Tag: sabotage

  • FIFA PRESIDENCY: “NFF didn’t  sabotage Odegbami”

    FIFA PRESIDENCY: “NFF didn’t sabotage Odegbami”

    The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has absolved any Nigerian of the blame of working against the nomination of former Green Eagles Captain Segun Odegbami for the position of FIFA Presidency, instead the Federation has blamed the former international of starting the process very late.

    According to the NFF President, Amaju Pinnick, the Federation did everything  possible to ensure that the aspirations of the former international scaled through, but the processes started very late.

    “Segun Odegbami told us that all he needs is the endorsement of the federation that he would get the other five endorsements from other African countries. It was only few days to the closing of nominations that we got to know that he did not get the endorsements before then.

    “I took the form to Cairo and was going from table to table to get it endorsed, but most of the countries were giving excuses that they have committed themselves to other candidates. If he had started early enough, we would have gotten the endorsement before the closing date. We learn daily, and would get it right next time,” he said.

    Speaking in the same vein, the former Chairman of NFF Technical Committee, Christopher Green also absolved the NFF of any wrong doing, saying that Odegbami did not start his process early enough “Don’t blame the federation because first and foremost we did not put our house together in the sense that we had two candidates vying for the same position. But in other climes no country presented two candidates, only one. I do realise that it was three to four days to the closure of the nomination that Segun Odegbami was given the endorsement by the federation.

    Realistically speaking, unless he did his home-work before the endorsement, there is no way he can shuttle five countries in Africa to get the endorsement within four days “Whatever happened to his candidacy I don’t know. I don’t know whether the NFF submitted his form.

    “But I really doubt  if he complied with all the conditions set out by FIFA. And that is why the NFF brought out her  own conditions and when you meet up, the federation will take up the rest.

    One of the conditions is that you must be popular in the game as an administrator. But if you are not, the federation will find it difficult to market.

    “It is the responsibility of the NFF to forward the nomination form to FIFA but it is not the responsibility of NFF to get the required endorsement for the candidate. It depends when he gets the endorsement from other Africa countries to forward to the federation to submit.

    “It is not the NFF that is contesting the election, it is an individual thing. When Sepp Blatter contested it was not Swiss but Blatter.

    On why the Federation did not call the two aspirants to harmonise things, the NFF Executive Committee member said: “The truth of the matter is that they made things difficult for the NFF. This is the first time we have two candidates contesting for position in CAF, FIFA, WAFU. Usually it is the NFF that brings out a candidate to contest because they are the managers of the game in the country.

    “When Amos Adamu was   there it was  only him that the federation endorsed, the same with  Galadima and Aminu Maigari. But a situation where you have two candidates going for the same position, it becomes difficult. The way forward is for us to put our house and ourselves together for future elections with a plan to get one candidate nominated, have the candidate fulfill all the conditions as so specified in the FIFA electoral guidelines and help the candidate get endorsement for other countries. It is a project that you need a minimum of four  years to prepare.

    “You can’t wake up in three months and say you want to meet another country for endorsement with the federation and you know that a country can only endorse one candidate,” he said.

  • Ogoni clean-up: MOSOP warns politicians against sabotage

    The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) has warned politicians against sabotaging the clean-up of Ogoniland, as recommended by a team of environmentalists from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

    MOSOP, yesterday in Port Harcourt, through its President, Legborsi Saro Pyagbara, stated that it had uncovered “an evil plot by internal and external politicians” to politicise the planned Ogoni environmental remediation and restoration process, in order to advance some parochial political and economic agenda, capable of thwarting the success of the exercise.

    The umbrella organisation of Ogoni people asked the alleged saboteurs to steer clear of the implementation arrangements, declaring that any further attempt at undermining the process would be viewed as an affront against the collective interest of Ogoni people and would be decisively resisted.

    MOSOP said: “We insist that the environmental degradation of Ogoniland, which has compromised our general well-being, is not a political issue. Dragging the fast-tracking actions into the murky waters of politics demonstrates inexcusable callousness that should be condemned by all, especially lovers of safe and clean environment.

    “We are warning external collaborators who have, and are providing resources including their platforms for the secret, devious agenda to realise that they are known and sooner than later, they will be exposed.

    “We have come a long way, and we urge all Ogoni to come together, irrespective of interest, as we cannot afford to falter at this time of seeming genuine interest of government to redress the environmental wrongs against the Ogoni people. We urge all Ogoni people to heed our advice, as we will resist all attempts to frustrate efforts at ensuring environmental justice for our people.”

    The umbrella organisation of Ogoni people also stated that the condition in local Ogoni communities, where the people had been reaping deaths and facing crushing livelihoods should bother everybody, insisting that end must come to environmental injustice in Ogoniland.

    It will be recalled that UNEP’s environmental assessment of Ogoniland was initiated by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2006, as part of efforts to put an end to the many years of pollution, neglect, environmental degradation and marginalisation in Ogoni.

    The Ogoni environmental assessment was adequately supported by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, while UNEP report, containing far-reaching recommendations was released on August 4, 2011 and presented in Abuja to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan on August 12, 2011.

    President Buhari, on August 5 this year, exactly sixty eight days in office, approved the actions to fast-track the implementation of the UNEP report, with the decision, described by the stakeholders across the globe, as a welcome development.

    The UNEP report stated that the water in Nsisioken-Ogale-Eleme, Eleme (Ogoni) LGA of Rivers state, contained cancer-causing Benzene (carcinogen), which was 900 times the World Health Organisation’s (WHO’s) standards for water contamination, thereby requiring urgent attention.

    The report also revealed that the sustainable environmental restoration of Ogoniland would take up to 20 years to achieve and would require coordinated efforts from government agencies at all levels, thereby recommending that the Federal Government should establish an Ogoniland Environmental Restoration Authority.

  • Ebonyi APC group  accuses rival of sabotage

    Ebonyi APC group accuses rival of sabotage

    Some members of the All Progressive Congress (APC) in Ebonyi State has accused some other members of working for the interest of the ruling party in the state, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), to destroy the APC.

    Mr Benjamin Mkpuma , the Youth Leader of the Eze Nwachukwu-led group, made the allegation in Abakaliki, alleging that Ben Nwaobashi and his loyalists  were sponsored by the PDP.

    “We have uncovered plans by the Nwaobashi and his supporters to decamp to the ruling party in anticipation of not losing out in appointments at the national level which they feel would not favour them.

    He noted that the APC in the state recently condemned the appointment of Ebonyi Chief Judge’s Wife as the Sole Administrator of the State Local Government Service Commission but the Nwaobashi group made a counter pronouncement.

    “In its pronouncement, it claimed that the APC has no right to question any appointment made by the PDP, as the party should mind its business and leave the ruling party alone.

    He noted that this shows that Nwaobashi’s group is anti-APC as no APC member has supported Chief Olisa Metuh, the PDP National Publicity Secretary’s recent attack on President Muhammadu Buhari and the APC.

    “We are then informing our party leaders and members all over the country that the Nwaobashi-led group is an instrument used by the PDP to destroy the APC in Ebonyi State.

    He noted that the party has evidences to prove all its claims, noting that the publication made on the Chief’ Judge’s wife’s appointment was sponsored by the PDP. “We also have evidence on its plans to defect to the PDP.”

    In his reaction, Nwaobashi  noted that the Nwachukwu-led group was operating illegally and are not leaders of the APC in Ebonyi State.

    He noted that the Nwachukwu’ group’s claim that he was working for the PDP was ‘foolish’ as he could not work against a party which he is the authentic chairman.

    “What we are contending in the publication over the appointment of the chief judge’s wife is that Nwachukwu has no constitutional right to speak as the APC state chairman on such matters.

    PDP Chairman in Ebonyi, Chief Joseph Onwe, said he was not disposed to comment on the issue as at the time he was pressed to make a comment.

  • Shell, Bayelsa communities and sabotage

    There is no end in sight to the problems between the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) and its host communities in the Niger Delta region. In fact, the length of Shell pipelines criss-crossing the region defines the complications of issues and widespread human relationship breakdown confronting the company.

    For instance, communities in Bayelsa State are always at daggers’ drawn with Shell over oil spill-related matters. Ikarama a community in Okordia clan, Yenagoa Local Government Area, is always in the news for oil spills. The environment has since decayed from spills caused mostly by sabotage.

    Recently, the communities around Kolo Creek Manifold operated by Shell in Ogbia Local Government Area, cried foul over massive spillage of oil into their environment. The spill was first reported on April 15.

    Some residents lamented that the Kolo creek oil field owned by SPDC has been discharging crude into the environment. A resident of Imiringi community in Ogbia Local Government Area, Mr. Anthony Okputu, said the spill had devastated farmland and vegetation in the area.

    Okputu said: “We do not know exactly when the oil leak started but we saw crude leaking from the pipeline into the road and when we got there soldiers had already cordoned off the whole area.

    “They did not allow us to get near to find out the possible cause of the leak on the pipeline. We woke up this early morning to see this in our community.

    “I believe that the soldiers must have reported the incident so that they can shut down the pipeline crude feed to forestall further damage to the environment, but oil is still gushing out of the line”.

    The communities sustained their momentum of cries. They accused Shell of not responding quickly to their plight and called on the state government to compel the company to come to their aide.

    They called for a Joint Investigation Visit (JIV) to unravel the cause of the spill. They had initially thought that the oil leak was caused by the company’s equipment failure. They were indeed looking forward to indicting Shell.

    Following their outcries, officials of the Bayelsa State Government led by the Commissioner for Environment, Mr. Iniruo Wills, visited the spill site. The officials including Wills assessed the site and lamented increasing incidences of oil and gas spills from platforms operated by multinational oil companies in the state.

    The therefore, therefore, threatened that henceforth multinational companies will not escape punishment for any oil and gas spills within the state.

    He said: “Whatever the cause of the spill, whether it is caused by sabotage or equipment failure, we will have to carefully think of the next thing to do.

    “There has to be consequences. Even if it is (caused by) sabotage, that does not mean that everyone concerned is free from consequences because, clearly, there is a pattern. Almost on a daily basis, there is one oil spill or the other in Bayelsa State.”

    The commissioner insisted that the government and the people of the state would no longer tolerate incessant pollution of their environment.

    He said: “This is yet another demonstration of how oil and gas production in Nigeria, especially in the Niger Delta and Bayelsa State where we are right now, is done.

    “This is how it threatens our environment, how it is a danger to our people, to our communities, life, public health and even to economic activities

    “You can see in the backdrop across the road, you can see vegetation, you can see economic crops all over the place, you can see how crude oil splashed all over them.

    “If proper precaution is not taken in terms of protecting or even clearing the affected area, you can imagine how affected the food chain and economic cycle proceeding from there, the hazard involved. This will end up affecting people’s dinning tables”, Wills added.

     

    Who caused the spill?

     

    Though the communities and even the government seemed to have pointed accusing fingers at Shell, emerging facts have shown that equipment failure was not the cause of the spill. The JIV report showed that unknown persons sabotaged the manifold.

    The JIV comprises officials of operating oil firms, Ministry of Environment, Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), National Oil Spills Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) and representatives of impacted communities.

    Shell’s spokesperson Mr. Joseph Obari said a report of the JIV revealed that unknown persons cut out a section of the metal protection to the manifold. Obari said the saboteurs, according to the report, removed components of the pressure control system and opened the isolation valves, resulting in a spill.

    He said the volume of spilled oil was estimated at 27 barrels, affecting mainly the manifold grounds and part of the surrounding vegetation.

    He said: “SPDC stopped the leak soon after it occurred, deployed effective containment and began the recovery of oil.

    “No chemical dispersant has been applied. The containment and oil recovery activities involved the use of booms, absorbent pads and vacuum truck for evacuation of recovered oil.

    “Oil spill response activities are continuing while remediation will commence after initial clean-up has been done.”

    Obari further said that leak and fire were reported on the Kolo Creek–Rumuekpe trunk line, about 5kms from the manifold, on Monday.

    “The fire has been extinguished; site observation confirmed a recently excavated ditch at the fire point.

    “SPDC has expressed concern at the brazen damage of its facilities in parts of the Delta. It commended the Bayelsa State Government for its support and called on communities and other stakeholders to join hands in the efforts to discourage the trend”.

    Many believe it is high time communities in the Niger Delta, especially Bayelsa, stopped sabotaging oil facilities especially knowing its implications on the environment. It is foolhardy for locals to destroy the environment where they live and derive their livelihoods and then turn around to blame oil companies.

  • How sabotage, blackmail, undue delays are killing the Judiciary (2)

    How sabotage, blackmail, undue delays are killing the Judiciary (2)

    In this concluding part of a report on the judicial system, JOSEPH JIBUEZE provides more evidence of how other factors aside sabotage, blackmail and undue delays contribute to the snail speed of the justice system. 

    Apart from delays caused by abuse of legal technicalities, other factors contribute to denial of justice in criminal cases.

    Justice Yetunde Idowu, one of most senior judges of the Lagos State High Court, said a justice system that is remote, unaffordable, slow or incomprehensible to ordinary people effectively leads. to injustice.

    “The rule of law in itself is collated with economic growth and investment, and an effective judicial system promotes better livelihoods for all people,” she said.

    The judge said cogs in the wheel of justice include financial and budgetary constraints; lack of adequate institutional reforms and modernisation; low investment in information and communication technology; lack of political will and commitment to a better society; use of archaic and outdated laws, procedures and processes that are riddled with loopholes.

    Other adverse factors, she said, are lack of public trust and confidence in the system; corruption due to lack of accountability and transparency; inadequate courts; indiscipline, among others.

    According to a former Lagos State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Prof Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), failures in criminal justice are not only a significant disincentive to foreign investment, but constitute a burden on the cost of doing business.

    To him, interlocutory appeals on practically any issue have remained a major hindrance to early disposition of cases, especially as it almost always involves a stay of proceedings at the court appealed from.

    Osinbajo pointed out that relative to Nigeria’s population, the number of convicts per capita is extremely low.

    “This may either mean that Nigerians are an incredibly law abiding people or that their custodial sentences are not frequently used or that the criminal justice system has quite significant problems. Russia with a population of only 3million higher than ours has almost 20 times as many convicted prisoners as Nigeria,” Osinbajo said.

    The professor of law said interminable delays reduce the chances of ever concluding cases in a satisfactory manner. Witnesses lose interest. Investigating police officers are transferred outside of the states where the offences were committed. Judges are also transferred and cases start de novo.

    A frontline lawyer, Chief Afe Babalola (SAN), said corruption in the judiciary and the incompetence of some lawyers and judges do not help the situation.

    An ill-prepared lawyer will seek an adjournment at the first opportunity, and a judge who lacks the intellectual capacity to adjudicate a case will indulge such lawyers and adjourn even the simplest of rulings.

    Babalola said: “If a lawyer lacks the necessary competence for the prosecution or defence of any given case, he unavoidably becomes a hindrance and liability to the course of justice which under normal circumstances he is supposed to serve. The law reports are replete with cases that were painfully lost by nothing but the ignorance and incompetence of lawyers.”

    He said there had been several instances where lawyers frustrate the hearing of court cases, especially when they know they have weak defences.

    “Some go to the extent of writing false letters stating that they were otherwise engaged in the Court of Appeal or Supreme Court when in fact they had no case pending in those courts. Such conduct is clearly unbecoming or unworthy of any lawyer,” Babalola said.

    For judges, it is not surprising to see some of them who preside over criminal cases sit by noon when courts ought to resume by 9am. Some exhibit crass laziness.

    According to Babalola, before a judge can dispense justice, he must possess the necessary judicial qualities of integrity, deep knowledge of the law, honesty and a sense of justice itself. Unfortunately, many of them, he said, lack such qualities.

    At the heart of incompetence is corruption, which is manifest in the process of appointment of judges.

    “It must be realised that a knowledgeable but corrupt judge is a great peril to the administration of justice. He is bad if not worse than an honest but an incompetent judge,” Babalola said.

    Besides, he said there are cases in which judges for reasons best known to them personalise issues and frustrate the exercise of the right of appeal by litigants by their refusal to release records of proceedings or their judgments. Others, he said, lack courage and succumb to undue political influences.

    According to Babalola, poorly trained and inefficient court officials are also a cog in the wheel of justice.

    “Some court registrars in Nigeria have become so infested with the virus of corruption that they deliberately frustrate the doing of justice in our society,” he said. Some officials, he added, deliberately omit to list cases for hearing. The sad effect is the the judiciary has lost its fear factor.

    A former Lagos State prosecutor, Fola Arthur-Worrey, said: “The courts have lost authority. Today people write petitions against judges and then the judges will hands-off the cases.

    “Unfortunately for us, we don’t seem to understand the implications of weak institutions; we don’t understand the signals it sends to citizens and to the rest of the world. A country is only taken as seriously as its law and justice systems are managed.”

    Most courts are burdened with antiquated physical and legal infrastructure that renders them extremely slow and inefficient. Many judges must take their own notes in longhand while, in the words of one judge, they “sweat and choke” in stiflingly hot courtrooms – hobbling the speed of any proceedings. The judiciary, including appellate courts, also strains under the burdens of an excessive caseload.

    A judge of the Delta State High Court, Justice Roli Harriman, said only a few states, such as Lagos, have any form of electronic recording of proceedings.

    Majority of courts, she said, still use archaic equipment and judges write longhand, which is later reproduced by typists.

    “The use of longhand and typewriters obviously tend to delay justice,” she said.

    Another factor, the judge said, is that little use is made of software designed for case management and legal research. This lack of tools leads to judges adjourning till further dates rulings they could otherwise have delivered immediately.

    “Apart from a few states, the acquisition of this software is not on the priority list of governments,” Justice Harriman said.

    Delays, the judge added, even start from the filing process.

    “I am hoping a time would come when e-filing will take centre stage in the judiciary, a time when lawyers can, with a registered access code, file their processes and make payments online,” she said.

    Besides, it will not be out of place if court registries accept Point of Sale (POS) payments.

    Lack of courtroom technology, such as video conferencing, is also a challenge. In criminal cases, a greater number of adjournments are due to investigating police officers being transferred to other locations or being sent on other assignments. Some witnesses are also reluctant to come to court.

    “If their evidence can be taken through video conferencing, then this would eliminate the delay,” Justice Harriman said.

    The physical state of some courts also does not help speedier justice delivery. Some courts do not have air conditioning, and some courtrooms are like cubicles.

    For instance, in the Federal High Court in Ikoyi, Lagos, courtrooms used by Justice Okon Abang and Justice Mohammed Idris, two of the busiest judges, for instance, are so small that lawyers take turns to go in for their cases.

    Several of the lawyers who make it inside, stand during proceedings waiting for their turn. Majority stand outside the door, straining to hear their cases called. Others flee for fear of suffocation. The consequence is that the judges could easily get tired in such working conditions.

    In some states, lack of adequate number of courtrooms force judges to share spaces, alternating sitting times. This leads to unsecured storage of court documents, leading to “loss” of case files, and provides room for corruption.

    “The bad shape of court buildings does not only reflect poorly on the relevance of justice sector institutions, but also prevents them from working effectively. It is also true that those working in these buildings get affected by the lack of a somewhat dignified working environment. Most importantly, decrepit infrastructure and dysfunctional design exacerbate delay and affect the quality of work done,” Justice Harriman said.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and former External Affairs Minister, Mr Odein Ajumogobia, believes delays have unfortunately become a recognised and accepted strategy in escaping justice.

    “It obviously serves the defendant well when he has no defence or simply needs to buy time to answer a complaint and is therefore only interested in putting off the anticipated final decision by the court for as long as possible,” he said.

    According to him, the most common causes of delays and abuse are the preliminary objection (the outcome of which is appealed up to the Supreme Court); frivolous arguments and false affidavits; longer adjournments due to full dockets; lack of strict adherence to time limit provisions and scheduling (with no severe and deterrent cost); poor service of court processes (with parties claiming they were not ‘properly’ served); frequent amendment of processes (which foist adjournments and further amendments); abuse of the right of appeal, and lack of enough punitive costs which, to Ajumogobia, should be in millions of naira for deliberate time-wasting.

    EFCC chairman Ibrahim Lamorde said the commission is helpless regarding the causes of delays.

    “You have to know where the responsibility of the EFCC starts and ends. When we take people to court, our duty is to prosecute them. But some of these accused persons/ suspects are taking advantage of the criminal laws.

    “The unfortunate aspect for us is that when such criminal proceedings are delayed, you start having witness fatigue. Some of the witnesses would have died and some officers transferred,” Lamorde said.

    He expressed regrets that some cases filed by EFCC against suspects, including politically exposed persons eight years ago, are still pending.

    He added: “We have cases we filed since 2006; we have been going in and out of the Supreme Court because of applications here and there.

    “We cannot change what is obtainable at the court because the laws of the land allow people to go to court. Some people are delaying cases to the detriment of the people of Nigeria and the affected states.

    “The outcome of these cases would have definitely defined what people will get. These funds to be recovered ought to be used for the development of these states,” Larmode added.

     

    Experts seek way out

    Falana said the gross abuse of judicial process is encouraged under the criminal legal system. This, he said, must change.

    On deliberate abuse of injunctions, Falana said: “The dangerous practice calls for an urgent review of the criminal justice system in the overall interest of the society.

    “If the trend is not stopped, other people accused of engaging in armed robbery and terrorism may soon be asking for interim, interlocutory or perpetual injunctions to stop the state from investigating or prosecuting them.”

    The human right lawyer described as painful the fact that the lawyers involved in the prosecution and defence of the cases that have lingered endlessly are Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs).

    “The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) owes the legal profession a duty by calling lawyers who frustrate the prosecution of corruption cases to order. Trial courts are also enjoined to report such lawyers to the Disciplinary Committee of the NBA for appropriate actions,” Falana said.

    To him, judges too must be bold and strong in the face of such intimidation, and should punish unscrupulous for contempt in facia curia (in the face of court).

    He condemned what he called the seeming indifference of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to the criminal abuse of the judicial system.

    “While the Federal Government is clearly complicit in some of the abuses suffered by the criminal justice system, at other times the AGF merely stands aloof, and watches our common humiliation as a modern state, which is what those conducts amount to.

    “As the legal precept posits, ‘justice delayed is justice denied’; and in this instance, both an accused and the state deserve to have a speedy and transparent trial at all times.

    “A situation whereby the poor are daily railroaded to prison while criminals who are rich and powerful are allowed to breath the air of freedom has to stop. Judges should, therefore, desist from conferring immunity or granting perpetual injunctions restraining anti-graft agencies from investigating and prosecuting politically exposed persons.

    “In a display of class solidarity with the ruling class, the EFCC charges the rich accused of looting the treasury with money laundering while the poor are charged with stealing.

    “Since the penalty for money laundering is two years or payment of fine while stealing attracts seven years imprisonment, the discriminatory treatment of the two sets of criminal suspects should stop in the interest of justice and fair play,” Falana said.

    The rights activist also wants strict adherence to the new practice directions of the Federal High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court that require accelerated hearing of cases pertaining to corruption and terrorism as well as appeals arising from them.

    For instance, the trial of such cases is required to be conducted day by day at the Federal High Court. Regrettably, the practice directions are not being adhered to by all the relevant stakeholders. Hence, corruption cases are adjourned for all manners of reasons contrary to the letter and spirit of the law.

    Also, in view of the presumption of innocence in favour of accused persons, the prosecution should stop opposing applications for bail on frivolous grounds, Falana suggested.

    In other words, the prosecution and the defence counsel should agree on the conditions to be attached to bail to enable the defendants to stand trial.

    However, where the parties are unable to reach an agreement, the trial judge should impose bail conditions. The procedure, Falana believes, will go a long way to accelerate the trial of criminal cases.

    “To arrest the undue delay in the prosecution of criminal cases, I suggest the introduction of front-loading and Pre-trial Conference. The prosecution should go beyond making available to the defendants the proof of evidence. There should be sworn statements of all witnesses which should be served on the defendants in line with the current practice in civil cases,” Falana said.

    Babalola said since looting of public fund by office holders is a serious wrong against the society, the government must show the will to prosecute offenders rather than shield them.

    “It would be incompatible with justice for the government to neglect or refuse to bring appropriate criminal charges against public officers who have been indicted simply because they have apologised or have resigned from their posts,” he said.

    Besides, there is the urgent need to weed out unethical behaviours, ineptitude resulting in low productivity, mal-administration and lazy, incompetent judges, Babalola said.

    He also called for a comprehensive review of the conditions of service of judges, including salaries.

    “Judges should be well paid, properly housed and well equipped with modern verbatim recording machines, trained stenographers, photocopiers, regular power supply and air conditioning,” he said.

    Justice Harriman wished for a time when evidence can be displayed electronically in front of the judge; when witnesses or counsel can be allowed to demonstrate or annotate situations or scenarios by using a fingertip directly on a monitor; when live video presentations of witnesses who cannot be physically present for a trial or hearing can be conducted; and when lawyers can create their own slide show presentations to enhance their arguments.

    “For judges, technology can increase opportunity to control the proceedings, set time limits, and decide matters expeditiously,” Justice Harriman said.

    Eminent professor of law, Itsay Sagay (SAN), believes it is everyone’s duty to save the judiciary from collapse, being the “ultimate source of democracy and rule of law”. He prayed for a return to the past, when it was inconceivable to bribe members of the bench.

    “It was absolutely unthinkable to bribe justices of the past. Even the contemplator will rot in jail. In the 80s, we could predict the outcome of a case. Judges created remedy where there was none. They were not colourless and neutral about justice. They had a philosophy,” he said.

    Prof Sagay also wants a dislodgment of those he referred to as “judicial mafia.”

    “There is a mafia in the judiciary, a mafia that is untouchable, a mafia that decides what happens to us in this country. You cannot tell the truth as far as the mafia is concerned,” he said.

    According to him, the Supreme Court, for instance, is too limited in the choice of those appointed as justices. In his words, “nothing is said about merit, character. They don’t tolerate bringing in fresh faces either.”

    He recalled that in the past top professors of law and academics were appointed to the appellate courts, but not anymore.

    “Now, incompetence is recycled among themselves, so, there is no growth in the judiciary. What prevents excellent SANs from going to the Supreme Court so that the mafia will not continue to control things?

    “Justices should stop hobnobbing with the executive. They should not consider themselves as part of the executive. They must insist on playing their role without fear or favour,” Sagay said.

    Prof Osinbajo called for a fundamental restructuring of the rules. “It is my view that the problems of delay especially require some hard thinking and collaborative interaction between the Chief Justice of Nigeria, the Attorney-General of the Federation and the heads of the National Assembly,” he said.

    These interactions, he added, must address fundamental issues on changing the rules to engage the challenges of Nigeria’s peculiar circumstances.

    “Clearly, there ought to be a more stringent costs regime to prevent dilatory tactics of counsel. Judicial accountability for delays in delivering rulings and judgments must be closely monitored,” he said.

    Prof Osinbajo also wants a limitation of interlocutory appeals, which are often abused.

    “Constitutional amendments providing for the termination of interlocutory appeals at the Court of Appeal is much needed. There need also be clear and definitive intervention by the Supreme Court on notorious and recondite issues frequently deployed to delay trials.

    “Issues of jurisdiction require one clear Supreme Court decision which lays down the principles and the law. Some disciplinary action may be required with the full backing of our courts to check counsel who in the face of clear authorities delay trials by raising such issues,” Osinbajo said.

    A Supreme Court justice, Kudirat Kekere-Ekun agrees with Osinbajo. In addition to “a major attitudinal change,” she said there is the urgent need for constitutional amendment to limit the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction so that interlocutory decisions or cases where there are concurrent findings of fact by the two lower courts and there is no dispute as to the law should terminate at the Court of Appeal.

    Respect for ethics of the profession, which is severely, lacking, must be enforced, she said.

    “Where a client has a bad case, it is unethical to institute an action in court merely to frustrate his opponent and delay the fulfillment of an obligation. The same applies to a defendant who has no defence to an action but engages in all manners of delay tactics, including the ubiquitous preliminary objections on jurisdiction, wasting valuable judicial time and expense,” Kekere-Ekun said.

    Ajumogobia said delays cannot be eliminated as long as deliberate time-wasting is the objective of “gifted and talented lawyers.”

    According to him, justice can only occur when there exists a degree of uniformity, competence and integrity of not just the lawyers and the Bar leaders, but other court officials.

    Ajumogobia said:  “As long as we choose (and it is always a conscious choice by counsel) to deliberately exploit the existence of constitutional lapses or the inevitable and necessary flexibility of procedural rules, curbing delays will remain an illusion.”

    Justice Idowu believes that administration of justice will be enjoyed by people when they are able to use institutions that are quick, relevant and effective in meeting their needs for justice.

    “A functioning justice system requires the effective supply of justice services by state and non-state entities as well as the expression of effective demand by people who trust the system enough to use it,” she said.

    Some judges are easily manipulated by the executive and the corrupt political class. It is not strange to find criminal suspects seeking a transfer of their cases from one judge to the other, all in a bid to get a more pliant, easy-to-manipulate or corrupt judge. The process of appointment of judges, therefore, needs to be more transparent.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria and Queens Counsel (QC), Mr Oba Nsugbe, said the secrecy surrounding judges’ appointments must be stopped.

    “We need to make greater efforts to completely demystify the system of judicial appointments in Nigeria from beginning to end,” he said.

    Nsugbe said he once sought to know how to go about applying to be a judge in Nigeria, and to learn about upcoming vacancies, criteria for appointment and the process, but came up with no reliable information.

    He interrogated various official websites for answers, read a number of publications, and spoke to people in the judiciary, and still got no useful information on how to be a judge.

    His words: “The answers never seemed complete or exhaustive. This needs to change. In so important an area, you can never have enough clear, systematic information about what each and every stage entails – exactly what is needed of the applicant, when, who will assess it; how it will be assessed; who will be spoken to; against what criteria, etc. There needs to be more transparency about the appointments procedure. The lack of it acts as a disincentive to many aspiring judges,” he said.

    Another provision in the rules that has caused delays is the principle of a case starting de novo (afresh) where witnesses had been called before a judge is transferred, is elevated to a higher court, or dies and another judge takes over. In such a situation, witnesses would have to be recalled.

    Lagos lawyer Mr Segun Ajibola (SAN) said aspects of this provision needs to be revisited.

    “It’s difficult for a case not to start de novo. One of the functions of the judge is to watch the demeanour of the witnesses before him, not just listen to their testimony alone. He has to see that the evidence being given is given with conviction, and in a manner which portrays the truth.

    “What I will be happy to see is that the aspect of the requirement for trial to start all over as it is in most cases is restricted strictly to aspects which evidence by witnesses have been taken, so that whoever takes over assumes all the processes and procedural steps taken before then.

    “In this country where our approach to things is most times questionable, once you have a witness come in once and give evidence, getting him back most times to repeat most things he has said is a problem. Situations change and influences would come in. Eventually some people escape justice.”

    To lawyers whose stock in trade is to frustrate cases by means foul or fair, Ajibola said: “We need to re-orientate ourselves and appreciate the fact that at the end of the day we’re all losers.

    “It (deliberate delays) may work for you today, because you’re on this side of the law. If tomorrow you find yourself on the other side, and the same thing happens to you, you will lose.

    “Encouraging that kind of approach to administration of justice is something that will do no one no good at the end of the day. It may help in resolving a temporary situation, but in the long run, we’re all losers.

    “Perhaps there is no other country that has as much causes of delays in dispensation of justice as Nigeria. We need to evolve better arrangement which will be in place to curb the excesses of some of us who abuse the process.

    “I think it requires a thinktank approach, as we try to do regarding law reforms, which gave rise to the new Lagos State civil rules that came from the need to fast-track and reduce bottle-necks and roadblocks in dispensation of justice.

    “However, no one process is perfect. Any process designed by man stands to be defeated by the same man. The same man who invented the pencil invented the eraser. We don’t benefit from abuse generally. As far as I’m concerned, we’re all losing.

    “Once we can accept that as a platform, and get people to understand that the failure of one is that failure of all, the sooner we will begin to approach the situation from a standpoint of positive and honest sense of purpose.”

    To many who have already lost faith in the system, true justice will only remain a fantasy.

     

  • How sabotage, blackmail, undue delays are killing  the Judiciary (1)

    How sabotage, blackmail, undue delays are killing the Judiciary (1)

    The courts are supposed to be where justice is dispensed. But, with trials taking ages before they are concluded, the so-called ‘long-arm of the law’ appears to have been amputated. Relative to Nigeria’s population, the number of convicts per capita is extremely low. JOSEPH JIBUEZE discovers that sabotage, blackmail, corruption and undue delays are behind the snail speed of the justice system

    It has a beginning. It has an end too. But the end usually takes longer than expected. It takes so long that many believe it actually has only a beginning and no end. This is the story of Nigeria’s criminal justice system where criminal trials last endlessly. The result is that impunity reigns supreme. Shockingly, most times the pattern is the same: undue delays in trials, sabotage by state officials and blackmail of judicial officials by accused persons. A new dimension in the art of delaying criminal cases was witnessed in Ekiti State prior to the swearing in of Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose.

    Fayose was under trial for allegations of financial misappropriation during his first term as governor between 2003 and 2006 when he was removed from office through an impeachment. Contrary to reports, EFCC said it had not dropped the charges against Fayose, who won the June 21 governorship election.

    Prior to the swearing-in, a group, E-11, and others challenged Fayose’s eligibility to contest the election. In a determined bid to stop the case from being heard, all hell was let loose. Judges, lawyers, court officials, and journalists felt the brutality of thugs.

    The first attack occurred on September 22. Thugs allegedly loyal to Fayose invaded the Ekiti State judiciary headquarters where Justice Isaac Ogunyemi was to deliver a ruling on the case. The thugs beat workers black and blue while the presiding judge and lawyers had to run for dear lives. They smashed windows and furniture.

    In the words of the Chief Judge, Justice Ayodeji Daramola, “the policemen and other law enforcement agents deployed within and without the premises in large numbers were looking on completely uninterested and unconcerned while these thugs were on the prowl beating and maiming workers and court users.”

    On September 25, thugs invaded the High Court premises, beating judicial officers.

    Justice Daramola recalls: “The thugs invaded my court where I was to deliver a judgment in a land matter, tore the Record Books, beat the court officials and vandalised the furniture in Court No. 1. The political thugs descended on Hon. Justice J. A. Adeyeye the presiding Judge in Court No. 3, beat and dragged him on the ground.

    “The judge’s suit was also torn into shreds. I could not gain entrance into the premises of the court and had to hurriedly turn back on being alerted that I was the prime target of the hooligans.”

    Consequently, the Chief Judge ordered the closure of the court until the safety of judges, magistrates and staff could be guaranteed by the law enforcement agents.

    Unconfirmed sources said the Presidency directed the military and the police to ensure that the courts remain sealed until after Fayose’s inauguration as governor on October 16.

    Soldiers and policemen barricaded the court premises as from October 7, turning back judges, lawyers and litigants on the basis of an alleged “bomb” threat. The siege moved from courts in the state capital to all others within the state, including customary courts.

    On October 13, the NJC directed Justice Daramola to make a formal announcement to reopen the courts. He did on October 14, after two weeks of forced closure, even as workers stayed off. Two days later, Justice Daramola swore in Fayose as governor.

    There was outrage over the attacks. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), human rights groups, retired judges, senior advocates of Nigeria (SANs) were unanimous in their condemnation of the action.

    There are fears that a horrible precedent had been set. All the corrupt need to do is to sanction the disruption of a criminal trial by sending thugs to beat up judges and force a shut-down of the “helpless” judiciary.

     

    The case of the ex-bank chiefs

    Unlike the Ekiti sage, the trials of ex-bank chiefs have witnessed more civil means of prolonging adjudication.

    In mid August 2009, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) “hammer” fell on five bank chief executives, namely Sebastin Adigwe (Afribank), Okey Nwosu (Finbank), Erastus Akingbola (Intercontinental Bank), Cecilia Ibru (Oceanic Bank) and Bath Ebong (Union Bank).

    The CBN governor at the time, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, said they were sacked due to the banks’ high level of non-performing loans and non-adherence to best practices in risk management.

    The five banks were subsequently rescued in a N400billion government bail-out as they were found to have low cash reserves because of bad loans and corrupt practices.

    Three weeks after their sack, the sensational trial of the bank chiefs began. The news media celebrated their arraignment. Before their court appearance, journalists kept vigil at the Lagos office of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), giving updates on their interrogation by the commission. Reports of their arraignment were the leading stories in every media outlet.

    However, five years after their arraignment, the cases are still pending in court with no end in sight. The EFCC arraigned four of the bank chiefs at the Federal High Court in Lagos on charges of fraud, concealment and grant of loans without adequate collateral running into about N625billion. Akingbola, who was initially at large, later returned and was arraigned.

    Of the five bank chiefs, only the case against Ibru has been concluded – after she pleaded guilty in a plea bargain.

    On October 8, 2010, the court sentenced her to 18 months imprisonment for mismanaging depositors’ funds and granting credit facilities worth $20million and N2billion far above CBN’s approved limit.

    The jail term ran concurrently, so Ibru spent about six months in ‘prison’. She was allowed to continue with her treatment at a highbrow Reddington Hospital in Victoria Island after her sentence.

    Ibru forfeited assets worth N191billion comprising 94 choice properties in the United States and Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. She also gave up shares in about 80 listed companies on the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE) and in 20 unlisted companies. She was ordered to reimburse N1.29billion.

     

    The Akingbola case

    What many see as a deliberate ploy to delay trial through loopholes in the system has delayed judgment in Akingbola’s trial, for instance.

    While the case at Federal High Court was pending, the EFCC charged Akingbola and the others at the Lagos State High Court, Ikeja, with theft of depositors’ funds.

    On May 31, 2011, Akingbola and an associate Bayo Dada were arraigned before Justice Habib Abiru on a 22-count charge bordering on conspiracy and alleged stealing of N47.1 billion belonging to the bank.

    After much delay, caused by preliminary objections and application for stay of proceedings, which were all dismissed, trial began. Witnesses testified. There was excitement that for once, a high profile criminal case was about to be concluded quickly. But there were twists.

    The defence counsel, which initially included three Senior Advocates of Nigeria, Messrs Felix Fagbohungbe, Deji Sasegbon, and Rickey Tarfa, tried to stop the arraignment. Even after the EFCC filed the charges, the matter suffered three adjournments before the arraignment took place.

    It did not hold when the accused were first produced in court on May 10, 2011 because the EFCC, which held the defendants in custody, did not bring them to court early enough. There were two further adjournments on May 16 and May 23, 2011, due to a motion by the defence challenging the court’s jurisdiction to entertain the charges. The objection was on the basis that it was the Lagos State Attorney-General and not Attorney-General of the Federation through the EFCC that ought to file the charges.

    Justice Abiru, in a ruling on May 31, 2011, dismissed the application and ordered that Akingbola be arraigned. After he pleaded not guilty, the judge adjourned for trial and fixed three initial dates – July 20, 26 and 27, 2011.

    As the EFCC sought to open its case, the defence sought a stay of proceedings pending the determination of their appeal against his May 31 ruling.

    Justice Abiru dismissed it and held that Section 277 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Laws of Lagos State and Section 40 of the EFCC Act did not give room for stopping a trial in criminal proceedings before the delivery of judgment.

    The defence then sought adjournments on the ground was that the prosecution counsel, Mr. Emmanuel Ukala (SAN), served them a counter-affidavit to their pending motions late.

    They also sought an adjournment because the court was on vacation; therefore, the judge lacked jurisdiction to entertain the case.

    Besides, they said they had two applications, one which sought an adjournment pending the hearing and final determination of their appeal before the Court of Appeal and the other which sought to quash the charges.

    Justice Abiru heard the applications in October 2011 and struck them out for lacking merit.

    After these delays, EFCC called its first witness, Intercontinental Bank’s Chief Inspector Abdulraheem Jimoh, who testified that he led the bank’s investigation on five transactions by Akingbola involving £8.5million, £1.3million, N10billion, N2.5billion and N8.6billion.

    Jimoh alleged that Akingbola’s transfer of N2.1billion from the bank breached a number of banking procedures. The trial continued till April 15, 2012 when the EFCC closed its case with the testimony of its operative and second witness, Nkechi Ibekaku.

    Rather than open their defence, the defendants filed an application for a no-case submission (in which a defendant seeks acquittal without having to present a defence).

    It was adjourned for EFCC to file its counter-affidavit. After it was argued, it was adjourned for ruling. Justice Abiru, on May 30, 2012, dismissed the no-case answer.

    Eventually, the defence called four witnesses, including Akingbola and Dada, who denied all the allegations by the EFCC. Akingbola, who was the last defence witness to testify, denied allegations of theft against him, describing them as “false, incorrect and malicious”.

    On September 11, 2012, Fagbohungbe accused the judge of bias. His grouse was that the judge overruled his request for an adjournment to continue leading Dada in evidence on another day.

    Fagbohungbe said he wanted an adjournment to carry out investigation on “certain things”. He also complained that the judge was not writing down part of Dada’s testimonies. But the judge said the request for an adjournment was unnecessary.

    On October 22, 2012, the defence team sought an adjournment because they were unable to produce a witness they had promised to bring.

    Justice Abiru refused the prayer, and ordered defence to close their case. The judge said his order followed an undertaking by Fagbohungbe that the defence’s case would be closed if the witness was not produced in court that day.

    Justice Abiru then adjourned till November 15, 2012, for adoption of final written addresses by parties. A date for judgment would have been fixed that day, but it never happened. Instead, the unexpected happened.

    It was announced on November 2, 2012 that Justice Abiru had been elevated to the Court of Appeal. In effect, the case, which was almost concluded, would start de novo (all over again) before another judge.

    The Supreme Court’s decision on the case of Ogbunyiya vs Okudo (1979) All NLR 105 is often cited as the reason why a case cannot continue before a judge who has been elevated to the appellate court.

     

    More twists

    Akingbola and Dada were re-arraigned before Justice Adeniyi Onigbanjo on February 26, last year. Again, EFCC went through the process of recalling its witnesses. When it closed its case, Akingbola again made a no-case submission.

    On July 15, 2013, Justice Onigbanjo dismissed the no-case application, holding that it lacked merit and that a prima facie case was established against the accused. He directed Akingbola to open his defence.

    But there was a further twist in the tale. The judge was redeployed from the court’s criminal division to the commercial division. This development again cancelled previous proceedings in the case. The trial would begin de novo once again.

    The Chief Judge, Justice Ayotunde Philips (now retired) re-assigned the case to Justice Lateef Lawal-Akapo.

    Akingbola was billed to be re-arraigned on December 9, last year. Curiously, the court’s registrars ‘erroneously’ failed to include Akingbola’s case in the list of matters for the day. This led to a further adjournment till March 24 this year. The re-arraignment never held.

    Akingbola, through his new lawyer, former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) president Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN), challenged Justice Lawal-Akapo’s jurisdiction to hear the case.

    The defence counsel also sought to quash the charges on the basis that they related to banking and capital market issues which he said were within the Federal High Court’s jurisdiction.

    On May 2, Justice Lawal-Akapo dismissed the objections for lacking in merit and assumed jurisdiction in the case. On June 23, Olanipekun prayed the court to stay proceedings in the trial until an interlocutory appeal against the May 2 ruling is determined at the Court of Appeal.

    The appellate court, after hearing the case on October 16, reserved ruling on the interlocutory appeal.

    As at the time of filing this report, judgment has not been delivered, and there is no end in sight.

     

    The Abacha case

    The Federal Government charged Mohammed, son of the late Head of State Gen Sani Abacha at the Federal Capital Territory High Court with receiving receiving money stolen from the government’s coffers by his late father between 1995 and 1998

    The defendant sought to quash his trial on the ground that the immunity his father enjoyed while in office extended to the acts which constituted the offence for which he (the son) was charged.

    It took over 10 years for the Supreme Court to rule on the interlocutory appeal, numbered SC.40/2006. The case was to resume at the lower court, but it never did.

    On June 18, the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Mohammed Bello Adoke (SAN) withdrew the N446.3billion theft charge instituted against Abacha.

    Adoke asked Justice Mamman Kolo to strike out the charges on the grounds of “fresh facts” that emerged concerning the case.

    In the nine-count charge, Abacha was accused of “dishonestly receiving stolen property” and was said to have “voluntarily assisted in concealing the money.”

    Following withdrawal of the charges, Abacha is now a governorship aspirant in Kano State on the platform of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

     

    The Joshua Dariye trial

    In September 2004, British authorities in London arrested then Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye on allegations of money laundering and seized about £90,000 in cash from him. Dariye allegedly skipped bail and returned to Nigeria to resume office.

    In April 2007, an English court sentenced Dariye’s associate to three years in prison for laundering more than £1.4million of public funds found to have allegedly been stolen by the governor.

    When Dariye’s tenure expired, EFCC charged him with 14 counts of money laundering. Seven years later, the case is still pending.

    The EFCC’s frustrated effort to prosecute him is a perfect case study of the court’s ability to generate delays so extreme that they are almost a form of impunity.

    Soon after he was charged, the Federal High Court granted him bail, and his lawyers subsequently filed a motion asking that all of the charges against him be dismissed.

    When the motion was denied, Dariye appealed. The lower court halted proceedings until Dariye’s appeal could be heard.

    In June 2010, the Court of Appeal ruled against Dariye. As trial was to resume in January 2011, Dariye appealed to the Supreme Court, where cases last as long as five years or more.

    In April 2011 Dariye won election to the Senate. A final verdict is yet to be rendered in his case, and the last may have been heard of it.

     

    The unique case of an ex-governor

    In March 2007, then-Rivers State Governor Peter Odili obtained a remarkable Federal High Court injunction restraining the EFCC from investigating his tenure.

    Soon after he left office, he secured a “perpetual injunction” – widely condemned as a mockery of the judicial process – that permanently restrained EFCC from “arresting, detaining and arraigning Odili on the basis of his tenure as governor.”

    Justice Ibrahim Buba of the Federal High Court, who made the order, added that the EFCC had no power to “in any manner howsoever investigate the account or financial affairs of a state government.”

    In March 2008, “for the avoidance of doubt”, Justice Buba issued an order that the EFCC could not “arrest, detain, arraign and/or prosecute (Odili) on the basis of its alleged investigations into the affairs of Rivers State” during Odili’s tenure.

    The judge declared that the “purported findings” of the EFCC’s investigations were “invalid, unlawful, unconstitutional, null and void.”

    It remains unclear why EFCC has not contested the ruling. It was learnt that an EFCC official claimed that through some unexplained error, the commission was never even aware that the 2008 injunction had been issued until the time to appeal it had expired.

    “These professions of total ignorance are hard to fathom considering that this was one of the EFCC’s most important cases,” a source said.

    It was learnt that EFCC appealed Justice Buba’s 2007 ruling in October 2008, but it is unclear what stage the case is at. When our reporter enquired, an EFCC spokesman in Lagos directed him to the Head of Media, Wilson Uwujaren, who declined comments.

     

    The Lawan/Farouk case

    A former chairman, House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee on Fuel Subsidy, Farouk Lawan and its Secretary Boniface Emenalo, were charged with collecting $620,000 as bribe from oil magnate Femi Otedola. It was in order to remove the name of his company from those indicted by the committee which probed monumental oil subsidy fraud and uncovered a defrauding of the country.

    They were arraigned on February 1, last year at the Federal Capital Territory High Court in Gudu, Abuja. There was an alleged video evidence of the bribery, in what the federal authorities claimed was a ‘sting operation’, which in the developed world would have made the trial fairly straightforward, so as to establish the culpability or innocence of the accused persons. But it never happened.

    Their trial started under Justice Mudasiru Oniyangi. As progress was being made, the judge, as in the Akingbola case, was elevated to the Court of Appeal. After the loss of several months, the case was re-assigned to a new judge, Justice Adebukola Banjoko on June 11.

    On November 18, Justice Banjoko surprised a packed courtroom when she announced that she was withdrawing from the trial and would no longer adjudicate the case.

    Her reason: to stem an unfounded allegation that sought to impugn her integrity. The judge ordered the casefile to be returned to the FCT Chief Judge, Justice Ibrahim Bukar.

    Earlier, Lawan, through his lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN), filed an application dated October 29, asking the judge to quit the case.

    Apart from the application, Lawan also petitioned the FCT Chief Judge, accusing Justice Banjoko of likely bias based on an alleged close relationship between her and Otedola, a proposed witness and the accuser in the case.

    “In my 17 years on the bench, six years as a magistrate and 11 years as a judge, I have never been confronted with a scandalous challenge of my integrity,” the judge said bitterly.

    According to the judge, “justice is rooted in confidence,” therefore, she could no longer continue to hear the case since the accused had first exhibited his lack of confidence in her.

    “In the prevailing circumstances, I do find it difficult to continue this case. This case is returned to the honourable Chief Judge for re-assignment,” Justice Banjoko ruled.

    The case, when re-assigned, will be handled by a third judge and will begin all over again.

     

    Judicial cover for criminal suspects

    In May 2007, a number of governors completed their eight-year terms of office. Having lost the immunity conferred on them by Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, EFCC invited them for questioning on the basis of petitions alleging diversion of public funds running to billions of naira by them.

    Some reported for interrogation while others sought interlocutory and perpetual injunctions restraining the EFCC from arresting, investigating or prosecuting them in any manner whatsoever and howsoever.

    Among those who were charged to court, only two have been convicted and given sentences which many consider as “slaps on the wrist.”

    The criminal justice system has been unable to conclude the trials of others.

    Senior lawyers have continued to approach the courts to halt the investigation and prosecution of high profile criminal suspects.

    In Bukola Saraki v. Inspector-General of Police (Unreported Suit No: FHC/ABJ/CS/231/2012), the plaintiff sought to restrain the Special Fraud Unit (SFU) of the Nigeria Police Force from investigating an allegation of N9 billion fraud leveled against him. After reporting for investigation, Saraki filed a fresh suit seeking to stop the police from prosecuting him.

    “Apart from Nigeria, I know of no other country which allows criminal suspects to have criminal cases suspended or adjourned sine die on flimsy grounds,” Lagos lawyer Femi Falana said.

    While criminally orchestrated delays may top the list of the commonest abuses of court process, the levelling of unfounded allegations against judges, which turn out to be mere smokescreen to buy time or seek a more pliable judge, is one tactics that has been described as nauseating.

    Critics have described as worrying the fact that some judges fall for lawyers’ tricks without exercising their powers to punish for contemptuous conduct committed before them.

    Many accused persons, without any iota of proof, resort to writing frivolous petitions against judges, accusing them of bias. The National Judicial Council (NJC) would summon the judge and parties in the petition while the trial would be suspended, which is the petitioner’s aim.

    Most of the judges, such as Justice Banjoko, are cleared of any wrongdoing, and when the heat raised by such serious allegation is in the public domain, the accused or their lawyer simply apologises, while the judge most times withdraws from the trial, which is what the accused merely wanted to achieve. Criminal cases are thus frustrated and derailed by the use of blackmail.

     

    Lessons from abroad

    Several cases swiftly concluded abroad have exposed the Nigerian judiciary as being fundamentally weak. Some of these include those of Akingbola, former Delta State Governor James Ibori and the Halliburton case.

    While Akingbola’s trial for theft drags on, a civil suit was instituted against him in a British court by Access Bank Plc.

    A High Court of Justice, Queen’s Bench Division, London, in August 2012, ordered Akingbola to pay the bank £654million (about N212billion) allegedly diverted from the bank illegally. It was learnt that Akingbola had refunded £9 million out of the total sum.

    On April 17, 2012, the Southwark Crown Court in London sentenced Ibori to 13 years after he pleaded to 10 counts of money laundering and conspiracy to defraud, having been accused of stealing US$250million from the public purse.

    However, in Nigeria, 171-count charge of money laundering, fraud and corruption filed against Ibori at the Federal High Court, Kaduna was discontinued in his favour.

    The Court of Appeal also held his trial in Kaduna was illegal as the alleged crime was committed in Delta. As there was no Federal High Court in Asaba, the Delta State government reportedly donated two buildings – one to house the court and the other to house the judge.

    Upon his arraignment, Ibori pleaded not guilty and raised a preliminary objection against the charge. The trial judge, Justice Marcel Awokulehin, struck out the charge and freed Ibori. However, as EFCC took steps to re-arraign him, Ibori fled to Dubai where he was arrested and deported to London.

    In the Halliburton bribery scandal, several investigation panels indicted three former heads of state, a former Inspector-General of Police, former ministers, permanent secretaries and other officials of the Federal Government. Although some of the suspects indicted in the inquiry made confessional statements, they were never charged to court.

    Some of the privies of the principal suspects, who were eventually arraigned, were let off the hook for want of diligent prosecution. In exasperation, the trial judge struck out the charges.

    The official connivance in sweeping the scandal under the carpet has since exposed the nation to underserved ridicule at home and abroad.

    It was found that Halliburton and its officials who bribed the indicted Nigerian officials pleaded guilty to the charges of bribery and corruption before criminal courts in the United States and were accordingly convicted.

    While Halliburton was ordered to pay fines of millions of dollars, the convicted officials were sentenced to prison terms. But in Nigeria, their accomplices walk about free.

     

  • Economic sabotage

    Economic sabotage

    •That oil majors can short-change us is an indictment of our regulatory agencies

    THE report that President Goodluck Jonathan has ordered the recovery of $7.8 billion allegedly owed in unpaid taxes and rents by Shell, Chevron, Total, Mobil and other oil companies is something of grave concern. If truly these oil companies owe such humongous sum to Nigeria, then we condemn their undue economic exploitation of our country. Also, the report that Total is believed to be fleecing the country through the inflation of contracts in Ofon 2 Oil project, if true, must be deprecated. Such conducts amount to economic sabotage against Nigeria and is also an indictment of our national institutions responsible for protecting our national assets.

    But President Jonathan must also go beyond starring down the oil majors, for tax evasion and inflation of contracts, if he wants to be taken serious on corruption plaguing the country. He must also be bold to seek the recovery of the over $10 billion dollars which the local oil giant, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is accused of unlawfully withholding from the federation account.

    The attempt by President Jonathan to use the suspension of the former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, to deflate that serious indictment of his administration on corrupt practices, falls flat on its face. If he wants the world to see him as waking up to his responsibility as the protector of the Nigerian economic heritage, then he must immediately start to clean the Augean Stables around him, even as he ensures that institutions that should make international economic saboteurs pay for their actions do their job.

    President Jonathan must indeed realise that any indictment of the exploitative economic activities of the oil majors is also an indictment of his administration. After all, while the oil companies are expected to exhibit international best practices in their business in Nigeria, we have executive institutions, that owe Nigeria the primary responsibility of protecting her from untoward economic exploitation. Here we refer particularly to the NNPC, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), and the Directorate of Petroleum Resources (DPR). Unfortunately, it is public knowledge that the NNPC and DPR have, despite the huge resources at their disposal and their many years of operation failed to develop the required skill to effectively man our oil industry.

    So, if President Jonathan honestly wants to fight the opacity in the oil industry, then he should read the riot act to the local institutions that he controls. It is a shame that it is the major oil companies that have the capacity to determine what quantity of oil we export, instead of the local regulatory agencies. It is also disreputable that it is the oil majors that have the capacity to determine the cost of high-tech contracts that they execute, as the operators of the joint venture agreement in our oil industry.

    The result of this anomaly is at the root of the disagreement over the taxes owed or the costs of contracts. Of course but for corruption and self-inflicted lack of capacity, the NNPC, DPR and indeed the FIRS should be the ones demanding outstanding taxes and ensuring value for money for Nigeria.

    For, as it happens in other climes, if any tax payer defaults, or if any corporate organisation corruptly inflates any contract, the culprit is immediately indicted and made to pay penalties. Indeed, where there is undue delay to pay taxes or actions to criminally fleece the economy, the officials of such corporate organisation risk going to jail. As far as we know, such economic crimes are never an opportunity for a country’s political leader to turn to a tax collector. It is also not something to wring the hands in utter helplessness by state actors.

  • Ikarama: ‘Hotbed of pipeline sabotage’

    Ikarama: ‘Hotbed of pipeline sabotage’

    Ikarama, a community in Byelsa State, witnesses oil spills regularly. Some people in this community in Okordia clan, Yenagoa Local Government Area derive cash from illegal bunkering and some facilities of the oil giants also need to be changed, reports MIKE ODIEGWU

    It is a widely held view that no sane person injures himself. He rather cherishes his body by nourishing it with best of food and entertainment. But Ikarama community in Okordia clan, Yenagoa Local Government Area, Bayelsa State appears to hold a contrary opinion. There are indications that some persons in the community derive pleasure in hurting themselves.

    In fact, environmentalists are wondering why the oil-producing community and host to facilities belonging to the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) is always in the news for incidences of oil spill. The environment of Ikarama suffers constant negative impacts of oil which spews from pipelines belonging to Shell. Is it entirely the fault of Shell?

    Niger Delta Report investigations into the causes of spills in the community reveal otherwise. It is more of an illegal booming business among folks from within and outside the community than Act of God or equipment failures.

    Most people within and outside Ikarama believe that the oil flowing through Shell pipeline is theirs and that they have the rights to break the pipeline with impunity and help themselves with its content.

    Investigations revealed that 21 spills have occurred from 2009 till date at the community. 17 of the incidents were caused by sabotage: deliberate cutting of SPDC’s pipelines and manifold by the community folks.

    Some community leaders are not happy with the incessant breaking of Shell pipelines and its negative impact on the environment. The Okordia-Zarama cluster Development Board Chairman and Ikarama indigene, Mr. Timi Obonah, spoke with the Niger Delta Report.

    He identified Zarama clan communities in the area as New Jerusalem, Epie and Nyambiri and Okordia clan communities as Agbobiri, Akumoni, Ayamabele, Kalaba, Ikarama and Freetown.

    He described the incessant oil spills in Ikarama as appalling. After taking sometimes to assess his oil-ravaged environment, he shook his head and said: “Look at how devastating the environment is. Its effects are adverse.”

    He confirmed that 90 per cent of spill incidents in the community were handiwork of saboteurs. He said only about two or three incidents were caused by corrosion.

    On allegations that surveillance contractors guiding the pipelined were responsible for most of the sabotaged points, he said it was difficult to make such assertion since nobody had been arrested. He, however, observed that some of the contractors owed their workers, adding that such employees could vent their anger on the pipeline.

    He said the board had met with surveillance contractors and told them of the need to promptly pay their workers.

    He said: “We are looking forward to ensure zero spill incident in the area. Before now we recommended for the change of most of the surveillance contractors because when somebody has been in control of something for many years, when he is too familiar with the system he becomes a familiar spirit.

    “We believe there is need for changes. Let it not be that they are seeing the contract as their own dominant right. For that we made series of recommendations so that new breeds will take over.”

    To divert the youths’ attention from pipelines, he said the board has kept them busy by constantly organising skills and capital development programmes. He, however, lamented that the Okordia-Zarama communities lacked government presence.

    He said the development started in the communities when Shell began to sign and implement their Global Memorandum of Understanding (GMoU). Through the GMoU, he said Shell has been able to give water, road and electricity to the communities. He added that the oil giant ensured that the communities were connected to the national grid.

    “After Oloibiri, we were the first set of people that welcomed the oil giants in our area. In 1964, oil exploration started in this Okordia-Zarama, but I will beat my chest and tell you that there is no development in my area. The government has turned their back on the communities.

    “If not for the GMoU, if you go into Okordia-Zarama, there is no government presence in the area. There is no Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) project in the area. But you see NDDC developing communities that don’t have a single drop of oil. When you talk about marginalisation, our people are still being marginalised.

    “So when we talk about development, Shell has made it possible today for us to see road, water and electricity connection to the national grid. It is the handiwork of Shell.

    “When they started this GMoU process that was when we started developing our infrastructure in Okordia-Zarama. For now, we have gotten about 70 per cent of development of our infrastructure. We are now embarking on human capital development in the area.”

    Obonah said the frequent oil spills in the area had impacted negatively on health, environment and the economy of the area. He said the spills accompanied by gaseous substances have caused health hazards in the communities.

    His words: “In as much as these spills continue in our creeks and rivers,it will result to more health challenges to our people. Today you discover river blindness and associated disease such as asthma among our people.

    “Today, you find out that we don’t have elderly people as we used to have before the advent of oil exploration in our area. We find out today that our roofing sheets within three years are decayed. The ecosystem is almost destroyed. Before you can go into the river and catch many fishes, but today the fishes are not there.

    “The oil has driven them away. We also find out that we don’t have green vegetation anymore due to the spills.”

    He begged the government to direct its attention to the communities insisting that developing the area should not be left entirely to Shell. He regretted that the government only remembers the communities in time of elections.

    “The present administration is pragmatic and the Governor is doing well. Let us see if he will still remember us. I believe he will do.”

    On how to tackle saboteurs, he added: “Any person involved in pipeline vandalism should be handed over to law enforcement agents for prosecution.

    “When these people are arrested there is no support from any quarter as to prosecute them. When there is no support after a while the suspects are granted bail and the case is over. If an individual is jailed for economic sabotage others will desist from the act.”

    A statement from Shell by Joseph Ollor-Obari described the Okordia-Ikarama area “as fast becoming a hotbed of pipeline sabotage activities”.

    The company said the perpetrators were driven by personal gains. “A total of 21 spills have been recorded in the area between 2009 and now. Of the number, 17 were due to deliberate cutting of SPDC pipelines and manifold. The four spills caused by equipment failure occurred at previously clamped sabotage points, already weakened by repeated cuts”, the statement said.

    Despite the many cases of sabotage, Niger Delta Report saw SPDC Oil Spill Response and Remediation team cleaning up the sites of spills that occurred in January 2014 and carrying out remediation of the 2013 spill sites.

    It was gathered that the 2013 spill sites could not be remediated because of last year’s flood in the area. It was further learnt that some of the portions of the spill sites where remediation had been completed were polluted by another sabotage spill last November.

    Apart from the November spill, the January 27 sabotaged spill is still fresh in the communities. It occurred at the Ikarama Manifold and was captured in Joint Investigation (JIV) Report No 1109543. The sabotage resulted in the spill of about 302 barrels of crude oil onto SPDC Right-of-Way and beyond. Some 0.74 hectare of the environment was impacted by the spill.

    But the company has almost recovered all of the spilled oil. Shell observed in the statement that its efforts to professionally clean spill sites were recently misunderstood by an online medium.

    The statement said: “Oil recovery activity involves collection of spilled oil in tanks for evacuation by vacuum trucks. The recovered oil is taken to the nearest flow station for processing. That was the process that has been misinterpreted as SPDC resorting to using tankers to transport crude oil because of poor pipeline integrity.

    “The pictures accompanying the article were apparently taken during the cleanup stage of the old spill sites. This appears to be a deliberate attempt to present accounts of the cleanup activities of November 2013 as a recent incident. About 98 barrels of the estimated 101 barrels of crude oil spilled in that incident were recovered.

    “Sometime last year in September, there was a spill here and the spill was as a result of sabotage. We have to come here to do the recovery and now we are doing the remediation of the site.

    “As at last year when the spill occurred we could not complete it because the site was flooded. Part of it still flooded. We had to come here to do the clamping just the road side where the leak point is. We started the recovery just to make sure the impact of this spill does not affect the environment.

    “Because of the flood as at that time we were unable to do the actual remediation. If you look at the environment you can see that we did some work. This is the best time we think we can conclude the work we commenced last year.

    “The report that was published alleged that we are using the trucks to come and take oil because pipe was broken. What is the basis of trucks at the site? That statement is not true. The tanks are used to evacuate the oil and take them to our respective flow station. So that statement is really baseless.

    “The damage done by the spill to the environment is not really much because there was water when the spill occurred. Because of our intervention then we didn’t give it enough time to go into the environment.”

    Explaining the recovery process further, Ollor-Obari said: “When we have an incident and it is reported. We have a system in Shell called incident notification and reporting system.

    “After that people are quickly sent to the site to see the extent of damage and to do initial containment to make it does not spread to the environment.

    “After that, a Joint Investigation Team is constituted,even the community people and all the regulators are involved and security agencies. After that the real recovery will immediately follow.

    “After that we will now come in to conduct assessment to ascertain the extent of damage and what it has done to the environment before we now come and do what we are doing now. It depends on the area. If it is flooded we quickly go to the area. We do recovery. Last year we carried out about a month and two weeks to do recovery work .After that we do initial clean-up.”

    He observed that unemployment was a major factor fueling attracting youths to the pipeline. He appealed: “We need some help from government. They should employ these youths in the communities.

    “A couple of times we have seen a lot of sabotage cases in our cause of work. We ask them (the indigenes), what is going on? They said ‘no employment’. If they can help with employment, that would probably reduce this incident of spills sabotage in the communities. Secondly, each time there is sabotage people are arrested. Let the government prosecute them. Shell is handicapped in prosecuting them.”

  • APC: Gombe Airport blockage act of sabotage

    APC: Gombe Airport blockage act of sabotage

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) yesterday said the blockage of the Gombe Airport, which prevented an aircraft carrying the party’s officials from landing last Thursday, was “a clear act of sabotage and a dent on Nigeria’s air safety standards”.

    In a statement yesterday in Lagos by its Interim National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, the party said the action was bad for the nation’s image.

    “In view of the seriousness of this unprecedented act, the wilful endangering of the lives of those on board the aircraft, which was deliberately prevented from landing, and the fact that the action contravenes global aviation standards, we call for a comprehensive investigation of the incident by the National Assembly.

    “The investigation is necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s airspace does not become another weapon in the hands of a desperate administration. After all, the authorities know those who were aboard the plane as well as their mission in Gombe. We make bold to say that the politicisation of air safety is worse than the alleged training of snipers by the Jonathan administration,” APC said.

    The party also criticised the spokesman for the aviation agencies, Yakubu Dati, for reportedly saying the airport was closed for a routine operation to check fire tenders.

    APC said it was either Datti did not know what he was saying or he was being economical with the truth.

    “Either way, he has shown by his unprofessional comments that he is qualified to do everything but speak for the aviation agencies,” the party said.

    It said an aviation spokesman worth his salt must surely know that an emergency drill does not at any time involve parking a fire truck on the runway, and that such drills are conducted to enhance safety, not to jeopardise it.

    “He must also know that fire trucks are not tested for serviceability on the runway, but at their parking bays in the fire stations,” APC said.

    The party said if the airport needed to be closed for whatever reason, a Notice to Airmen (NOTAM) should have been issued to inform operators and users of the airport of the situation.

    It added that the air traffic controllers, being aware of the situation, would then have advised the pilot in advance, maybe even at time the captain filed his flight plan, on the situation at the affected airport.

    APC said: “The investigation being sought must, therefore, find out if and when a NOTAM was issued by the Gombe Airport; whether or not Kano and Abuja got the notice; if they did, why did they still clear the flight for take-off and en route? Definitely, the captain of the airline must have filed a fight plan before take-off; Abuja must have cleared it for take-off.

    “Further investigation will reveal whether or not the necessary steps were taken by those involved, while appropriate sanctions must be meted out to erring officials, including the glaringly ineffectual and pliant supervising minister.

    It said those who are seeking to turn the Nigerian Aviation sector to a kangaroo must be made to know that international aviation bodies are watching the lawlessness “some unscrupulous officials are now introducing into the conduct of safety standards”.

    APC added: “Aviation has no room for politics. Even at the height of the Cold War, the United States commercial planes were not barred from the airspace of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and vice versa. The flight that was, apparently, deliberately prevented from landing at the Gombe Airport could have come from anywhere, even beyond the country’s borders. It could have been a flight in distress, in which case the sequence of events and their aftermath would have been a tragedy, a man-made tragedy.”

    The party wondered what would have happened, if the plane carrying the APC officials, led by former Minister of State for Power and Steel, Murtala Aliyu, could not land in Bauchi and did not have enough fuel to return to Abuja.

    It stressed that the action of those who blocked the runway with a fire truck was irresponsible, reckless and apparently choreographed to induce an emergency and, probably, a crash.

    “This politics-gone-awry is another indication of the desperation of the Goodluck Jonathan-led administration to stifle the opposition at all cost and should be condemned by all right-thinking people everywhere. It is the latest in a series of acts of impunity by a drowning government. Our teeming supporters should however note that we will neither be intimidated nor shaken by these acts,” it added.

  • Lawal claims bonus row was sabotage

    Lawal claims bonus row was sabotage

    Former Nigeria midfielder Garba Lawal has described last month’s bonus row between the Super Eagles and the NFF as an act of sabotage by the players.

    Lawal has been named in a six-man panel set up by the Sports Ministry to probe the incident and draw up a code of conduct for the national team, but he says the players should have conducted themselves better.

    “As far as I am concerned, their refusal to travel was sabotage. They could have waited and played the competition first before taking such an action. What the players did was not against the NFF, it was against Nigeria. I don’t see anything wrong if the NFF say they don’t have money and want to make some adjustments,” Lawal told KickOffNigeria.com.

    Lawal is no stranger to crisis in the national team, having witnessed his fair share in the heydays of Nigerian football, but he said he and his teammates made sacrifices in the interest of the nation.

    “During the Nations Cup of 2000, the sports minister Damisi Sango came and told us there was no money, and we played all the games for just $2 500. And as I am talking to you now, my flight ticket of $6, 000 that I paid to take part at the Olympic Games in 1996 has still not been paid.

    “These players have to understand that they are playing for the nation. We are not playing anymore, but people remember us, not for the crisis, but because of the glory we got. We all know how the national team helps us at clubs. As a national team player, you need the national team whether you like it or not.”

    The former midfielder warned the players to think about life after their playing careers end.

    “In a few years, they will stop playing and come back home, like us. They must remember that they will come back to this country that they are now holding to ransom to look for jobs, either as coaches or something else.

    “So those who want to play should come and play, and those who don’t want to play because of money should call the coach and tell him no, and give the chance to others to play,” he added.