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Tag: Sani Abacha

  • Preface to the National Conference

    Preface to the National Conference

    Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s National Conference may yet re-shape Nigeria and define Nigerian-ness in ways that not even the most fervent protagonists of restructuring could have contemplated. But on the strength of how the conveners have gone about recruiting delegates, there is much cause to doubt whether it will change the existing order in any significant way.

    Advertised as a forum for addressing the National Question, the Conference was not going to be a desultory parody, the type staged by Sani Abacha, of frightful memory, to bury “June 12” and buy legitimacy for his murderous regime, and by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was widely believed to have confected it as a back-door route to a third term prohibited by the Constitution.

    Instead, the gathering was going to discuss, if not re-negotiate, the fundamental basis of Nigeria’s political existence, the sharing of power and management of national resources in terms of access, control, and distribution.

    Where the motley assemblies convened by Abacha and Obasanjo could only tiptoe around those issues on which discussion was not entirely foreclosed, representatives of Nigeria’s federating units, would at the Jonathan Conference engage in a wise, robust and uninhibited discussion to resolve, once and for all, the National Question.

    That, at any rate, was how Dr Jonathan sold the idea to the public.

    The pitch was a volte face for which nothing had prepared the public, and it was rendered all the more suspect by the timing. How do you convene a National Conference on the eve, literally, of a General Election, with the ruling party in disarray, in the face of an insurgency that has made a vast stretch of Northeastern Nigeria ungovernable, and an economy in which more growth has been translating into greater popular misery?

    Was the whole thing not a distraction? Could a new arrangement be designed in three months?

    Many thoughtful persons across the country who had for decades been demanding a National Conference embraced the proposal enthusiastically. To them, here was a chance, at last, to fix Nigeria and nudge it firmly and irreversibly into the place for which nature has so richly endowed it.

    There were also the usual careerists who saw the whole thing as an opportunity to bask in the glow of the Conference and more importantly pick up a good slice of the N7 billion voted for Helpful as always in such matters, the news media quickly figured it out that each delegate stood to take home some N4 million. That opened the floodgates for lobbying and influence-peddling.

    The list of delegates released last week represents both groups —those genuinely seeking significant if not radical change, and those with an eye on the main chance, plus more than a sprinkling of candidates handpicked by the Federal Government using a formula that is nothing less than a perversion of a “gathering of the tribes” demanded by protagonists of the National Conference and promised by Dr Jonathan.

    Learned societies like the Nigeria Academy of Science and professional bodies like the Nigeria Union of Journalists have suddenly been conferred with the status of “federating units.” Nor is it always clear how the delegates for many of the constituencies identified on the list were chosen.

    Take, an example, the two individuals who have been named to represent expatriate Nigerians in the United States, among whom I have counted myself for the past 16 years. I do not know them, and if any meeting was held at which they were voted to represent us, I was given no notification.

    I have inquired from fellow expatriate Nigerians living in the continental United States, from the Atlantic Northeast to the Pacific Northwest, and from the Florida panhandle to Sacramento, and their story is the same. They do not know the individuals, and had played no part in their selection.

    The very idea of designating some persons to represent expatriate Nigerians in America or Europe or Asia or Australia is grounded on the misapprehension that they are organised into a body that can speak and act for them. There are no such bodies. The authorities in Abuja know that but still went ahead with their accustomed fudging to pick “delegates” for them.

    The bodies that are best placed to address the National Question are the accredited delegates representing the 36 states and Abuja FCT, the so-called geopolitical zones, ethnic nationalities and socio cultural organisations, traditional institutions, and of various faiths.

    But in an effort to create the illusion of democratic participation, delegate selection has been fragmented in ways that have no bearing on the National Question, the main issue before the National Conference.

    As far as I know, the National Question has never been a central concern of the International Federation of Women Lawyers. Yet it has been assigned two delegates – the same number as the recognised political parties with millions of card-carrying members.

    Former legislators and governors and chairmen of local government councils could easily have been accommodated as delegates of zones, ethnic nationalities, geopolitical zones, or political parties. But they have been assigned separate quotas of delegates, as have retired senior military, police, and national security officials.

    The 17 “statesmen” handpicked by the Federal Government to serve as delegates could also have been selected by their ethnic nationalities, states, or zones. And you have to wonder how they arrived at a quota of six delegates to represent people living with disabilities, and how the six were selected, to say nothing about whether they have a position on the National Question.

    This fragmentation, plus the packing of the Conference with handpicked delegates supposedly representing interests that are hardly critical to fruitful discussion of the National Question, can only constrain the room for the consensus that should, according to the Conference’s rules of procedure, undergird decision-making.

    In the absence of consensus, the rules stipulate that decisions taken by the Conference must be backed by 75 percent of the 492 delegates. It so happens that there are more than enough handpicked delegates answering to the Presidency or to no coherent constituency who can be counted upon to supply the 25 percent of votes required to block resolutions.

    Is this the product of design or just pure coincidence?

    A good many of the handpicked delegates and those going in on quotas assigned to all kinds of fringe associations have been around for so long in public life and contributed in measures large and small to our present grief. To them, the system is not broken. It has served them well. So, why fix it?

    Given this arrangement, one can hardly blame those in the attentive audience – or stakeholders, to employ the stultifying Nigerian locution – who believe tenaciously that at the end of the National Conference, the National Question will remain largely unresolved.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Abacha, Soyinka and the centenary awards

    Abacha, Soyinka and the centenary awards

    SIR: I remember the day the man died. My younger brother and I after a very long queue at the Bida Sawmill came home around 7:30pm with two big sacks of sawdust to be used for the popular “Abacha Stove” necessitated by acute lack of kerosene and many more necessities of life. Things were really messy then.

    I can’t remember what we were watching but I can remember that it was something of great interest to dad and his friend. I was almost dozing off when dad and his friend went in to a sort of frenzy shouting, jumping and clapping hands. At first, I thought it was a football match. Then I listened carefully as the newscaster repeated the news that the head of state, General Sani Abacha was dead. Even as a kid, I couldn’t wrap my head around why dad and his friend were happy at the death of ‘the man’. I could remember how dad frequently associated ‘the man’ with virtually every woe we were experiencing from lack of water, food, money to freedom of movement.

    Abacha was simply called ‘the man’ or ‘this man’ by dad. Years later, I realised why dad and his friend were joyous. The man’s death meant different things to different people. To majority of Nigerians, Abacha’s death at least meant that the dark days were over. For my brother and I, it meant that going to queue at Bida Sawmill to fetch sawdust for “Abacha Stove” was over.

    When recently, the inept men and women running the affairs of this country decided to award people they felt have contributed to bring us to where we are today in celebration of 100 years of our ‘country-hood’, one wasn’t surprised to see Abacha on the list of awardees.

    I knew what he was going to say but I called my dad to ask him his opinion on Abacha’s presence on the list anyway. I was shocked when he said he would have protested if ‘the man’ didn’t make the list. To him, if the awards were for those who brought us here, then Abacha deserves double honours for quickening our steps down the path of lawlessness, terror, intimidation, monumental national looting, devaluation of naira and human life, impunity, and prostitution! Now I understand.

    So to Abacha’s children, your riposte to Prof. Wole Soyinka because he poked his long finger in the nose of your late father is in order. But the fact that your father was a dread to many a fellow country men and women can’t be eroded by even the best written open letter. You all must appreciate Nigerians for their patience and ability to suffer and smile. You owe God and humanity thanks that Nigerians are not like the Iraqis, Libyans, Egyptians or Tunisians. In Nigeria, we do not visit the sins of the father on the children. But please do not over stretch that rope of generosity.

    For the rest of us, we must not, as Prof. Wole Soyinka did, wait for the lion’s leg to be broken or till the lion is dead before we go asking for the debt he owes us. During the peak of the Abacha dark days, Soyinka stood out as a voice. We read of the activities of the “Radio Kudirat”. We read of how the man had to disguise to escape the Abacha-bred killer dogs. Standing up to Abacha even in the hidden was the most daring thing to do at that time. But Prof. Soyinka did. So to me, he’s earned the right to reject his own share of the national embarrassment called Centenary Awards fairly and squarely albeit giving us the reasons why.

     

    • Usman Katun Umar

    Bida, Niger State

  • AS Vita hit Nigeria Wednesday or Thursday

    • Pillars get Shehu, Mba boost

    The players and officials of AS Vita of DR Congo are expected to arrive in Nigeria on Wednesday or Thursday for the CAF Champions League second leg clash against Kano Pillars slated for the Sani Abacha stadium this weekend.

    The club’s Managing Director, Abba Galadima told SportingLife that the club is still waiting for information from the Congolese side.

    Galadima said the Congo team are still processing their Visa to enable them access into the country.

    “We are still waiting for information from them but as at now, they supposed to come to Nigeria on Wednesday or Thursday. They are still processing their visas and they can only confirm their arrival after finishing their visas,” Galadima told SportingLife.

    “On our part, arrangements are in top gear for the successful hosting of the match this weekend. We are ready to receive them in Kano any time they come into the country.”

    Kano Pillars delegation returned to the country on Sunday night immediately after the match in Kinshasa with a chartered flight and went straight into closed camping to enable them have maximum concentration for the all important game.

    AS Vita are coming into this weekend’s game with a first leg 3-1 advantage over Kano Pillars.

    Speaking on the team’s chances over AS Vita, Galadima said: “There is nothing impossible in football. If they can score three goals in their own ground we can beat them with a wide margin here too. We have put the defeat in Congo behind us and we have started preparations for the weekend game. The players are already in camp and everything is going on as planned.”

    Meanwehile, Kano Pillars have received a boost ahead of the game against AS Vita of DR Congo with the return of Shehu Abdullahi and Ezekiel Mba to the squad.

    The duo Abdulahi and Mba missed the trip to Kinshasa last weekend for the first leg encounter due to Visa problem.

    The club’s media officer, Idris Malikawa told SportingLife that the players have since joined their collegues in their closed camping for the weekend match.

    “I think their return is a morale booster for the team. Shehu and Mba will add value to the team. We misssed their services in the first leg and we are expecting them to contribute meaninfully to the team. They missed the trip to Conga because they didn’t get their visa,” Malikawa told SportingLife.

  • I’m not for politics, says al-Mustapha

    I’m not for politics, says al-Mustapha

    THE former Chief Security Officer to the late General Sani Abacha, Major Hamza al-Mustapha, yesterday in Kano declared that he has not decided to venture into politics.

    “What I am doing right now is expressing my commitment to the associations that invited me to partner them to find courses or to define courses for them to succeed in the North and in the South.”

    The ex-CSO denied the allegation that he was training snipers. He said: ”The allegation in itself, which I found at the first instance is a laughable thing; second, it is most unfortunate, speculative and somebody else’s imagination but I have responded which I still stand by.”

    al-Mustapha said the public would know soon whether he is still in the military or not, adding that if you take a look at the Military Act or the Armed Forces Decree, you will notice that when there is a case in court, everything will hold until the determination of that matter.

    ‘’There is an appeal pending in the Supreme Court and once that is through, the provisions of the law will go through.’’

  • Now Jonathan has replied

    Now Jonathan has replied

    Writing under the title ‘A season of open letters’ I had in this column last week, examined some issues arising from the open letter written by former President Olusegun Obasanjo to President Jonathan in which he raised several damaging allegations against him. That article was largely based on extant facts even as Jonathan was yet to provide his own side of the story. There was also the suggestion that even before the column is published, we could be treated with more letters.

    That prediction came to pass as Jonathan’s response made the headlines the very Monday the said article was published. Since the previous one was done without the side of the accused, it is only apposite that issues are put in their proper context now we have heard both sides. This is more so given Obasanjo’s reaction to the effect that he was not going to address the new issues raised in Jonathan’s reply.

    Obasanjo’s new position may have been borne out of one or two reasons. It could be to stave off the heating up of the political space and the prospects of the controversy precipitating crisis or he has taken to the caution by some other elder statesmen that issues of that nature are not sorted out the way he set out or both.

    He may also have reasoned that those who live in glass houses do not have to throw stones as the outcome could be the destruction of their mighty glass edifices. This line of thought is further reinforced by some of the incontrovertible insights brought to the fore by Jonathan’s reply.

    Whatever the reason, it is clear that by not rising to the new disclosures by Jonathan, Obasanjo has wittingly or unwittingly whittled down the import of the acerbic allegations he purported to have made in the overall national interest. If he was acting in the overall national interest, the minimum expectation is that he should further join issues with Jonathan so that the nation can benefit from it. But if he is not prepared to go the whole hog, why embark on a futile journey? Not with the weighty allegations Nigerians are eager to know their final outcome. Why whet the appetite of the people by raising accusing fingers if only to allow issues hanging? And of what value are allegations and counter allegations without efforts to establish their veracity?

    These posers are raised given the avalanche of public demand that Jonathan should respond to the issues raised and the obvious insinuations that had gone with them. Even then, there are still those who feel Jonathan’s response has not been far-reaching enough. They would therefore want him to proceed further to investigate some of the alleged infractions he associated previous regimes with including that of his traducer. There is a valid point here.

    With the volte-face by Obasanjo, it would appear nothing will be gained from this dialectics. And given the debilitating crisis this country is entangled in, the minimum expectation is that the simmering contradiction will come with some heuristic value. It is perhaps, the first time in our recent history that a former president and a sitting one will engage each other in such open accusations on the sundry ills that have buffeted this country over the years. Such a clash ought to activate the social dynamics of history. The envisaged clash between thesis and antithesis should give rise to synthesis. Its outcome ought to benefit the society better. That should be the envisaged outcome of those inquisitions. It would appear it is this historical motion that Obasanjo wants to stall by now opting to remain silent. He must not be allowed to do so at this point.

    He spoke of the Arab spring and the turn of events in Egypt. He spoke of rising corruption, insecurity and the gradual slide to dictatorship in a democracy. Jonathan has responded to the issue of corruption, insecurity and the accusation that he was training snipers to assassinate his political enemies. He has even gone further to show that terrorism did not start during his regime while there has been no record of political killings.

    By way of contrast, there were political killings during Obasanjo’ regime and some of the very well known cases of corruption during the same period included the scandals involving Siemens and Halliburton. Jonathan would want to know the status of these cases and what the sitting President did then. He has also challenged Obasanjo to produce the list of the 1000 people under political watch and the agencies of government detailed to monitor them. He also reasoned the allegation may be a subterfuge to embolden all manner of killers to strike only to turn round and heap the blame at the door steps of the government. This is a very grave issue.

    In sum, he accused Obasanjo of instigating the crisis in the PDP to harass him out of an undeclared ambition in 2015 so as to install one of his acolytes. Even as some of Jonathan’s responses are already in the court of public opinion, Obasanjo owes it a bounden duty to this country to rise to the challenge of his self-assigned role of being the conscience of the nation. He has further been challenged by former Chief Security Officer to late Gen. Sani Abacha Major Hamza Al Mustapha to a public debate on some of the issues he raised.

    The point here is that Obasanjo has set in motion a seemingly system sanitizing process. He says his motivation is to serve the overall good of this country. Given that the ills which he accused Jonathan of are at the root of stultifying this country’s efforts at meaningful development, it is only proper that we get at the root of the matter.

    It would not amount to demanding too much if some of the corruption related scandals and political killings mentioned by Jonathan are now probed. The case of Bola Ige who was assassinated in his bedroom as a minister even with the retinue of security men detailed to protect him is still very fresh. There are some others also.

    In effect, the nation ought to gain something from the altercations that have arisen from Obasanjo’s letter. There are issues some of these leaders know and actions they have taken they may not be willing to tell the people. Now Obasanjo has opened our eyes to the rot that can go on in the name of governance, it is time a high powered inquisition into the activities of all past regimes commenced. Most of those who have ruled the country (military or civilian) are still alive. It might not amount to demanding too much to probe such people now.

    Increasingly, it is dawning on us that some of these people constitute the greatest liability to this country. They have their hands every where and in every thing in the warped thinking that without them Nigeria cannot be. But besides this claim to patriotism, is the hidden urge to gain selfish and sectional advantage. That is why Obasanjo had to insult our collective sensibilities by telling us the number of northerners he helped to power. Now he is seeking another opportunity and it appears elusive, the incumbent must be caught down. He must show all the evidence with which to prove Jonathan wrong or take the responsibility for the outcome of the dangerous issues he canvassed. It is possible to resolve our suffocating national problems from this clash depending on its handle.

  • Pillars looking for successful outing

    Pillars looking for successful outing

    Kano Pillars chairman Abba Yola has prayed for his side’s good outing in this year’s CAF Champions league.

    The Pyramid City side will face AS Vita of Democratic Republic of the Congo (RDC) in the preliminary stage.

    The Pyramid City side will play the first leg away in Kinshasa on February 7, 8, 9 while the return leg will be played at the Sani Abacha Stadium, Kano on February 14, 15, 16.

    But the club boss said the club is satisfied with the draw, stressing that the Kano-based side will do everything possible to surpass their past record in the competition.

    “We have seen the draws and we are okay with it. We are happy with the draws and we have no complaints. What is expected of us now is to work very hard which we’ve been doing before the draws. We are looking for a successful outing this time around,” Yola said.

    Yola, who also expressed happiness over the club’s training session, said the issue of technical adviser won’t affect the club.

    “The issue of technical adviser won’t affect the team’s plan because we have a coach in charge of the club at the moment. Abdul Maikaba is doing well with the boys and very soon we will name a new technical adviser,” he said.

    Pillars will face the winner of Lioli (LES) vs 1ero Agosto (ANG) in the round of 16 if they qualify from the preliminary stage.

     

    Nigeria second campaigner in the championship, Enyimba FC will battle Anges de Notsé of Togo in the first leg in Aba on 7, 8, 9 February 2014.

    The Peoples Elephants will travel to Togo for the second leg on 14, 15, 16 February 2014. Enyimba will have a date with winner of AS Réal de Bamako (MLI) vs A.S.F.A.R. (MOR) if they advance from the first round.

    The likes of Coton Sport (Cameroun), El Ahly (Egypt), TP Mazembe (RD Congo), Hilal (Sudan), C.S.S. (Tunisia), E.S.T. (Tunisia) are drawn bye in the fixtures.

  • Obasanjo’s belated blast

    Obasanjo’s belated blast

    Although former president Olusegun Obasanjo stated 10 grounds for his publicised 18-page letter to President Goodluck Jonathan, the decisive justification remains highly speculative. What was the final straw that broke the camel’s back? Whatever it was, Obasanjo’s staggering decision to publicly embarrass Jonathan by his extensive communication not only raised serious concern about the apparent deterioration of their rapport; more disturbing, it also delivered a dreadful signal about the country’s dire circumstances.

    Interestingly, Obasanjo’s epistle had elements of political science, history, sociology, psychology, economics, and even theology. It was a revealing roller coaster, exposing Jonathan’s dark underbelly as well as Obasanjo’s self-righteousness. It would appear that the essential objective of Obasanjo’s correspondence was to nail the coffin of Jonathan’s possible desire for a second four-year term in office. After taking self-flattering credit for the actualisation of the Jonathan presidency, Obasanjo accused him of “deceit and deception” concerning his denial of interest in a second term and indicated that there was an understanding that Jonathan, who became president in 2011, would govern for only one term and shun the 2015 presidential election.

    Even if such a deal was sealed, which Jonathan has consistently contradicted, it is perceptible that the conditions are different now and a review is on the cards. As Obasanjo rightly pointed out, “the signs and measures on the ground” do not support Jonathan’s alleged disinterest. However, his recommendation that Jonathan should “pursue a more credible and more honourable path,” suggested that Obasanjo might be living in a fool’s paradise. His counsel was evidently incongruous, given the litany of complaints signifying an irredeemable rot and the possibility that Jonathan is already at the proverbial point of no return.

    Not surprisingly, Obasanjo located the responsibility for the probable implosion of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) within Jonathan’s realm, a weighty denunciation coming from an overwhelmingly influential voice in the party. However, it is a measure of Obasanjo’s delusions that he expressed the obviously objectionable belief that his party, known for its abject vacuity and lack of vision, is good for the country. His words: “I believe strongly that a united and strong PDP at all costs is in the best interest of Nigeria.” What a misguided sentiment!

    Prominent among the centrifugal forces, according to Obasanjo, are Jonathan’s control tactics, ethnicity-driven insularity and politics of exclusion to the disadvantage of “most of the rest of Nigerians.” In the country’s pluralistic space, there is no doubt that the extreme promotion of Ijaw identity on account of Jonathan’s leadership has exacerbated the national question, quite apart from worsening power relations within PDP.

    It is intriguing and tragic that Obasanjo tried to establish a parallelism between the Jonathan presidency and perhaps the country’s most murderous administration symbolised by the late Gen Sani Abacha who ruled with an iron fist from 1993 to 1998. Obasanjo’s allegation about an existing killer squad designed by Jonathan for “political purposes” and the surveillance of presumed opponents is so brutally unsettling and sadly cements the suspicion that the 2015 elections hold a promise of bloodshed. It is most unlikely that Obasanjo would flippantly make claims of such malevolent magnitude without a shred of evidence because that would be reprehensibly irresponsible.

    It was predictable that Obasanjo would mention the unconscionable heights of official corruption, and he didn’t disappoint, specifically highlighting the sleaze associated with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). It is a mighty wonder that this particular organisation, which operates at the heart of the country’s oil-based economy, has been the butt of scandalous publicity over the years; yet successive administrations have failed to carry out any thorough cleaning of the Augean stable, which makes a penetrating statement about the hypocrisy of the powerful.

    Shockingly, Obasanjo displayed double standards in his offensive against Jonathan, seeming to conveniently overlook his own role in originally backing an individual who, in his reviewed estimation, has turned out to be inappropriate for the presidency after all. His misjudgement, if that was indeed the case, is loudly damning, particularly on account of the fact that his support controversially defied an alleged party zoning formula which excluded Jonathan. It is revealing of his sense of personal infallibility that there was no hint of shame in Obasanjo’s blame game. The logical truth is that if Obasanjo enjoys the image of kingmaker, he should also appreciate the idea of vicarious blameworthiness. He crowed in his letter, “Mr. President, you have on a number of occasions acknowledged the role God enabled me to play in your ascension to power. You put me third after God and your parents among those that have impacted most in your life.”

    However, with the benefit of hindsight and the picture of the critical path not taken, it is apt to contemplate the country’s trajectory had PDP in 2011 been faithful to its said informal arrangement in determining who should be its presidential candidate. The negative consequences of that great betrayal of decency are regrettably evident in the party, and by extension, in the polity.

    Two apocalyptic images deserve particular attention in Obasanjo’s missive. His reference to a possible military intervention based on opportunism amounted to a subtle sowing of seeds of subversion, which is highly condemnable. Then he pronounced magisterially and with unbecoming posturing, “May it not be the wish of majority of Nigerians that Goodluck Jonathan, by his acts of omission and commission, would be the first and last Nigerian President ever to come from Ijaw tribe.”

    In reacting to Obasanjo’s blast, it certainly won’t be enough to argue ad hominem, that is, just attacking his character rather than responding strictly to the contentions. Such an unproductive approach would be too easy, for there are clearly multiple charges that Obasanjo is open to, perhaps even weightier than the ones he has tried to pin on Jonathan.

    It is food for thought that Jonathan reportedly directed his spokesmen to keep mute while he prepares to “at the appropriate time, offer a full personal response,” according to his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Dr. Reuben Abati, who nevertheless described the letter as “highly provocative.”

    Although the title of Obasanjo’s letter, Before it is too late, carries some optimism, it is ironically a sad reminder that Jonathan has advanced far in the course of unravelling. Indeed, it would appear belated, and only the miraculous can mediate.

  • Ahmed Dasuki lives it up in Ghana

    Ahmed Dasuki lives it up in Ghana

    A mention of the ex-Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki’s name evokes eminence, royalty and wealth. Even with the Sani Abacha’s deposition of the former Sultan, the family still looms large in the socio-cultural affairs of the country.

    Like every well built dynasty, the Dasuki family has produced prominent people in the nation’s economic and political hubs. One of them is Mallam Ahmed Dasuki, younger brother of President Goodluck Jonathan’s National Security Adviser, Alhaji Sambo Dasuki. In spite of his enormous wealth, you don’t immediately perceive an air of opulence the first time you run into him. Yet the stylish prince is a very big player in the corporate world in Nigeria and even beyond the country’s shores.

    He is the Chairman of Fifth Chukker Polo & Country Club in Kaduna. And in Accra, Ghana where he is based, he is reputed for his connections in the high places. He is not only famous and well respected as a successful businessman, he is also seen as one of the Nigerians who have contributed to the growth and development of the country.

    A philanthropist, Mallam Dasuki has business interests in the various sectors of the economies of Nigeria and Ghana. He is a director in Stanbic IBTC, MTN Nigeria and many other companies.

  • Convoy car count: Who leads the pack?

    Convoy car count: Who leads the pack?

    Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo, covered the typical convoy of a Nigerian official and reports on the officials that are entitled to use convoys in Nigeria.

    DETERMINING the number of vehicles in the convoy of Nigerian leaders from the federal, state and local government levels largely depends on the function the government official is billed to attend, either within his domain or beyond.

    Let’s start with the convoy of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    In the era of former military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, a former Aide-De-Camp to a former Military Governor during the era told The Nation under the condition of anonymity that Babangida’s convoy while on official duty outside Abuja, consisted of at least 60 vehicles. But within Abuja, the former president’s convoy of cars was put at between 20 to 30 vehicles.

    Shedding further light on why the former president’s convoy outside Abuja is usually long, the retired Lt. Colonel of the Nigerian Army said, “Usually, there is an advance party of officials from the Presidency mainly comprising of protocol officials and security operatives on ground at least two days before the president’s arrival. Once the C-in-C arrives, this team of advanced party, the host governor and officials of the state government in addition to the large contingent of security agents, including army personnel and operatives of the State Security Service (SSS) are driven in a long convoy to wherever the President planned to visit. That accounts for why you see nothing less than 60 vehicles or even more in such convoys. This excludes the police dispatch riders who are no fewer than 10.”

    The draconian days of late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, was no less different. As a result of the near-paranoid approach to the safety of the late leader by his security handlers, led by his Chief Security Officer (CSO), Maj. Hamza Mustapha and assisted by the Aide-De-Camp, Lt. Col. Abdallah, the convoy of vehicles in Abacha’s entourage is close to 30 vehicles, most of which are occupied by his stern looking bodyguards (BGs), members of the Strike Force (SF), SSS operatives and soldiers dressed in military camouflage.

    The above painted scenario was also prevalent while Abacha’s successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, presided over the country’s affairs from June 8, 1998 to May 29, 1999.

    Sometimes in December 1998, during an official visit by Abubakar’s deputy, late Vice Admiral Mike Okhai Akhigbe, to Lagos to inspect the National Stadium in Surulere, which was one of the centres used for the 1999 Under 20 World Cup, hosted by Nigeria, no less than 30vehicles were in the entourage of the former number two man and his host, then Colonel Buba Marwa.

    Fast forward to the Chief Olusegun Obasanjo Presidency from 1999 to 2007. Sometime in 2006, The Nation’s reporter once witnessed the presidential convoy, which took off from the then President’s Ota Farm on its way to the Lagos Airport en route Abuja.

    A conservative estimate of the number of vehicles in the entourage was in the region of 25, with most of it manned by security agents in dark suits.

    Obasanjo’s late wife, Mrs. Stella Obasanjo, was not left out in the craze for long convoy common among most Nigerian leaders and their spouses.

    Sometimes in 2004 during the wedding of one of the then Vice President, Atiku Abubakar’s daughters, Stella Obasanjo arrived the International Conference Centre, Abuja, venue of the reception in a convoy of 28vehicles, which included six Mercedes Benz S600, in addition with the full complement of six well-attired police outriders.

    In the current dispensation under President Goodluck Jonathan, political office holders from the President down to the governors, ministers, and local government chairmen with the exception of just a few, seem to get a lot of kicks having scores of vehicles in their entourage.

    Some months ago, during a private visit to Lagos for the launch of fund for the construction of his church located in his hometown, Otuoke in Bayelsa State, President Goodluck Jonathan arrived the Civic Centre, Victoria Island venue of the launch in a convoy of 30vehicles and three police outriders.

    And in a You Tube video watched by The Nation’s reporters a few days ago, the President arrived at an unspecified public function held in Abuja in a large convoy of 47cars consisting of Peugeot 406 brands, Toyota Landcruiser SUVs and Mercedes S600 (Maybach). This excludes the six police outriders who normally signal the arrival of the President.

    Perhaps to provide additional security cordon around the President, a detachment of policemen numbered about 20 rode on horses which formed a semi-circle around the President’s official vehicle.

    State governors, ministers, not different

    State governors and ministers in Nigeria are not left out in the love for long convoy of cars accompanying them either on private or official duties.

    For instance, one of The Nation’s reporters sometime in 2008, sighted the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Godswill Akpabio, leaving the Calabar Airport en route Uyo, his state capital in a convoy of over 20 state-of-the-art SUVs in addition to four police outriders on expensive BMW motorbikes.

    While he ran Kwara State from 2003 to 2011, ex-Governor Bukola Saraki (now a senator), known to be a freak for vintage cars long before he emerged as governor, is also said to move in a large convoy of vehicles within his state.

    But the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Babatunde Fashola, is however acknowledged as an exception. The governor, as most Lagosians are aware, moves around without the blaring of siren in a convoy of at most six to seven cars.

    For official events, particularly the inspection of government projects, the governor sometimes joins members of the State Executive Council in a 24-seater Toyota Coaster bus.

    Federal ministers, The Nation gathered, have also imbibed the culture of moving around in siren-blaring convoy of almost ten vehicles either in Abuja, their official base, or during private or official visits to any state within the country.

    During his stint as the Minister for Power, late Chief Bola Ige was once reported to have raised an eyebrow after taking a headcount of almost 21 vehicles in his entourage. Even at that, his protocol aides only managed to reduce the convoy vehicles to a ‘modest’ 11.

    Officials entitled to convoy

    In response to the abuse of using siren by some Nigerians, the Police authorities sometime ago issued a statement stating the list of government officials entitled to move around in siren blaring cars.

    Though the directive has largely being obeyed in the breach, investigations revealed that no such pronouncement has been made in respect of government officials entitled to move in a convoy of cars and the number of vehicles that should accompany them.

    However, it is not difficult to decipher the category of public officials who go around in siren blaring convoy.

    They include the President, the Vice President, Chief of Staff to the President, Senate President; his deputy, Speaker of the House of Representatives and his deputy, Chief Justice of Nigeria, governors and their deputies, Speakers of states Houses of Assembly, their deputies and local government chairmen.

    The list also include Principal Officers in the National Assembly, other lawmakers Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Ministers and Ministers of States.

    In addition, service chiefs, comprising the Chief of Defense Staff, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff and Chief of Air Staff, the Inspector General of Police, General Officers Commanding (GOCs) of Army Divisions and their counterparts in the Navy and Air Force, Brigade Commanders of strategic army formations, Deputy and Assistant Inspectors General of Police and Commissioners of Police in charge of state commands, Comptroller General of Customs, Immigrations, Prisons, top generals and their equivalents in paramilitary forces.

    Also National Chairmen and leaders of major political parties, influential captains of industry, top clergymen are known to move from one location to another in long and flashy convoy of posh automobiles.

    How government convoy vehicles are chosen

    The Nation’s investigations revealed that the number of vehicles in the entourage of elected public officials, particularly the President and governors, are largely determined by their Chief Protocol Officers, who are also in charge of the itinerary of their principals.

    The Chief of Protocol, it was learnt, also draws the list of officials (excluding security operatives) who accompany the President and governors on official and private trips.

    For instance, besides the vehicle occupied by the President, other vehicles in an average presidential convoy include at least three spare Mercedes Benz S600 (in case the main vehicle unexpectedly breaks down on motion), a pilot Landcruiser SUV, back-up pilot cars mainly Peugeot 406 also occupied by SSS operatives, scores of SUVs filled with other security personnel, other vehicles equipped with security gadgets, to mention but a few.

    The man who controls the convoy

    The personnel in charge of Nigeria’s presidential escort codenamed (Prescort) are under the supervision of the Escort Commander, who is a Police officer not less than the rank of a Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP).

    In case of the governors, the Escort Commander in the rank of an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) or a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) is in full control of the movement of the convoy. However, he reports to the Aide-De-Camp who oversees the entire security apparatus of the President or the governor. The ADC, as a matter of convention, usually sits at the back of the car right beside his boss.

    Also prominent in such convoys are operatives of the Department of Security Service (DSS), who sources say report to the Chief Security Officer (CSO) to the President or the governor.

    How much control does a principal have?

    A source told The Nation that control over the attitude of personnel in a convoy largely depends on the governor and his ADC.

    The source cited an instance where the Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Fashola on assumption of office, gave a firm instruction that under no circumstance must his convoy exceed a maximum of 80 to 100km.

    “But if the personnel in the convoy knows that their principal will not reprimand them for over speeding, they indulge in such dangerous practice without a care in the world,” said the source.

    But The Nation however gathered that some governors, who are quite touchy about their safety, are usually blackmailed by their security details into believing that driving at slow speed on highways can be risky especially when the convoy comes under an attack.

  • ‘If Jonathan has hidden agenda, national conference will not succeed’

    ‘If Jonathan has hidden agenda, national conference will not succeed’

    Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO) chieftain Comrade Linus Okoroji, in this interview with Musa Odoshimokhe, explains how the proposed national dialogue can resolve the national question and restore hope to Nigerians.

    What manner of dialogue should Nigerians envisage? My position is not quite different from our stance on the Sovereign National Conference (SNA). I think for now, we should accept it with two hands in whatever guise is has come. We should not give them the opportunity to give excuses. We have been clamouring for it for long. The area I am not quite comfortable with is the move to remove the word “sovereign”. Nobody should tamper with the report. There should be a plebiscite.The people will vote in favour or against it. So, it will be the people’s constitution. This should not be the elite issue, and those who have stood up to kick against it are afraid that it would be politicised.

    Are there antecedents to show that it was hijacked in the past?

    This is in view of what Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did, what General Sani Abacha did at his own time. Having said that, I have seen some of the people in the advisory committee led by Dr. Femi Okorounmu. He has name to protect and I have no reason to doubt him. More so, he is a Yoruba elite and an Afenifere chieftain. When he was in the Senate, he had advocated for a SNC. So, I cannot doubt his integrity. For now, I think we should accept this with our two hands and see how we are going to manage it. What I think would be the challenge is how to get the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO)’s support, which the conference desires. We should return the country to a true federal system. Each region should control its resources. We should look at the PRONACO document and see its position. Today, there is no state in Nigeria that has a working edict. In the pas,t the Northern Region had its own constitution, the Western Region had its own constitution, the Midwest Region had its constitution and the Eastern Region had its constitution. But all these federal paraphernalia have been thrown away. People like Indians and Chinese understand what it means to decentralise governance according to their nationalities. We should not be a different people. We should look at all of these and see how we can move forward.

    Some sections of the country are afraid that it will lead to the breakup of Nigeria? What is your view?

    What is wrong, if the country breaks up? Will the North not survive, if the country breaks? If that is their fear, they should come down to terms with other sections of the country. They should not continue to play the role of a senior brother or owner of Nigeria. If they nurse such fear, they should come down low and give Nigeria the opportunity to survive. The problem we have is the North, which does not want others to survive. They are using the resources of other nationalities, which they want to manage. They should work together with others so that Nigeria will survive in the interest of all and not their own interest alone. That is even the fears of other minorities in the North; the majority wants to trample on them. The oligarchy wants to suppress the minority in their own areas. There is this story we heard from Chief Anthony Enahoro, may his soul rest in peace, that Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, when he was the Prime Minister of Nigeria, in the North, he was not recognised above Sardauna. Sarduana was his boss. That is the way they behave.

    What do think should guide us during the conference?

    It is the matter of sincerity and commitment to examine the issues that are germane to our wellbeing as a country. We should aim at making Nigeria a developing, progressive and people-oriented country. We should look at the welfare of the people, the significance of the common good; that everybody who is a Nigerian should be entitled to benefit from the common good. If you are walking on the street of America and suddenly, you collapse and drop, government hospital will pick you up and take care of you. Nobody cares who you are. They take care of you, until you survive, unless such a person is unlucky and die. In Nigeria, we are living like orphans. People who have no parents, unless you have contact with people in government, that is only when your survival is guaranteed.

    But the time is too short to have a successful conference before 2015…

    Before the military left, the NADECO had been clamouring for the SNC, even during the Abiola struggle. Our slogan was let us have a Government of National Unity. With the Government of National Unity, we should go ahead to have the national conference. And it was thought that, within four years, we would have achieved the goal. All the efforts were truncated by personal ambitions of those who came on board. They instituted kangaroo conferences because they wanted to remain in power. But, if that is the strategy put in place now, it will fail because Obasanjo failed when he tried it. The truth is that, is he going to succeed? If he diverts attention because of his ambition, what is going to be his own gain? My thinking is that he wants to break away from just being the President of Nigeria to being a hero.

    What, if the outcome of the conference is finally tempered with by the Nation Assembly?

    It is going to be wrong to subject it to the National Assembly and, whether they call it National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it boils down to the end result. The outcome of the conference must not be tampered with by anybody. Once it is tampered with, it means the conference did not hold, no matter how long. And whether a National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it can only be subjected to a referendum and not the National Assembly. What is the significance of the National Assembly to a National Conference when they are at the House discussing issues that favour them alone and their cronies? The only power to vet the outcome of the conference is the people through a plebiscite.