least 50 people were killed and 413 others injured less than two months into the unrest amid the government crackdown on the protesters.
As the pressure mounts on Ruto, the president has been changing his approach to dealing with the crises threatening his administration. On July 22, he threatened “to deal” with protesters, describing them as anonymous, faceless, formless and foreign-sponsored.
But on July 24, Ruto suddenly ordered the release of all protesters arrested since the start of rallies on June 18.
Earlier in July, without providing any evidence to back his allegations, Ruto accused the U.S. Ford Foundation of sponsoring the violence and threatened to “kick it out of the country.”
“I want to call out those who are behind the anarchy in Kenya, those who are behind sponsoring chaos in the Republic of Kenya. Shame on them, because they are sponsoring violence against our democratic nation. I want to ask the Ford Foundation if that money they are giving out to fund violence, how is it going to benefit them?”
The Ford Foundation has, however, denied Ruto’s accusations.
In a statement, the Ag. I-G of Police, Douglas Kanja, said authorities received credible intelligence that organised criminal groups were planning to take advantage of the ongoing anti-government protests to execute criminal activities.
He said the lack of a clear leader, especially among the young protesters, has made it difficult for the police to enforce safety protocols.
“We therefore appeal to all members of the public to remain vigilant in crowded areas, and to support our collective safety and security by sharing information that may aid the police in crime detection and prevention,” Kanja said in the statement.
He said that while the constitution provides for the right, peaceably and unarmed, to assemble, picket, demonstrate, and present petitions to public authorities, the same constitution also provides for the critical role that the police plays in the country’s national security.
“Criminals have infiltrated the protesting groups, leading to a troubling trend of disorderly and destructive conduct,” Kanja said.
The ban came after traders and business owners suffered major losses after their businesses were looted by those who had infiltrated the protests across the country.
In Kenya, the government’s ruthless response has left a nation wounded but not defeated. After the widespread destruction, the lawmaker that triggered the Kenyan Protest in the Senate House has apologised. Juja Member of Parliament (MP) George Koimburi, has apologised for his claims that legislators who voted in support of the now-withdrawn Finance Bill, 2024, were bribed. Koimburi sensationally claimed that MPs were offered Ksh. 2 million to support the contentious law that triggered nationwide protests, culminating in agitated youth breaching of the country’s Parliament. House Speaker Moses Wetangula communicated Koimburi’s apology before the House last Tuesday afternoon.
As Nigerians look to their eastern neighbour, the parallels are stark, and the potential outcomes, uncertain.
The Power of Words: Media’s Role in Shaping Destiny
In the digital age, the power of narrative cannot be underestimated. Online news media, both local and international, play a pivotal role in shaping public perception. Yet, history warns of the dangers of inflammatory reporting. As the Arab Spring demonstrated, when the flames of revolution are fanned by distant voices, the ones left to suffer are often the ordinary citizens.
“The accidental activisits and bleeding heart foreign media will depart Nigeria when things turn awry and it becomes too dangerous to live here. We must learn from the Arab Spring and the Kenyan protests, where the greatest losses were borne by the commoners and the middle class. In all of these protests, it is always the poor wrecking the poor. The 10 days of rage will equally turn out that way. Only the poor will suffer. Nigerians must shun the agents of anarchy and darkness. In time, with dedication and good governance, all our worries will be resolved,” said Stanley Abiodun, a Lagos-based CCTV dealer and security expert.
APC, LP Trade Words
Speaking in a media programme, the Special Adviser on Media and Strategy to the President, Bayo Onanuga, accused Labour Party’s Peter Obi of fanning the embers of the crisis. He said, “What I know about the campaign of Obi was that for the first time in a very long while in our country, we had a candidate who was inflaming ethnic passions. That was the way the election went at that time. He was inflaming ethnic passions, religious passions, bringing two dangerous things to our politics – ethnicity and religion. That is what he did. And those things were dangerous to our Nigerian politics,” Onanuga said.
He described Obi’s supporters as desperate to see the downfall of the President Bola Tinubu’s administration.
“Somebody who came third, how could he have won that election? You can even see when they were talking about the naira, some people were just happy that the naira was going downhill. You can trace them. People who are saying so are members of the Obidient movement.”
The presidential aide also said Obi never commends the government when it does something good but is very quick to tweet when something bad happens.
In response, Obi, writing through his lawyers, issued a 72-hour ultimatum to Onanuga, to retract his alleged defamatory statement against him. The former governor of Anambra is also asking Onanuga to tender a public apology published in four national newspapers over the “widespread defamation and libel” or face legal action. Obi is demanding N5 billion in damages from Onanuga.
Growth Indices Hopeful
In a subsequent press release, the APC National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, dismissed Obi’s claim that Nigeria’s economic distress was caused by nine years of APC leadership as “half-truths, distortions, and misinformation.”
Morka argued the economic decline began under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) when GDP growth fell from 7.98% in 2010 to 2.79% in 2015. He cited global oil price crashes, geopolitical tensions, climate change, the COVID pandemic, and a rising population as major factors impacting the economy since 2015.
He noted that Nigeria’s economic growth under PDP leadership relied on high crude oil prices, with Nigeria earning $531.2 billion from 2007-2014, compared to $287.8 billion under APC from 2015-2022. Despite reduced export earnings and a population increase from 184 million in 2015 to 229 million in 2024, Morka argued highlighted positive economic signs under APC. These include attracting over $20 billion in investments, achieving a N6.52 trillion trade surplus in early 2024, and expanding foreign reserves to over $34 billion. Capital inflow increased by 66.27% this year alone.
Financial experts and the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics report that the All Share Index (ASI) of the Nigerian Stock Exchange crossed the 100,000 mark, making it one of the most profitable capital markets globally with a 22.90% return on investment. The IMF projects a 3.1% GDP growth for Nigeria in 2024, one of the highest in Africa.
President Tinubu’s initiatives, such as Credit Corps, Students Loan, a new minimum wage, local government direct funding, and the 700-kilometre Lagos-Calabar highway, aim to combat poverty and expand economic opportunities.
However, many youths argue they have yet to experience these benefits, criticizing government officials’ luxurious lifestyles amid widespread hunger, inflation, and insecurity. Food inflation is at 40% and general inflation at 34.19%, fueling planned protests like the “10 Days of Rage.”
Government’s Response to Planned Protests
Against the backdrop of the crisis, President Tinubu has been rallying state agencies, traditional institutions, and civil societies to counsel youths against protesting to prevent potential destabilisation of the country. President Tinubu reiterated his support for peaceful demonstrations, emphasising their importance in a democratic society but advocated dialogue instead of an anarchy-prone protest.
In response to the proposed protests, security measures have been significantly increased across many states.
This followed a meeting between the National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu and the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF). Several governors who participated in the meeting in Abuja held emergency security meetings to devise strategies for either preventing the protests or ensuring they are not hijacked by troublemakers.
Following the governors’ parley with the NSA, President Tinubu met with the Progressive Governors’ Forum (PGF) at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. Although the meeting’s agenda was not disclosed, it is believed to be related to the planned rally on August 1.
The Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has also issued a stern warning to the organizers of the proposed protest, stating that the military would not tolerate any actions leading to anarchy. Major General Edward Buba, Director of Defence Media Operations, emphasised that while citizens have the right to protest, the Armed Forces will intervene if the protests turn violent. Intelligence reports have indicated plans by some elements to hijack the protest and cause chaos. The military is prepared to act to prevent any such outcome.
Additionally, the Department of State Services (DSS) warned against the planned protests, urging youths to avoid participating in actions that could lead to anarchy and violence. DSS spokesperson, Peter Ahunanya, acknowledged the right to peaceful protest but highlighted a sinister plan by some elements to infiltrate the protests for political gain. The DSS has identified the funding lines, sponsors, and collaborators of the plot and is employing conflict resolution strategies to dissuade the planners from their objectives.
The DSS urged prospective protesters to consider the government’s efforts to address economic challenges and to engage with authorities peacefully.
The Unanticipated Pushback
Ahead of the planned protest on August 1, 2024, traditional Oro worshippers in the southwest, alongside the Yoruba Patriots Movement (YPM), have declared the six states in the region off-limits to protesters. In a statement, they announced they would occupy the southwest from July 28 to August 28, 2024, for the Oro Festival.
“The streets in Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, and Ondo States are no-go areas for protesters,” they said. “Go to your states to protest against your state governor if you are not happy with him.”
They added, “No strangers are allowed to roam the streets without express permission from traditional rulers, let alone stage any protests. We are not against your right to protest, but respect our cultural rights. You may go to Abuja, Kaduna, Yola, Jos, Enugu, Port-Harcourt, Owerri, Benin City, Sokoto, or Maiduguri.”
Reflecting on the #EndSARS protest in Lagos, they noted, “Multibillion-naira industries, factories, and businesses were destroyed, but ‘Computer Village’ was spared. Where would those who lost their jobs in the burnt factories, industries, and businesses start from? Shoprite Stores at Lekki, Adeniran Ogunsanya, and Awoyaya were looted and burnt, but Computer Village was untouched, and luxurious buses at Yaba and Jibowu traveling to the Eastern region were not destroyed.”
Concerned parties have initiated steps to counter the incitement to anarchy on social media platforms. One prominent message, allegedly promoted by the NSCDC Lagos State Command, calls on Nigerians to foster peace and avoid vandalism, violence, radicalisation, and destruction. The message emphasizes learning from the turmoil in countries like Libya, Syria, Yemen, CAR, Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, and Rwanda, where violence has followed a disturbingly predictable pattern.
Initially, people rise up to protest. The government responds with repression, and soldiers open fire on the crowds, resulting in casualties. Angered by the violence, mobs retaliate by burning down properties associated with government and political leaders. Under international pressure, the army and police retreat to their barracks, leaving the streets unprotected.
Without law enforcement, mobs begin targeting the assets and residences of prominent political figures, forcing these leaders and their families to flee abroad. The unrest soon extends to the middle class, with mobs attacking anyone perceived to have wealth or comfort. Residential estates and middle-class areas become targets, leading to widespread looting, robbery, and violent crime.
As the chaos deepens, it evolves into a full-scale war. Opportunistic groups with conflicting interests seize the opportunity to vie for control, further tearing the country apart. People are forced to flee their homes, becoming refugees in neighboring countries. Many succumb to famine and disease.
In modern times, such internal conflicts are prolonged, with no unifying force to bring peace. Children are recruited as soldiers, the elderly and infirm are killed, and women are raped and eventually murdered. The Libya scenario serves as a stark reminder.
Amid this chaos, those abroad who incite violence continue their lives comfortably, far removed from the destruction. The UN’s response is often limited, with peacekeepers staying in secure locations, reminiscent of the scenes depicted in “Hotel Rwanda.”
The message underscores that, in the blink of an eye, all that is held dear—homes, possessions, families—can be lost. It calls on Nigerians to choose peace and learn from the past to prevent a repetition of such devastating cycles.
A Nation on the Brink
As Nigeria teeters on the edge of another upheaval, the lessons of the past loom large. The #EndSARS protests, ignited by a falsehood and sustained by genuine grievances, serve as a cautionary tale. The fate of unanticipated victims like Igwe, Ajibola, and Oladele, among others, linger like ghosts, their voices echoing in the silence of their ashes.
The call for ’10 Days of Rage’ echoes with the same fervent desire for change but carries the weight of history’s warnings.
In the days to come, the nation’s streets may once again become a battleground for the hearts and minds of its people. Whether this will lead to meaningful reform or descend into chaos remains to be seen.
For now, the nation holds its breath, waiting for the dawn of August 1st, and the uncertain future it heralds.
Fed Govt must address high cost of food in particular to make champions of such ‘opportunistic infections’ irrelevant
Whether Tuesday’s street protests called by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) was appropriate or not would continue to remain a source of debate for so long. Just as it is going to be difficult to say whether it was the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) that called workers out on protest that was right, or its counterpart, the Trade Union Congress (TUC) which did not join the protest. There can never be unanimity of opinion on these ‘whethers’ because of the several interests involved. As the TUC leader, Festus Osifo, said while announcing that its members would not participate in the protest, there are several tools in the box to deploy when faced with the kind of circumstances that Nigerian workers and their leaders are confronted with. Strike is only one of them. While the government may feel the protests were unnecessary, Labour and its co-travellers would insist they were in order. What can never be denied, however, is that protests, particularly peaceful protests, are part of the inalienable rights of citizens in a democracy.
That was one reason I was happy that the protests were allowed to hold after all. To have done otherwise would have been tantamount to infringing on that fundamental right. I must confess though that, despite not being in government, I also had my apprehensions when the NLC announced its intention to stage the protests. And I was being guided by that teacher of all times: experience. I had seen too many protests: the June 12 protests, bread protests in some other countries and so on. Even if I had seen no other protests other than the 2020 EndSARS protests that later turned riotous, that was enough to send shivers down my spine when I heard another round of protests was in the offing.
The truth of the matter is that one can only predict the beginning of such protests; no one can tell their end. Not even those who conceived the idea. They might later lose control, especially in a volatile environment that we are in, occasioned by mass hunger and other deprivations.
If the 2020 EndSARS riots, mainly about police brutality could wreak the kind of havoc it did wreak, then, things could have been worse if the NLC protests had snowballed into something else. This is because hunger is worse than police brutality. Almost everybody, including the government, admits that things are hard and the vast majority of Nigerians are hungry. And, as they say, a hungry man is an angry man. You cannot tell the extent to which someone who is angry can ventilate the catharsis on other citizens who, sadly, may even be suffering more than the people unleashing violence on them.
As I said, it is gratifying that God took control during the protests. I doff my hat for the police and other security agencies who also demonstrated enough maturity and professionalism during the protests, such that there were no untoward incidents. The story would not have been the same if lives were lost during the protests. Indeed, that would have been bad for the government’s image.
One other thing that gladdens my heart was the fact that those who wanted to participate in the protests did so voluntarily. Those who were not interested, even if they were NLC members, were not coerced or conscripted to join the protests. This is the way it should be. Labour leaders do not have to be moving from office to office to flog out people who decide not to participate in a strike for whatever reason. Membership and participation in groups activities, no matter how noble, should be by choice and not by force in a democracy.
But the government would be making a big mistake to assume that those who failed or refused to participate in the protests did so because they believed in the government. People may have stayed away for various reasons. Fear of being killed could have been a reason. Yes, this might not speak well of the government ultimately, the fact is; life has no duplicate. Anyone who is dead is dead, he or she can no longer be brought back to life. Second, there were those who believe that following Labour leaders in such moments has always led to last minute frustration when Labour leaders go into last-minute meetings with government to avert a strike that people had been massively mobilised to participate in. The belief is that such meetings make the Labour leaders smile to the bank the next day. Why then should they risk their lives and all by joining such protest? Whereas this may not be completely true, the fact also is that we had seen such before.
Now, the point has been well made. It is now left for the government to move swiftly into action. If we are all agreed that Nigerians are hungry, then this is not the time to look at the messenger purveying that fact of life. The government should keep its eyes on the message – insecurity, unemployment, depreciating Naira, etc. The Yoruba people say ‘ebi ki iwonu ki oro mi wo’ (a man who is hungry has no room for anything else other than how to get food). This is true of all human races. Hunger has no ethnic, religious, political or other colouration. An ‘Oyinbo’ man that is hungry is not different from the African man (that the ‘Oyinbo’ see as monkeys) who is suffering the same fate. As a matter of fact, a hungry ‘Oyinbo’ man could even be more ‘monkeyish’ in his reaction than even the African in such situation.
We saw that demonstrated during the French Revolution of 1789 when the wife of the king told the people, rather care freely, that French citizens should eat cake if they could not find bread! As if bread and cake are the same thing. That was all the people needed to make the revolution happen. The rest is history. But before resting my case on this, I wonder how many other revolutions the European historians who described the French Revolution as “one of the greatest events in human history” had seen to come to that conclusion?
Whenever I remember the kind of crowd I saw during the EndSARS protests, I keep asking myself if that was not something to dread in terms of the numbers that participated. That was the first time I knew that Nigeria truly could be boasting the 200 million plus population that it is credited to have. When I saw the sea of human heads that were as tiny as birds in the air in their angry mode, I thought the world was coming to an end.
That is why, I repeat; government at this point does not have to see the messenger. That would be playing into the hands of its enemies. I have always said it whenever and wherever the opportunity presents itself that the government would be making a big mistake if it thought the election had been won and lost after the Supreme Court’s pronouncement. The government may have its own shortcomings in terms of the way it has handled particularly its economic reform, but there are also those who had been feeding fat on the spoils of the ancient regime that won’t want to go down without a fight. May be this was why President Muhammadu Buhari did not bother to confront the corruption monster. The man merely told us that corruption would kill the country if we didn’t kill it and went into deep slumber afterward. His government may end up taking the corruption trophy from some of the military generals that we thought had won the cup for keeps by the time the account books are scrutinised. Buhari’s abandonment of the fight against corruption is one of the reasons we are in the deep mess that we are in today. Yet, some of those who led us here are still roaming the streets and flaunting their ill-gotten wealth in the most offensive manner.
Indeed, if anything, this is one of the main grudges many Nigerians hold against the Tinubu government. They are not interested in whether the government is barely nine months old or whatever. They want action against those people that they see as the cause of their suffering as early as yesterday.
The government may not be in a position to do that because things must be done in accordance with the law in a democracy.
But, if the government is not in a position to immediately bring those responsible for our woes to book for reason of due process, I mean, if it cannot jail those thieves before prosecuting them (to paraphrase one of our former number two generals in the military era), it is within its powers to at least listen to the voices making suggestions on how the hardship in the land can be ameliorated.
This is irrespective of whether the suggestions are coming from friends or foes, real or perceived. Both the TUC and the NLC have submitted proposals to the government on what they consider the way forward. Others have done same. The government would do well to look dispassionately at these suggestions, especially where staple food items are concerned. The price of rice has reached the most unimaginable level. Gari too. It must come down fast. At this point, nothing should be cast in stone. Even if importation is not in the government’s agenda, it must come in now, if only as a stop-gap measure, pending when the government would have got a better handle on solutions to the problem of high food prices.
For as long as Nigerians remain hungry, no sermon on patience would have meaning to them. They are used to hearing that. Indeed, it is such opportunistic ‘infections’ like the pangs of hunger that politicians in Labour robes, as well as professional politicians need to remain relevant. That is why their actions resonate more with the people.
The Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) has dissociated itself from the ongoing protest and strike actions of some of its members against the embattled Chief Judge, Justice Oyebola Ojo, suspended by Governor Ademola Adeleke.
The leadership of JUSUN characterized the current picketing by judicial workers as a means to settle political scores, emphasizing that such actions go against the principles of the union.
This warning follows the state chairman of JUSUN, Comrade Gbenga Eludire, declaring an indefinite strike as Justice Ojo resumed her duties.
According to a circular by the National President of JUSUN, Comrade Marwan Adamu which was signed by his deputy, Comrade Emmanuel Abioye and addressed to the Osun chairman of JUSUN which was copied, The Chief Registrar, Osun State High Court, noted that some unscrupulous elements are causing confusion in the name of the Union in the Osun State Judiciary.
He stated: “Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) as a responsible union has never and will never take any perceived or real partisan position in all its activities with any individuals or organization.
“Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria has never directed or approved that any of its members should proceed on any protest or picketing activity in Osun State Judiciary or any other state to settle any perceived or real political scores.”
“Consequently upon the above-highlighted position the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) hereby dissociates itself from any action taken so far by any set of people whatsoever under whatever guise and the National Secretariat views such action as a calculated attempt by some set of people to play cheap political games with the intent to blackmail the Union and tarnish our good image and good reputation built over the years.”
The JUSUN national leadership thereafter warned its members against participating in any ‘illegal’ picketing, protest, or job boycotting whatsoever.
The nomination of Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) Board of Trustees members by President Bola Tinubu yesterday elicited reactions from stakeholders in some of the nine oil states.
In Cross River and Ondo, stakeholders faulted the naming of some members while in Rivers and Delta, they hailed Tinubu’s choices.
Tinubu on Tuesday announced Samuel Ogbuku from Bayelsa as substantive managing director and Chiedu Ebie from Delta as chairman.
Boma Iyaye (Rivers), Victor Antai (Akwa Ibom), Ifedayo Abegunde (Ondo), Dimaro Denyanbofa (Bayelsa), Abasi Nkono(Akwa Ibom), Monday Igbuya (Delta) were made executive directors.
Others are Tony Okocha (Rivers); Patrick Aisowieren (Edo); Kyrian Uchegbu (Imo), Victor Akinjo (Ondo), Dimgba Eruba (Abia), Asu Oku Okang (Cross River); Nick Wende (North -Central), Namdas Abdulrazak (North -East) and Ibrahim Gobir (North-West).
But in Cross River, youth groups and the stateAll Progressives Congress (APC), who took to the streets of Calabar, said it was wrong for Okang to be appointed. They said Okang is a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) member.
They moved from Millennium Park to APC Secretariat where they were received by party’s chair, Alphonsus Eba.
From APC secretariat, the placard-bearing youths moved to state office of NDDC where they asked workers to close for the day.
Some placards read: “ People died for APC to succeed in Cross River State; “We say no for Asu Okang; ” “We say enough is enough for external hands; ” “Let Cross River make their choice;” and “PDP cannot enjoy while APC suffers in Cross River State”
Their spokesman, Ekpenyong Akiba, said: “We are aware the position of National Women Leader that was domicilled in Cross River State has been taken elsewhere, whereas we are fighting to get that back. We woke up to see another misnomer shamefully, an appointment that has not been consulted, an appointment that is a gross violation of the law.”
He argued that Okang was from a non-oil-producing area and was not supposed to have been appointed.
Edem Ebong, chairman of All APC Support Group in the state, said: “It is abnormal, it is an aberration. We suffered for APC in Cross River but to our surprise, a staunch PDP man has been given appointment. I am standing to say we reject Mr. Asu Okang.”
APC State Chair, Eba, told the protesters the party rejected Okang’s appointment.
He said: “We say no to the nomination of not just the PDP opposition but the young man. This is like pouring salt or fuel to injury.
“I want to believe and we all want to believe that Mr. President is not aware of these and because the President is not aware, the best approach will be for us to officially write to him.”
Also, the APC and Indigenes of Ondo State under the aegis of ‘The Progressive Advocates Initiative faulted Akinjo’s nomination on the grounds that he was a PDP member,
Although the APC commended Tinubu for nominating Abegunde as an executive director, it said Akinjo’s choice could demoralise its members who contributed to the party’s success in the state.
“The leadership of the ruling party in Ondo appeals to our dear president to take a second look at the appointment of Mr Akinjo, to avoid the unpleasant situation of ‘Monkey dey work, Baboon dey chop’,” it said in a statement by its Spokesman, Alex Kalejaye.
The Advocates Initiative said that Tinubu should have nominated an Ondo indigene as the managing director of the NDDC.
The group, which argued it was the turn of the state, urged the President to reverse the nomination of Ogbuku in the spirit of equity, and justice.
It said: “We would like to emphasise that it is the turn of Ondo State to produce the managing director of the Niger Delta Development Commission.
“For several years, Bayelsa State has occupied this position, creating an imbalance in the representation of different states within the NDDC.
“As a state that has made contributions to development of oil and gas, Ondo deserves its share of leadership of this crucial organisation.
In a statement by its Chairman, Augustine Akinkunmi, and secretary, Adebayo Adubiaro, the group said Ondo suffered the deprivation because Governor Rotimi Akeredolu was not around.
It added: “Mr. President, one major concern we wish to highlight is the nomination of Kolade Akinjo as representative of Ondo StatE.
“It will interest you to know that Akinjo was the candidate of People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in February 25 House of Representatives election for the Ilaje/Ese-Odo federal constituency. However, he lost to our party, APC.”
But in many Southsouth states, stakeholders lauded the President.
They thanked Tinubu for giving Ogbuku a fresh opportunity to lead NDDC.
The stakeholders included Chairman of Bayelsa Traditional Rulers Council, Bubaraye Dakolo; National Coordinator Southsouth Leadership Forum (SSLF), Anabs Sara-Igbe and Niger Delta Youths Initiative for Peace
Dakolo said: “I want to thank the President for appointing this board on time. In the past, we have suffered situations where we have had interim administrations forever. So, I want to thank him for retaining Dr. Sam Ogbuku. I believe same quality of persons are in the states.”
Sara-Igbe, former publicity secretary of Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), said the people were elated by the choice of Ogbuku.
He assured the President of Ogbuku’s capability to tame the violence in the region.
But leaders of APC Delta South Senatorial District decried exclusion of Ijaw, Itsekiri and Isoko of Delta South Senatorial District from the list.
They lauded the President for reconstituting the board to bring an end to ‘the uncertainty and chaos of interminable acting management teams which have paralysed the commission in the last three years’.
The leaders include Chairman Isoko and Chief Lucky. Esigie; Co-chairman Ijaw, Felix Datuowei and Evans Omatsoguwa.
Over the years, female shoppers have continued to experience one form of harassment or the other at market places from male traders, with some of them trying to molest, touch them inappropriately, make vulgar comments and hurl insults at them. It has been a common practice at most local markets.
Alhough these harrassments are not limited to females alone, but they are said to be the worst hit.
To many female shoppers, the market has suddenly been made a terrifying place to be, as their experiences have left them traumatised both psychologically and emotionally.
Narrating her ordeal at Oshodi market, a student of Lagos State University, Blessing Okon, said: “I went to Yaba to get some clothes and suddenly one trader just grabbed my breast. I shouted at him, but he started making derogatory comments at me. I felt so bad that day.”
Another victim, Onyinyechi Achor, said:“I was walking along Yaba market, just around that busy roundabout, two guys came to where I was, displaying their wears before me. I walked faster just to get off from them, but they kept following me with their hands touching several parts of my body. I shouted at them, but it was fruitless. As I made a move to run away from them, an incoming vehicle almost knocked me down, but thank God the driver was able to hold the car to a stop.”
Miss Achor’s experience paled when compared to that of Maureen Oha, who visited Balogun market a few months ago and had an unpleasant ecounter with some male traders. “I was confronted by men, who wanted to force me to buy the wares they were hawking around. One of them held me so tightly, as I tried harder to free myself from his grip. I fell off the small stair case leading to the entrance of the shop behind me. Rather than give me a helping hand, they uttered vulgar comments at me as they started laughing.
“I struggled to stand up, feeling severe pains on my back. I was unable to buy what I came for and went back home devastated,” said Oha, a Lagos State University student.
These despicable acts by male traders have not gone uncomdemned by notable Nigerians and non governmental organisations (NGOs). One of such organisations is Market March, a group led by an Art Designer, Damilola Marcus, which not long ago, took to the streets of Yaba market to protest against sexual harassment, groping and bullying of female shoppers.
Dressed in yellow shirts, they carried placards with inscriptions such as “stop touching us” and “no be by force to buy”, among others, to condemn female shoppers’ harrassment by male traders.
The protest, however, spurred anger from the male traders, who rained insults and threw water sachets at them, saying:“We must touch”.
But Marcus, who initiated the protest, explained that it was time the society put an end to these unacceptable practices at market places. “It is an initiative to bring an end to sexual harassment and bullying in market places. It is a great evil, which we have to stop and this must change. We want men to desist from this act and make women feel safe in market places,” she said.
Ms Marcus said she planned on carrying out the protest in other markets across the state, hoping that with such public awareness on the issue, stringent policies would be put in place to protect women from sexual harassment and bullying in market places.
Motivated by the success the protest achieved ,it was replicated at Ogbete Market in Enugu recently,where protesters also enlightened the traders on laws against sexual harassment.
A recent visit to Yaba market to observe if the campaign had made some impacts, The Nation noticed that the protest has curbed, to some extent, the notorious practice of female harassments, which the market is reputed for.
Navigating varios sections of the market, it was noticed that some male traders tried to keep a reasonable distance from female shoppers while tying to persuade them to patronise their wares. Although, there was a tolerable level of compliance, some market men men agreed that it may be difficult to eradicate the menace among them. They added that while some level of reduction in the menace can be achieved, it can be further brought to its bearest minimum if offenders are arrested and prosecuted.
But there are still among them, who believe that touching and harrassing females are the best marketing strategies to employ. One of them is Mr Martins. Although, he claimed to have turned a new leaf, harrassing women, he said, remained the best way to seek their attention to patronise one’s wares. He, however, said since turning a new leaf, he has realised that women like their freedom in making their choice anytime they go shopping. “I used to drag girls and tried to intimidate them because it was a normal thing in this market before now and most of us use force to sell our wares. But since that protest was held, I have stopped and realised that shoppers will want to patronise me if l don’t exhibit those vile tendencies,” he said.
Members of Living Faith Church in Gwagwalada Abuja are protesting what they termed as unlawful demolition of their church by officials of the Department of Development Control of the Federal Capital Development Authority (DDC-FCDA).
The members said, beside the demolition of the church, located along the Specialist Hospital Road in Gwagwalada, the Resident Senior Pastor, Caleb Olubiyi was also assaulted by some policemen attached to the officials of the DDC-FCDA.
The Chairman of the church’ board, Elder Samuel Olaleye, who was flanked by various placard- bearing members, told journalists although the structure had, for two years now, been marked for demolition, the officials gave no prior notice before the exercise was effected last Wednesday.
Olaleye described the demolition and assault on the pastor as “barbaric, horrific, illegal and disheartening,” adding the DDC-FCDA’s bulldozers were brought down on the church building without notice.
He said the property title and other verifiable documents, showing that the land belongs to Living Faith, are in the custody of the church.
Olaleye wondered why the DDA-FCDA decided to embark on “a wicked and malicious act without recourse to due process”.
He said Pastor Olubiyi has been on admission, in an undisclosed hospital, since Wednesday due to the injuries he sustained as a result of the police brutality.
The church’s Legal Adviser, Olurumotito George, gave details of what led to the assault on Pastor Olubiyi.
He argued the beating of the man of God was uncalled for and highly condemnable.
George said eyewitness accounts and information from the injured pastor showed he was seriously beaten by the policemen, because he attempted to take shots of the bulldozers during the demolition.
He added: “The pastor on hearing the news of the demolition quickly rushed to the scene. He was even on the other side of the road.
“So, when he brought out his phone to take photographs of the demolition, the policemen sighted him and rushed towards him.
“The policemen enquired why he was taking pictures and he told them he wanted to send it to our General Overseer, Bishop David Oyedepo.
“My brother, that was all. The next thing, according to Pastor Olubiyi, was beating,” George said.
He wondered why the officials of the DDC-FCDA chose to demolish the church when some buildings, erected on the same line with the church, were left untouched by the officials of the DDC-FCDA/Fed Ministry of Works, Power and Housing.
On what the church intends to do next, George said it has lodged a complaint with the Police Service Commission (PSC), alleging criminal victimisation of its pastor by the policemen attached to the demolition team.
The protesting church members identified the three police officers, who they claimed assaulted Pastor Olubiyi, as J. C Audu, ASP Mathias Agbo and Urento Monday.
Members and supporters of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kwara State yesterday protested in Ilorin, the state capital, the recent redeployment of Kayode Egbetokun as the police commissioner.
They took the peaceful protest from the party’s secretariat at Flower Garden to the Government House, the Department of State Services (DSS) office and terminated it at the police headquarters on Ahmadu Bello Way.
The protesters said they were angry at the posting Egbetokun to the state ahead of the general elections.
The protesters, led by PDP’s State Youth Leader, Prince Haliru Dantsoho, carried placards with various inscriptions.
They urged Inspector General of Police (IGP) Mohammed Adamu and President Muhammadu Buhari to reverse the decision.
Some of the placards read: “CP Kayode must go”; “Kwarans totally reject an APC commissioner” and “Kwara cannot be annexed to Lagos.”
Dantoso, who said the residents had never protested against deployment of any police commissioner, added that Egbetokun allegedly posed a threat to peace in the state.
He said: “Egbetokun was one-time Chief Security Officer (CSO) to APC Leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Also, he was spontaneously rejected by people of Lagos when he was posted there recently and the deployment was reversed by acting IGP Mohammed Adamu.
“Unfortunately, the same man, who parades himself as an APC member, has now been posted to Kwara State. It’s a ploy to further intimidate the opposition.
“You recall how members of opposition were arrested and harassed during the by-election into Ekiti Oke Ero Isin Irepodun Federal Constituency recently. So, with the deployment of Egbetokun, free, fair and credible elections cannot be guaranteed.
“It’s on this note we frown at the deployment, calling on the IGP to immediately redeploy him to another state of their wish but not Kwara State. Kwara has been a peaceful state of harmony since. We don’t want anything that will affect the peace and harmony we’ve been enjoying.”
The Kwara State All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, has accused the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state of planning to unleash violence on the opposition.
He urged the International Criminal Court (ICC) to focus attention on the state.
In a statement in Ilorin, the state capital, Abdulrazaq hailed the ICC for its latest warning against violence in the forthcoming polls.
He said: “We welcome the latest appeal and warnings by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on the upcoming Nigerian elections.”
Abdulrazaq said there is need to pay attention to political development in the state.
“We believe elections should not be a do-or-die affair but should be about selling one’s ideas to the electorate in an atmosphere devoid of violence or threat of same or intimidation.
“We have reasons to call on the ICC to especially turn its radar on Kwara State where the discredited political dynasty has consistently used violence to suppress the opposition. The recent rise in political violence, including attacks on my person and supporters and unabated destruction of our billboards, is instructive.
“We, therefore, invite the ICC to monitor the processes leading to the elections in Kwara State. My supporters and I hereby formally pledge peaceful campaign and conduct before, during and after the elections.
“We urge the people of Kwara to shun violence in all forms and discourage our youths from violence or anything that could disturb public peace.”
Protests erupted in the Ugandan capital on Friday after police detained two lawmakers at the international airport as they prepared to travel abroad for medical care, witnesses said,
People demonstrated in different parts of Kampala, burning tires and piling rocks and other barricades in the middle of the roads.
Police said the protests were limited and had been contained.
The lawmakers, Robert Kyagulanyi and Francis Zaake, say they were tortured by security forces while in detention.
They were trying to leave to seek medical treatment abroad when they were arrested at Kampala’s international airport on Thursday night.
Kyagulanyi’s lawyer last week told Reuters that his client had been left unable to stand after being beaten while in detention.
When he appeared in court a day after his lawyer spoke, he was unable to walk without help.
Government spokesman Ofwono Opondo last week dismissed the lawyer’s comments as rubbish
Friday’s demonstrations were most intense in Kamwokya, a suburb of Kampala where Kyagulanyi, a pop star known by his stage name Bobi Wine, has a recording studio, according to Dick Nvule, a local radio reporter.
“Protesters blocked the roads using garbage cans and burning tyres. Motorists have to get alternative routes to the city centre.
Soldiers and riot police are still clearing the roads,” Nvule told Reuters.
Police spokesman Luke Owoyesigyire said police were monitoring the city to ensure no illegal rallies took place.
The two parliamentarians were among a group of five lawmakers who were detained on Aug. 13 in Uganda’s northwestern town of Arua and accused of throwing stones at a presidential convoy during the campaign for a parliamentary seat.
Police said on Thursday they had stopped Kyagulanyi, who has been charged with treason but released on bail, as they awaited further guidance.
Zaake has not been charged but has been in hospital in Kampala. Images of him posted on social media show him lying on a bed, eyes closed, with multiple bruises on his hand and other body areas.
Kyagulanyi in particular has risen as a formidable threat to President Yoweri Museveni’s 32-year rule, winning popular support through his music and strong criticism of the government.
SIR: The coming together of diverse group of people at Takie square Ogbomoso, Oyo State yesterday, Wednesday August 1, to protest the non-completion of construction work on Ogbomoso-Oyo Expressway shows that when people are pushed to the wall, they could fight back. Although the protest was nonviolent, it is a signal to the government that people are fed up with the insensitivity of same to plight of the road users in the periphery of Nigeria.
The road was initiated by President Olusegun Obasanjo government in 2001. The two other sections of the expressway have been commissioned more than 10 years ago while the Oyo-Ogbomoso section has been abandoned for long despite the appropriation of billions of naira for the work by the federal government and empty promises by politicians over the construction work. The non-completion of the expressway has led to death of hundreds of people and loss of properties.
In the words of the chairman of the community, Rev. Dr. Israel O. Olaniyan, “our plight is that the present Ogbomoso-Oyo road has become a death trap. It kills more people than does HIV/AIDS or any other diseases in this community. Statistics at our disposal indicate that an average of 15 persons die on the road per week when this is multiplied by 52 weeks that makes a year, it indicates that an average of 780 persons is lost annually on this road. When this is multiplied by nine years since Ogbomoso / Oyo section of the road was awarded, it shows that an average of 7,000 person have lost their lives on Ogbomoso-Oyo Road.
This is alarming and calls for urgent completion of the express road under construction. Even yesterday some commuters lost their lives around Oolo on Oyo road. These have been a recurring decimal that must not be allowed to recur. Accidental deaths on the road have drastically cut short the life expectancy of persons living in this part f Nigeria”.
The rally which was peaceful in nature was addressed by all sections of the community and all the speakers appealed to the government to expedite action on the road so as to stop untimely death. As a matter of fact, the rally has the backing of all traditional rulers in the area.
While the rally lasted, the ever busy Ilorin-Ogbomoso-Oyo road was blocked and no vehicle was allowed to pass the road. These caused the delay for the articulated vehicles and other road users using the road. Meanwhile, articulated lorry drivers and other road users are commended for their patience while the rally lasted. The lorry drivers were calm knowing fully well that the delay they experienced was for their own good.
The government should listen to the voice of the people and fix Ogbomoso-Oyo road with urgency it deserves as indeed other death traps called roads all over Nigeria.
