This writer believes that some privileged persons within and outside Rivers State benefit from the instability always plaguing the state. Otherwise, how does one explain the resurgence of the political warfare between forces loyal to Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Minister Nyesom Wike, few months after the state of emergency was lifted? The general belief was that the state of emergency provided an opportunity for the combatants and their foot soldiers to reach a political détente.
But alas, as Chinua Achebe said, in Arrow of God, “for when we see a bird dancing in the middle of the pathway, we must know that its drummer is in the nearby bush.” But who are the drummers for the combatants in Rivers State who must truly be in the nearby bush? For this writer, the drummers are those seeking access to what I call the “free money” in the state. For Wike, it is those who want a share of the humongous N600 billion, left behind by the departed sole administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (retd).
Before Fubara took refuge in the All Progressive Congress (APC), his supporters had alleged that the fight between Wike and Fubara, was because of the former’s interest in controlling that “free money”. While the Rivers State 2025 budget of N1.846 trillion is enormous, there is a huge chance that the resources which causes the intractable debacles dating back to the beginning of this republic, may actually be the ones unbudgeted for.
Since the return of democracy in 1999, Rivers State has shown itself as the richest state with pots of “free money”. The evidence in support of that claim, is monumentally abundant. The first governor 1999-2007, Peter Odili, was given the acronym, “Donatus”, because he always donated handsomely at every public event he was invited to. To show that the money in question was not mere small change for donations, he became the biggest financier of the PDP in that era.
But for former president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s alleged interference, Odili, who ran the costliest campaign to succeed Obasanjo, had enough resources to appropriate the presidential ticket in 2007. The man, to whom Odili handed over, Rotimi Amechi, went on to repeat the same feat when he backed the election of late president, Muhammadu Buhari, against President Goodluck Jonathan. As Rivers State governor, he was reputed as one of the biggest financers of the election of the former president.
To show that his resources is as deep as the oil wells in the state he governed, the former governor and later Minister for Transport, successfully ran a well-oiled campaign during the APC presidential primary. He came second behind the winner, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who went ahead to win the presidential election. Amaechi, was succeeded by Wike, who became a master class intervener in strategic capital projects, of national importance. Hardly ever worried about the flow of resources, he took many gigantic federal projects.
Wike, built massive infrastructure for a new Nigeria Law School, in Rivers State. He built houses for judges of federal courts, amongst several of such projects. Like his predecessors, Rivers money also flowed towards the presidential campaigns, during his tenure. First, he was reputed to have sponsored his former friend, Aminu Tambuwal, against Atiku Abubakar, in the Peoples Democratic Party primaries, in 2019. When he completed his second tenure, he sought the presidential crown for himself, in 2023, and if we are to believe Dele Momodu, he outspent the doyen of presidential election contests in Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar.
When Wike’s ambition was blocked at the PDP primary, which was as contentious, as a presidential campaign, Wike engaged his financial vehicle in a reverse gear, driving furiously and desperately, as if on a forward speed gear. The success of APC, which he supported, in 2023 election, earned him the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. And with the power and influence he holds, he is more or less the most dreaded political leader in Rivers State. Presently, Wike’s eyes are on the 2027 election, not as a candidate, but as a supporter of President Tinubu.
Obviously, Fubara joined APC, the president’s party, to counter the enormous political weight of Wike. But, he did not take into consideration that Wike’s men may have planted several mines in APC, just as he did in PDP, awaiting Fubara to make his entry. Despite his entry into APC, the state lawmakers who had earlier joined APC, have started an impeachment proceeding against the governor. Thinking it may help, Fubara’s men threw mud on the lawmakers accusing them of helping themselves with Rivers “free money”, while the sole administrator held sway.
Many presidential election pundits have argued that any presidential candidate who wants to be successful at the polls must have his eyes trained on Rivers, Kano and Lagos states. While the general attention is on the enormous registered voters that the states have, the more underlining factor may be the enormous financial resources the three states boast of. While their various state budgets show their enormous financial powers, the unbudgeted financial resources, may be the critical factor which contenders seek to have influence over, by controlling the states.
The influence of the three states extend far beyond the states. Recall that while Wike was in power, as Rivers State governor, he had enormous influence in the elections in the entire South-south. Former governor of Edo State, Godwin Obaseki confessed that it was Wike who made his reelection possible after he defected to PDP, haven fallen out with his sponsors in APC. Wike, as governor of Rivers State, was also influential in who won election in Bayelsa State.
Sadly, for Fubara, Wike had used the last local government election to cement the rings he ran around Fubara in Rivers State and he showed what the future may look like, during his recent thank you tour of the councils. Wike, also has the state legislators firmly with him, and even the flicker of light for Fubara, when four members of the state House of Assembly demurred about the impeachment proceedings, dimmed almost immediately. Not surprisingly, the 25 present member legislators are presently in one accord that Fubara has committed gross misconducts, as envisaged by section 188 of the 1999 constitution (as amended).
Fubara, may need the help of President Tinubu to stop the impeachment proceedings, even though he is hoping to use the courts to emasculate the legislators. But, this writer wonders what the court would say to justify denying the legislators the power to engage in a constitutional process. And to compound the matter for Fubara, he may have engaged in several constitutional infringements in the fights that led to the declaration of state of emergency in the state and he can still be punished for those infringements.
This writer wonders why Fubara can’t play politics to survive, or perhaps summon the Rivers free money, to wash away his sins.
