Based on the official results declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the clear winner of the election is Governor Chukwuma Soludo and his party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Beyond them, several other key stakeholders can also be considered winners for their roles in the electoral process.
Soludo:
As the declared winner, Governor Soludo is the principal beneficiary of the exercise. It was a decisive and well-earned victory. During the campaign, he worked hard to sell his vision to the people and won in all 21 local government areas, securing 422,664 votes. His closest rival, Nicholas Ukachukwu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), polled 99,445 votes — a gap of more than 320,000 votes.
This result cements Soludo’s electoral legitimacy and gives him a clear mandate to drive his agenda without the shadow of a disputed outcome. It also strengthens his political standing, both in Anambra and nationally, providing leverage in governance, negotiations with the federal authorities, and in shaping the political narrative of the Southeast.
The APGA:
The APGA, the platform on which Soludo contested, also emerges stronger. The party retains control of the state, reinforcing its image as a regional force with deep roots. Even though its founder, Chukwuemeka Odimegwu-Ojukwu, passed away in 2011 and Peter Obi, the first governor elected under the party, later left over disagreements with his successor, the APGA has continued to hold sway in Anambra.
Since 2006, the party has produced every governor of the state — Peter Obi (2006–2014), Virginia Etiaba (2006–2007), Willie Obiano (2014–2022), and now Soludo, who has just secured a fresh term. This enduring control confirms the party’s organisational depth and its ability to connect with voters at the grassroots.
The latest victory reaffirms the APGA’s dominance in the state and validates its structure and brand. It shows that, despite internal splits and the rise of newer political movements, the APGA remains a powerful symbol of identity and continuity in Anambra politics.
INEC and Amupitan:
INEC and its new chairman, Professor Joash Amupitan, also count as winners. A smooth and credible election, especially in a politically sensitive region, boosts public confidence in the commission and its leadership. Unlike in the past, when logistical failures marred elections, this exercise began on time in nearly all parts of the state.
Reports indicate significant improvements in logistics and technology. While there were some cases of vote-buying and minor irregularities, the process was largely peaceful and efficient. About 49 per cent of polling units had INEC officials present by 7:30 a.m., compared to 28 per cent in 2021 — a major improvement.
The BVAS devices functioned well, with only minor, quickly resolved glitches. Result uploads to the IReV portal were highly successful: INEC published results from 5,668 out of 5,720 polling units, a 99.09 per cent success rate.
In short, the election marked progress in operational efficiency and transparency. The fact that results were declared and accepted without major disruption shows that INEC can conduct credible elections even in challenging contexts.
The people:
Voters and residents of Anambra are winners too, both practically and symbolically. A decisive outcome allows governance to move forward rather than being stuck in post-election disputes. Those who turned out to vote fulfilled their civic duty and expect their votes to count.
On a symbolic level, an election that produces a broadly accepted result reinforces faith in the democratic process. It reminds citizens that their participation matters.
Voter turnout roughly doubled from 10 per cent in 2021 to about 22 per cent this time — still low in absolute terms but a marked improvement. The 2021 poll took place under the shadow of insecurity and threats from non-state actors. This time, the security environment was much better. Some areas that were once no-go zones witnessed rallies and a peaceful voting day.
According to groups such as Yiaga Africa, the main factor limiting turnout was voter apathy, driven by weak communication from political parties and a sense of disconnection among citizens. Even so, the improved environment and higher participation reflect a gradual restoration of trust.
Tinubu and the FG:
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Federal Government also stand to gain from the outcome. Tinubu appointed the new INEC chairman, whose first major test was handled successfully. A well-conducted election in a key state reduces the risk of political tension and strengthens the administration’s claims to uphold democratic norms.
The president also earned credit for restraint. He did not impose a candidate on his party or interfere in the process, allowing INEC to operate independently. The result helps counter fears that Nigeria is drifting toward a one-party system. It also gives the Federal Government space to focus on governance rather than election-related disputes.
Security agencies:
The security agencies — police, military, and other law enforcement units — played their part effectively. Their presence ensured a peaceful election, with only isolated incidents reported despite earlier fears of violence.
This performance strengthens their institutional reputation. In a political culture where elections can turn violent, maintaining peace enhances public confidence and shows that security forces can support, rather than disrupt, democracy.
Democracy:
Ultimately, democracy itself gained from the Anambra election. The process demonstrated that credible elections are still possible and that democratic institutions can function when given the space to do so.
Observers agreed that the outcome reflected the will of voters and met the minimum standard of credibility. The use of BVAS and IReV technology improved transparency and reduced opportunities for manipulation.
After the controversies that followed the 2023 general elections, a process that was largely transparent and technically sound offers a measure of reassurance. It suggests that reforms introduced by INEC are beginning to take root and that progress, while slow, is real.
Conclusion:
Soludo’s victory in Anambra touches several layers of Nigeria’s political ecosystem. It rewards the individual winner, strengthens his party, validates the electoral body, re-engages voters, and reinforces national stability. The security agencies earned credit for professionalism, while the Federal Government benefits from the perception of a fair contest.
Above all, the election serves as a reminder that credible contests and active civic participation still matter. In a time of widespread cynicism, Anambra’s election stands as a small but important win for Nigerian democracy.
Losers
- By Emmanuel Oladesu, Deputy Editor
Obi:
The greatest loser in the exercise is Peter Obi, former governor and 2023 presidential aspirant of the Labour Party (LP). The visioner of the noisy, garulous and ‘structureless Obedient Movement’ lost his polling booth, underscoring his lack of popularity and loss of relevance at home.
In the last general election, he proved his meetle, winning over 90 percent of the votes as presidential candidate in the state. However, after the poll, his party lost steam, no thanks to the protacted leadership crisis that hit the platform.
Apart from being a former governor, Obi was also a vice presidential candidate on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2019. He was always fond of defecting from one party to the other. Although he made a feeble appearance during the campaigns, it never resonated with the people. Obi could not match the aura, intellect, pedigree, and charisma of Prof. Charles Chukwuma Soludo on the podium. The campaign train of the governor was simply electrifying.
What the outcome of the weekend election has shown is that Obi’s political structure has been rattled and dismantled, and this portends a danger to his future ambition to rule the country. He has been demystified at home.
Moghalu:
George Moghalu of the LP is a serial contestant and an impatient politician. He is never strategic. Nobody plans to fail, but many fail to plan adequately, thereby boxing themselves to failure. Despite being a brilliant person, that quality never showed in the result of the election.
It may be that the LP candidate miscalculated. Moghalu had wanted to build on the Obi’s mysterious success in 2023, oblivious of the dynamics of contemporary politics. He crashed, losing his deposit despite the bravado. Even, voters at his polling booth turned their backs at him.
Some people believe that Moghalu betrayed the All Progressives Congress (APC), which gave him an opportunity to serve the country as head of the Nigerian Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA). He left the APC for LP when the Abure and Usman factions were locked in a battle of supremacy. He had hoped to ride to power on the wing of Obi, who could not settle the rift and unite the party.
He missed being candidate, until reason prevailed. It is now evident that he does not carry any weight, his strategy of leaning on past glory of an inconsistent leader having crumbled.
The challenge is whether Moghalu would stay in the distressed Anambra LP chapter to rebuild it or defect to another party.
LP:
LP is always a party on the waiting list. It is perpectually a borrowed platform, always up for grab by aggrieved and bitter politicians from other political parties. It is characterised by doubtful membership.
Its founding authority, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), do not know what they can even use the party for. That gap is usually noticed. Therefore, LP is always a place of refuge for rejected aspirants from other parties who lost out in the intra-party selection process.
The tragedy now is that the leadership is being disputed. Who is the authentic chairman of LP? Julius Abure or Esther Nenadi-Usman, who chairs the National Caretaker Committee? The caretaker committee won a case in court, but the umpire invited the leader of the other faction to crucial meetings.
That logjam persisted up to the poll day. It nearly led to the forfeiture of the governorship ticket. The factions could not agree to campaign for the candidate, who warmed the ballot as a decorative figure. The outcome was predictable. Anambra LP failed.
ADC:
ADC was a joker, and its candidate, John Nwosu, was a comedian on poll day. In Anambra, the party is at half. It is the half of the PDP, which broke away during the crisis that led to the exit of the Abubakar Atiku camp. Up to now, the coalition pales into daydreaming. ADC is not moving forward. It is not moving backward too. It is at a standstill.
Anambra poll was its first opportunity. It failed the popularity test woefully. Two reasons were responsible. First, the structure of ADC is weak. The name of the party is strange to the people. Second, it could not withstand the arsenal of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which has maintained dominance in the state since 2003.
ADC is still in an embroyic state. It is yet to have a definite party register. Its identity is still being formed. The PDP defectors and old ADC members are yet to come to terms. The challenge of harmonisation has not been resolved.
The result is a sign of what ADC should expect in future polls, except its proposed coalition is consummated.
PDP:
The PDP is at a low ebb in the Southeast state. In 1999, it was the ruling party, with Chinwoke Mbadinuju as governor. Four years later, APGA came with a bang. It was first resisted by the PDP, which falsely installed Dr. Chris Ngige as governor in 2003. In 2009, the interloper was kicked out by the court.
Since then, APGA has maintained its hold. Not even the threat by another interloper, Andy Uba, could stop it. As APGA continued to wax stronger in the state, PDP continued to decline.
Even, it PDP and ADC had combined strengths, there was no way they could have displaced APGA.
Currently, PDP is in disarray. The crisis is affecting the state chapters. It took the strategic intervention of the former Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, for the party to have a governorship candidate in Anambra. The two camps could not easily agree on who should run.
The abysmal performance was predictable. Can the chapter ever bounce back?
Other smaller parties:
There are at least other 10 smaller parties warming the register of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). They are dormant parties. In the past, those mushroom parties were deregistered for failing to live to expectation. But there was uproar because some activists felt that freedom of association, assembly and political participation was being tampered with.
There is no reason to keep on the register parties that indulge in self-deception. Including them on the ballot is meaningless.
