Tag: the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

  • PDP’s jinxed convention

    PDP’s jinxed convention

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is sinking deeeper and deeper into the mud by the day. As it were, it is without a clear-cut strategy for freeing itself. Instead of devising one, some of its leaders are trying to use the playbook that paved the way for the June 12, 1993 quagmire, which almost consumed the country. They went to a court in Ibadan, Oyo State, to obtain an order to hold the party’s November 15 convention in the ancient city, four days after a court of concurrent jurisdiction in Abuja stopped the exercise.

    The  Abuja court also barred the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from upholding the convention’s outcome, if it held. It was delivering judgment in a case brought by three chieftains of the party who claimed that due process was not followed in fixing the convention date.

    Rather than appeal, another party member, apparently being teleguided, ran to Ibadan – where else? – to obtain orders which are in variance with those of the Abuja court. The issues in  contention are not different. The plaintiffs in the Abuja court are praying that the convention should not hold until the party does the right things. Some of these things, they contend, are the holding of congresses at the ward, local government and state levels to precede the convention, in line with the party’s constitution and INEC guidelines.

    Were the congresses held? If they did not hold, what prevented them from holding, and what are the remedies available to the party? Were these remedies pursued? In the Ibadan case, which has a sole plaintiff, who claims that he is contesting for deputy national organising sectetary at the forthcoming convention, the picture being painted is that everything is good to go. This may well be true, at least to the plaintiff and his sponsors, who sought and got an interim injunction to hold the convention.

    They are to return to court on Monday to argue the motion for interlocutory injunction in the presence of the defendants who were not there when the exparte motion for interim injunction was heard. The court may be packed full that day as many interested and necessary parties will show up. For sure, the plaintiffs in the Abuja case and their backers will be there as they would not want their heads shaved behind their backs. Nobody needs a soothsayer to know that PDP is haemorhaging. The party has been suffering losses left, right and centre.

    It has lost four governors in quick succession and a host of national and state lawmakers to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Even the run up to its convention was and is still being dogged by infighting within the national working committee (NWC). This crisis prompted the Abuja suit in which Justice James Omotosho delivered judgment on October 31 after listening to all the parties. Based on legal authorities, the court acknowledged the conditions for conducting the convention, and emphasised the need for the party to follow its own rules and INEC guidelines before going ahead with the exercise.

    The court held that until the party did what is expected of it, the convention cannot hold. Now, the Ibadan court has given a conflicting ruling, without hearing the other side, on the strength of an exparte motion, setting the stage for another round of battle for PDP’s soul. Exparte motions can be heard in open court or in chambers, with only the applicant(s) in attendance. The applicant(s) is/are expected to give an undertaking to indemnify the other side in case it turned out that the interim order should not have been granted.

    The Ibadan court cleared the convention to hold and ordered INEC to monitor it. With this ruling, INEC now has two court orders to contend with. Which should the commission obey? Mercifully, Prof Joash Amupitan, the INEC Chairman is not only a lawyer, but also a Professor of Law of Evidence and a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).

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    Perhaps, Justice Laditan Akintola of the Ibadan High Court was unaware of his learned brother, Justice Omotosho’s judgment, which came before his interim injunction. Politicians are sly and cunny. They have their own ways of doing things as long as the end justifies the means. If you ask me, I would say there was no longer the need for the Ibadan suit, following the Abuja court verdict. Both cases are the same in terms of the reliefs sought. The only thing is that one wants the convention suspended and the other is saying no, it should go on.

    With a party obtaining judgment in Abuja stopping the convention as well as INEC from upholding its outcome, if it held, should another party have gone to Ibadan to obtain what amounts to conflicting orders, as the plaintiff before Justice Akintola did? The orders by Justice Akintola reversed all the orders of his brother judge, Justice Omotosho. I am sure that Justice Akintola would not have made those contradictory orders if his attention had been drawn to Justice Omotosho’s judgment. It is in the nature of politicians to hide such facts, especially when they are in desperate situations.

    But it is for the judges to be a step ahead of these politicians always by asking the right questions to ferret answers that will stop the litigants in their tracks and ensure that the courts are not misled. The filing of the Ibadan suit was deliberate and it was instigated  by those dissatisfied with the Abuja verdict, who want the PDP cinvention to hold at all costs, and without regards for due process. This resort to multiplicity of suits which the Supreme Court has condemned on many occasions will not help the cause of the PDP governors who are behind the Ibadan case.

    In cases of this type, the first in time prevails. I have no doubt that INEC will comply with the Abuja verdict barring it from upholding the outcome of the convention, if it holds. Those who ran to another judge for an order to hold a convention already stopped by a fellow judge should not take the nation down this road again. The wound of the June 12 debacle is still fresh in the people’s memory, 32 years after the bitter enterprise,

    May I remind them that the Federal High Court where Justice Omotosho sits and the State High Court where Justice Akintola sits are of coordinate jurisdiction – that is one is not higher than the other. As such, one cannot reverse the orders made by the other. Only the appeal court can do that.

  • How PDP zoning of presidency reawakens regional agitation

    How PDP zoning of presidency reawakens regional agitation

    Ohaneze sub group: Igbo must not be taken for granted • Middle Belt group wants presidency for the region

    It’s barely a week now when the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) held its National Convention where it zoned the 2027 presidential sloth to the South.

    That decision seemed to have reawakened politicians from various regions of the country, some of whom are now clamour I for regional recognition.

    Agitation seems to support those who say that rotation should not be decreed by Fiat but a gentleman’s understanding by parties.

    By this they say that nobody from any region should be disqualified from contesting the primary because he is not from the preferred zone.

    For instance, APC has said said that any aspirant is free to contest the primary with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu despite the endorsements he has already secured.

    The PDP in 2019 and 2003 allowed aspirants from all parts of the country to contest its presidential primaries.

    At the moment, protests over zoning from the various regions of the federation are already doting the country’s political landscape.

    Members of the Igbo Agenda Dialogue are one example that are raising the recent clamour.

    Convened by the founding father of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Chekwas Okorie, the group is calling for regional recognition ahead of 2027 general elections.

    Okorie who said the group noted that there has been no united political Igbo front since the end of civil war in 1970, added that any nation or persons seeking for Igbo votes must enter into a binding agreement through a Memorandum of Understanding and such agreement must be made public via verified platforms.

    “On political unity bad self assertion, the gathering noted with concern the absence of unified Igbo front since the end of the Nigerian civil war in 1970.

    “It condemns the alienation and marginalization of Ndigbo political space and resolved that such trend must not longer continue.

    “The dialogue emphasized that Igbo votes must never again be taken for granted.

    “Any candidate or political party seeking Igbo support must enter into binding Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) within Igbo nations and such agreement must be made public through verified platforms.”

    Also, members of the North-Central Renaince are also agitating for the recognition of their zone as the general elections approach.

    They are asserting that it is their right to occupy the president’s office, claiming that since the fourth Republic in 1999 has been sidelined.

    According to them, since the return to civil rule, the region has not had the opportunity to occupy that office.

    They said that any political party which is not willing to zone the presidential ticket to the North, particularly, North-Central zone won’t get their support.

    Any political party not willing to zone its presidential ticket to the North, particularly, North-Central may not, and will not have the votes of the North Central.

    Similarly, leaders of the Gbenga Hashim Solidarity Movement (GHSM) in the South West have declared their unwavering support for the presidential aspiration of frontline ideological politician, Dr. Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, vowing to resist what they described as the “unconstitutional zoning error” of the presidency by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The resolution was reached at the weekend during a strategic meeting of GHSM leaders, which comprise of mostly PDP leaders from the South West, held in Lagos with delegates in attendance from Osun, Oyo, Ekiti, Ondo, Ogun, and Lagos States.

    Addressing journalists after the meeting, the South West Coordinator of GHSM, Alhaji Abass Olaniyi from Osun state, said Nigerians must rally behind leaders whose politics is built on competence, inclusiveness, and national development, rather than sectional considerations.

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     “We want to make it very clear that the South West will not sit idly by while regressive forces within the PDP try to truncate the aspiration of a visionary leader like Dr. Gbenga Hashim through unconstitutional zoning.

    Nigerians are ready for a truly ideological presidency, not the politics of ethnicity and sectional manipulation,” Olaniyi declared.

    He stressed that the South West is resolute in its decision to deliver the region’s votes to ensure Hashim emerges victorious in 2027, describing him as the most prepared among the potential candidates.

    The Lagos State coordinator, Hon Ola Azeez said that, despite having a Lagosian as president of Nigeria, the masses of Nigeria are suffering like never before and we are ready to support a leader with a detribalized orientation who is competent.

    Other leaders at the meeting emphasized that Dr. Hashim represents a new paradigm of leadership, combining experience in both the private and public sectors with a strong record of advocacy for democracy, social justice, and economic reforms.

    They argued that Nigeria’s current challenges, including insecurity, economic downturn, unemployment, and national disunity, demand a president who possesses both intellectual grounding and moral conviction to steer the country toward sustainable progress.

    The GHSM leaders recalled Hashim’s long standing involvement in Nigeria’s democratic struggle, his consistent calls for issue based politics, and his refusal to engage in the politics of patronage that has weakened many of his contemporaries.

    Following deliberations, the South West bloc of GHSM resolved to intensify grassroots mobilization, enlightenment campaigns, and alliance building across the country to strengthen Hashim’s candidacy well ahead of the 2027 elections.

     “Nigeria cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of the past. What the country needs now is not zoning, but competence. Dr. Hashim has the ideology, the character, and the vision to lead Nigeria into a new era of stability, prosperity, and unity,” Alhaji Abass reaffirmed.

     The South West leaders further pledged to resist attempts within the PDP to enforce zoning, insisting that such arrangements lack constitutional backing and undermine the democratic rights of all citizens to aspire to the presidency and a violation of section 84 of the Electoral Act.

    The meeting concluded with a unanimous declaration that the South West will serve as the vanguard of a nationwide movement to secure Gbenga Hashim’s victory in the 2027 general elections.

    Against the backdrop some analysts say that the renewed agitation is not out of place.

    Jacob Okparabachi said: “Agitations for zoning should be coming on closer to the electioneering season. That will be understandable.

    “Nigeria should have advanced beyond the growing agitations for power shift, if things were done right.

    “It is proper that we borrow from the American system we are copying. That system allows people to contest based on competence.

    To Solomon Adodo: “We should perish all these agitations for zoning. We should all be patriotic to see Nigeria work, where we have development that carries everyone along and that takes our rural communities away from where they are and make them productivity hops.

    “That should be the conversation we should be engaging in now.

    “It should not be about distracting government or distorting governance at this moment.

    Nigeria’s next general elections is eighteen months away. And as politicians begin their politicking, many citizens wish that true interest of the nation rather personal and selfish interest will guide their decision.

  • Southwest PDP to propose presidential micro-zoning to NEC

    Southwest PDP to propose presidential micro-zoning to NEC

    ‘Division among Southwest, Southeast, Southeast leaders’

    Leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the South on Thursday resolved to propose a formula for the micro-zoning of the presidential ticket to any of the three geo-political regions during the next meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC). 

    However, they said they would intensify consultations by reaching out to aggrieved members so that the three zones can speak with one voice.

    There is agitation for the zoning of the slot to the South by majority of stalwarts, although there are also some dissenting voices in the North. 

    At the PDP Southern Zoning Consultative Summit in Lagos convened by Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri, the chieftains reiterated their commitment to unity and harmony in the party. 

    Diri is the chairman of the 44-member Zoning Committee recently inaugurated by the Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagum. 

    However, there is sharp division in the Southern PDP caucus as state chairmen, serving and former lawmakers and some party elders disowned the Lagos meeting, saying that it was not a product of consensus. 

    At the meeting convened were his Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, Enugu State Deputy Governor Ifeanyi Ossai, who represented Governor Peter Mbah; Board of Trustees (BoT) Chairman and former Senate President Adolphus Wabara, former Deputy National Chairman Chief Olabode George, former Governors Olagunsoye Oyinlola (Osun State), Udom Emmanuel (Akwa Ibom), and Sam Egwu (Ebonyi), Senators Ben Obi, Duro Faseyi and Monsurat Sunmonu; and former House of Representatives member Nena Ukeje. 

    The meeting was also attented by Chief Eddy Olafeso, Mrs Esther Udueni, Emma Ogidi, Adedeji Olajide, Fred Agbedi, Dr. Bakkita Bello, Chuwueke Onyema, Peter Mrakpo, Dr. Tony Aziegbemi, Bashiru Salami, Emmanuel Ibom, Igwe Abebg, and Anieka Akpam.

    Makinde, who spoke with reporters after the meeting, confirmed that micro-zoning of the presidential slot was on the agenda, adding that the outcome of the parley and further consultations after would be forwarded to the NEC for consideration. 

    He noted the objection to the Lagos meeting by some chieftains, saying that it is normal in democracy. 

    Makinde said, “We just finished the consultative meeting of the PDP Zoning Committee for the South, and nothing should stop us from consulting.

    Democracy is about the minority having their say and the majority having their way. That is democracy.

    “So, we’re semocrats. The South has taken far-reaching decisions, and in the days ahead wider consultations will also take place.”

    The governor said those saying that PDP is either dead or has becone a carcass, should pull the break, stressing PDP serving governors, elders and leaders, including the former Snate President and BoT chairman, have reiterated thrir commitment to its survival. 

    Makinde added, “They are all here and committed to PDP taking back its rightful position in Nigeria. So, in the days ahead, some of the things discussed here, you’ll see them in place.”

    The governor who debunked the allegation of exclusion, saying, “Governor Adeleke was here. He came back into this country, I believe this morning, and then, he went straight to Osogbo to address some governance issues. But he said, look, whatever we decide, he is is with us.

     “Governor Diri is here, Governor Peter Mbah, who couldn’t make it physically, he sent the deputy governor. You have the chairman of our board of trustees here. You also have at least, 12 of the 17 members of the zoning committee from the South here.

     “It is one per state. So, you have 12 states here. You have in each zone, you have House of Representatives members here, you have senators from each zone in the South, the three zones.

     “You have BoT members from the three zones in the South. So, yes, I won’t say maybe the organizers will score 100%. You don’t score 100% in politics.”

    Makinde said consultation is a continuum, assuring that the Southern PDP leaders would reach out and engage more members to drive a consensus.

    He stressed, “We’re trying to get all stakeholders, all tendencies in the PDP together so that we can give a credible alternative to Nigerians in the years ahead.”

    Makinde however, clarified that the decision of the Southern PDP Zoning Summit is not final, stressing that it would be subject to ratification by NEC. 

    He said, “This consultative meeting is not something that is statutory in the constitution of PDP. But democracy is inclusivity, reaching out and ensuring that all stakeholders are carried along, which is what we’ve done today.

    “NEC is on Monday. Today is Thursday. NEC is on Monday. You will definitely have a decision.”

    Makinde also clarified that no chieftain has been picked from the South as an anointed presidential candidate for 2027.

    He said, “We haven’t even gotten there. We need to have a party first before you start talking about presidential candidates. If we don’t have a party, anything that you’re trying to do will fall flat.

     “So, our efforts right now is directed towards having a viral and united PDP that Nigerians will be proud of and again they will believe in.”

    Makinde took exception to party members fron the South who attacked the organisers of the summit. 

    He said: “Personally, when people go low, or they go into the gutters, I don’t go with them.”

    However, he said all stakeholders would be engaged to make contributions.

    He added, “We will reach out to them. I mean, that is democracy. We will reach out to them. I can disagree with people, but there shouldn’t be anything personal here.

     “It should be about what are we giving to Nigerians because they are watching, you know. We want to give a formidable PDP to Nigerians. In Oyo state, they showed last Saturday that PDP is not dead.

     “In most other places of the 12 states, PDP came second in each of those states. It’s some indication to us that if we continue to work hard, if we continue to strive hard, if we continue to bring our people together, we will get to a point where Nigerians will really start listening to us.”

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    Cracks in Southern PDP as chieftains disown meeting

    However, the party sunk deeper into crisis over the Lagos summit as some stakeholders alleged lack of wide consultation and exclusion.

    But irked by the micro-zoning move, PDP state chairmen, former governors and National Assembly members disowned the Southern zoning meeting, describing it as divisive and unconstitutional. 

    PDP House of Representatives Leader Kingsley Chinda said the Lagos meeting has excluded and sidelined critical party leaders. 

    He told reporters in Abuja that any party meeting where zoning, power rotation and distribution of offices are to be discussed, it should be all-inclusive. 

    Chinda said the Lagos meeting has brazenly disregarded the statutory organs of the party and violated the criteria of inclusivity, consultation and participation. 

    He said, “We dismiss the resolution and outcome of the meeting. It is not binding and not reflective of the opinion of the generality of stakeholders.”

    Chinda said any decision reached in secrecy and seclusion cannot be consensus-driven, adding that it would be resisted in accordance with the constitution of the party. 

    He therefore, urged members of the party to disregard the outcome.

    Also, state Chairmen, former governors, National Assembly members, and other key party stakeholders from the South East and South South zones said they were neither invited nor consulted.

    In another statement, the state Chairmen of Imo, Abia, Cross River, Akwa Ibom, and Rivers—Austin Nwachukwu, Abraham Amah, Venatius Ikem, Rt. Hon Aniekan Akpan, and Aaron Chukwuemeka—alongside National Vice Chairman (South-East) Hon. Chidiebere Egwu Goodluck and Chinda, said the meeting’s outcomes should not be recognized.

    The statement reads, “The PDP has always stood for inclusivity, fairness, consultation, and collective decision-making. Any meeting that ignores key leaders and elected officials breaks trust, causes division, and threatens party unity. We therefore, reject any outcomes from this summit as neither binding nor representative of the PDP in Southern Nigeria.

    “The meeting is also premature and seems aimed at serving the interests of a few, especially since the Zoning Committee has not yet submitted its report for party approval.”

    “We remain fully committed to the unity, stability, and success of the PDP. We urge all leaders and stakeholders to resist any attempts to manipulate zoning through secretive or unfair methods.

    “The Southeast and Southsouth, together with the South West, stand united in promoting fairness, justice, and equity. As custodians of our members’ mandate, we will defend the integrity of the party and ensure that any decisions affecting Southern Nigeria are made openly, consultatively, and inclusively.”

  • Edo Assembly appoints new PDP Whip amid uproar

    Edo Assembly appoints new PDP Whip amid uproar

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday nominated Mr Eugene Inegbeboh (PDP, Igueben) as the new Minority Whip of Edo State House of Assembly.

    His nomination came following the defection of the former Minority Whip, Mr Yekini Idiaye (Akoko-Edo I), to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    At the plenary in Benin, the Speaker, Mr Blessing Agbebaku, read a letter from the state PDP Chairman, Dr Anthony Aziegbemi, officially nominating Inegbeboh for the position.

    The announcement, however, triggered a rowdy session after Mr Addeh Isibor (APC, Esan North-East I) challenged the legitimacy of the nomination, claiming Aziegbemi’s chairmanship was being contested in court.

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    His objection was countered by other lawmakers, including Minority Leader Charity Aiguobarueghian, who described Isibor’s claim as misleading.

    Agbebaku intervened to calm the situation, saying the House had no authority over internal party matters and urged members to let the issue rest.

    The House passed a bill to establish Edo State Public-Private Partnership Agency, aimed at enhancing infrastructural development across the state.

  • Defections: Ijeh backs Ibori to rebuild Delta PDP

    Defections: Ijeh backs Ibori to rebuild Delta PDP

    Poland-based cybersecurity expert and member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Christian Onyinye Ijeh, an engineer, has extolled the sterling leadership qualities of the former governor of Delta State and a chieftain of the party, Chief James Ibori.

    He described Ibori as a unifier, a stabiliser and a great grassroots mobiliser who is intensely loved across the state and party lines.

    Ijeh, who made his views known in a strongly worded press statement, expressed optimism that following the recent defections from the party, Ibori will rise to the occasion and rebuild the party. 

    Insisting that Delta remained a PDP stronghold, Ijeh said he does not doubt that “our leader, Chief James Onanefe Ibori’s capacity to bring his wealth of political experience, sterling leadership qualities and political sagacity to bear on our great party as the leader of the party not just in Delta state but also in the South-south”.

    Calling for reconciliation and reformation, Ijeh urged all loyal PDP members in Ika South in particular and Delta State in general to rally around the party’s founding father, Ibori, whose legacy of leadership and grassroots development, he said, remains unmatched. 

    He urged the Delta State PDP executive to immediately pay a courtesy visit to Ibori to reaffirm their loyalty and chart a course for the future of the party.

    “Chief Ibori remains a symbol of unity and the cornerstone of PDP’s legacy in Delta State. The state executive must show leadership by reconnecting with our roots. 

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    “A visit to Chief Ibori is long overdue and necessary for the party’s survival,” Ijeh declared.

    He faulted the recent defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC) of Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa. 

    “It is disheartening that leaders we once trusted have chosen to abandon the party and misled others for their selfish ambition. 

    “The PDP in Delta State has always been a beacon of hope, development, and unity. To now watch it being manipulated by those who once swore to uphold its values is a great betrayal,” he added.

    Ijeh extended his heartfelt appreciation to the resilient and steadfast members of the PDP—those who have remained loyal to the cause despite the ongoing pressures and political manipulations. 

    He praised them for their courage and determination to stay the course and called on them to stand even firmer in unity and vision.

    “To our strong and faithful members who have refused to be swayed, I say thank you. Your commitment gives us hope. It is time to refocus and rebuild. 

    “Let us work together across all wards, local government areas and at the state executive level to reclaim our party’s strength,” he emphasised.

    The PDP chieftain also commended Chief Ibori and Chiedu Ebie, a lawyer, for their contributions to the development of Delta, particularly their visionary projects and strategic leadership that have positively impacted communities across the state.

    Reaffirming his commitment to the PDP, Ijeh called on all members of the party “to stand united, reject betrayal, and uphold the founding vision of the party.

    “This is not the time for despair, but a time for action. The PDP remains strong because of its people. 

    “Let us rise, unite, and rebuild stronger for the benefit of Delta State and future generations,” he concluded.

  • Needless alarm on one party state

    Needless alarm on one party state

    As at June 30, 2007, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was in control of 31 of the 36 states in the country. The defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) produced the governors in Yobe, Kano, Bauchi and Borno states while the defunct Action Congress (AC) had Lagos State. Between them, the opposition was in power only in five states. In one of the worst ever elections in Nigeria’s history in 2003, the then ruling PDP rampaged to power in the Southwest with hurricane PDP sweeping five defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) off their gubernatorial perch. Despite the 2003 general elections turning the country virtually into a one-party dominant state, with the PDP further consolidating its political dominance in the no less brazenly rigged 2007 elections, there were  no alarmist outcries of the ruling party turning Nigeria into a one-party state. PDP stalwarts at the time gleefully asked those who felt aggrieved by its undisguised electoral Banditry to “go to court”.

    As the only man standing as a governor on the platform of the AD in 2003, the Lagos State governor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, did not whine and throw tantrums. PDP chieftains particularly in Lagos State boasted that the country’s Socio-economic nerve centre and commercial capital would be ‘captured’ in the next electoral cycle and that Tinubu would have no choice but to cross to the ruling party. But Tinubu stayed the course. He remained firm and steady in opposition. Working with the former AD governors, Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Otunba Niyi Adebayo, Chief Bisi Akande, the late Alhaji Lam Adeshina and the late Chief Adebayo Adefarati, the Jagaban Borgu led the way in wresting the Southwest back to the progressive fold.

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    In the North, former President Muhammadu Buhari stood strong in opposition first in the ANPP and later in the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). Buhari and Tinubu ultimately led a merger of political forces that included part of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and aggrieved faction of the ruling PDP to form the APC that dislodged the PDP from power in 2015. With the recent root and branch relocation of the entire PDP structure to the APC in Delta State,the alarm bells that President Tinubu is turning Nigeria to a single party dictatorship have reached a crescendo. It is needless and time wasting. Tinubu and his party are not expected to turn away those flocking to them. There is nothing new about opposition politicians rushing to join the ruling party. It is a key feature of our political culture which was manifest even during the PDP’s 16 years in power.

    The PDP still has scores of loyal, committed and credible members who have not abandoned the party. They include Bode George, Sule Lamido, Lyol Imoke, Tom Ikimi and so many others. They should rally to confront and transcend the party’s current paralysis in the interest of Nigeria’s democracy. The existence of a viable and vibrant opposition – not just temporary ramshackle contraptions to win elections – cannot be compromised.

  • PDP: Can the centre still hold?

    PDP: Can the centre still hold?

    By Ntakobong Otongaran

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), once the mighty tree whose shade sheltered much of the nation’s political landscape, now groans under strain. Torn by ambition, rebellion, and betrayal, the PDP echoes Umuofia’s unraveling. Its yam barns, once full and fortified, now echo with emptiness.

    On April 23, the party suffered a rupture of historic proportions: the defection of the entire Delta State PDP structure—including Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, his predecessor Ifeanyi Okowa, commissioners, local government chairmen, and party executives—to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The announcement, made after a tense six-hour meeting in Asaba, marked the end of a 26-year hold on the oil-rich state and sent tremors through the PDP’s national hierarchy. But even more jarring was what proceeded it: the bitter fallout over Atiku Abubakar’s failed merger talks with opposition figures, a desperate move seen by many as the last grasp of a general long abandoned by his troops.

    Atiku’s lonely crusade

    Like Okonkwo, Atiku Abubakar is a man of pride and mission. A perennial standard-bearer, his drive to become president seems etched into his very bones. Yet, as Achebe warned, “when a man is at the top, he should not forget that the ground is slippery.” Atiku’s insistence on leading the PDP’s charge in 2023, ignoring Nigeria’s north-south rotational principle, fractured the party’s foundation. His ambition, once a beacon for party faithful, has become a burden.

    In a bid to salvage both his legacy and the PDP’s sinking ship, Atiku reportedly initiated merger talks with leaders from the Labour Party, New Nigeria Peoples Party, and other opposition blocs. But instead of galvanizing the base, the talks drew fierce backlash from within. Several PDP governors—including those from states still holding the line—openly criticized the initiative. “How can we build our house with strange materials when our own walls are cracking?” asked governor Makinde of Oyo state. They saw the talks as a self-serving maneuver designed to position Atiku as the ultimate unifier, even if it meant burning the very bridge he stood on.

    The opposition from the governors was swift and biting. Atiku, in a moment of unusual candor, lashed out at party leaders for failing to defend the PDP from what he called orchestrated raids by the APC. In an interview following the Delta defection, he warned of “political wolves” devouring the PDP, lamenting that the party had become “a beautiful bride left alone at the altar. Yet, his critics within the party argue that he invited the wolves by overstaying his welcome.

    A Dagger from the South: Delta’s fall

    The defection of Governor Oborevwori and former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa—Atiku’s running mate in 2023—was not just a betrayal; it was a political earthquake. Once considered a bastion of PDP strength, Delta’s collapse signifies a deeper rot. The fact that this blow came from Okowa, who failed to deliver Delta in the 2023 presidential elections despite being on the ballot, exposes the fragile loyalties at play.

    The mass exodus not only weakened Atiku’s 2027 prospects—it gutted them. His response on X (formerly Twitter), cloaked in diplomacy, masked the humiliation. He spoke of “freedom of association” and “respect for democratic choices,” but the undercurrent of isolation was undeniable. Presidential spokesman Bayo Onanuga’s retort was unrelenting: “A loser again. A leprous group that no serious ally will go near.”

    Oborevwori, a loyal disciple of Okowa and the PDP’s future in the South-South, hailed Tinubu’s leadership as a factor in his decision to join the APC. The move emboldened rumors of a wider Southern exodus. Akwa Ibom’s Governor Umo Eno and Cross River’s Bassey Otu are whispered to be weighing their options. “This is not a ripple,” one party chieftain warned. “This is a wave, and we’re not swimming—we’re drowning.”

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    Wike’s reckoning: The serpent’s dance

    Enter Nyesom Wike, the ever-strategic minister of the Federal Capital Territory. If Atiku is the prideful Okonkwo, then Wike is Obierika with a dagger under his robes. His role in the PDP’s unraveling is both overt and cloaked in plausible deniability. As leader of the G-5 governors—a rebellion against Atiku’s 2023 candidacy—Wike has walked the PDP tightrope while flirting openly with the APC. His fingerprints are suspected in many of the defections, and his voice has not wavered.

    Reacting to the Delta exodus, Wike praised the move, calling it “a signal of the growing appeal of Tinubu’s inclusive governance.” For many in the PDP, that statement was treason in a tailored suit. Yet Wike remains untouchable, his sway over the political landscape unshaken. Even as his feud with Governor Siminalayi Fubara deepens, his shadow continues to loom large over Rivers State’s political trajectory.

    “The PDP is now a stage, and Wike is both director and actor,” said one party strategist who doesn’t want his name in print. “He wants to write the script for 2027, even if it means tearing up the current one.”

    The APC’s opportunism:

    Like the colonial District Commissioner at the end of Achebe’s novel, the APC has mastered the art of taking notes while the old world burns. With Delta now under its control, the APC inches closer to a full southern stronghold. Tinubu, long underestimated in opposition circles, now appears the chess master in a room full of checkers players.

    Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo called the Delta defection “the beginning of the end for the PDP.” South-South APC Vice Chairman Victor Giadom welcomed the defectors with open arms, promising collaboration and political inclusivity. Each handshake, each photo-op, is a nail in the PDP’s coffin.

    The Hollow Circle

    The PDP’s elders, once towering voices of reason, now speak in murmurs. Iyorchia Ayu’s suspension as National Chairman remains a ghost in the party’s corridors. Acting Chairman Umar Damagum has responded with caretaker committees and vague declarations, but there’s little to show for it. His reaction to the Delta collapse—“sad and unfortunate”—echoed more like a mourner than a leader.

    Senator Bukola Saraki’s call for “those who want to leave, to leave now” sounded less like a rallying cry and more like a resignation. The truth is, the PDP lacks a center, a compass, and perhaps even a future. Like Umuofia’s elders, the PDP’s leadership has failed to read the winds of change, let alone command them.

    A Final Proverb: Will the Mask Dance Again?

    Achebe once wrote, “The world is like a mask dancing. If you want to see it well, you do not stand in one place.” The PDP has stood too long in one place—on legacy, on pride, on old victories. It has refused to dance with the times, and now, the music may be ending.

    Still, all is not lost. Atiku’s overtures to Obi and even Nasir El-Rufai, though poorly received, hint at a willingness to think beyond himself. Wike, for all his machinations, remains a political asset if reined in. Damagum, if he chooses to lead rather than react, could rally the base.

    But time is scarce. More defections loom. More silence from the PDP will mean more triumph for the APC. Nigeria’s democracy demands an opposition that reflects the people’s pain, not one preoccupied with personal ambitions.

    “When the center cannot hold,” Achebe warned, “things fall apart.” The PDP must decide whether to pick up the pieces—or become, like Okonkwo, a footnote in a story it once authored.

  • Nigerians expect final PDP rites of passage

    Nigerians expect final PDP rites of passage

    Last week, the entire political structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in what has been tagged political tsunami dissolved into the All Progressives Congress (APC) because, in the words of Sheriff Oborevwori, the Delta State governor, “the drinking pattern needed to change as a result of changes in the taste of the palm wine”.

    To observers of Nigerian politics that have watched the descent of ‘PDP family feud over the sharing of our resources” into war of attrition, the development sounded the death knell of the PDP.

    To PDP enablers and self-proclaiming crusaders of democracy however, the development constitutes a threat to survival of democracy which is believed to thrive better within multi-party system. But from their chat with Chief Bode George, anchored by Reuben Abati of Arise TV and his crew and with Dele Momodu by Channel TV’s Seun Okinbaloye however, death of PDP spells doom for our democracy and should that happen, the president and his APC should be held responsible.

    The truth is that PDP is not a political party in spite of its media enablers’ efforts to cloak it in borrowed robes of political party. John Campbell, a former American ambassador to Nigeria had during proceedings at a hearing on the topic: Nigeria In Turmoil on March 19, 2010 described PDP as “an elite cartel at the centre of power in Nigeria… a political party that came together with no ideological or programmatic basis, but simply as essentially a club of elites for sharing of oil rents and political spoils”.

    That thesis has been validated several times over.

    The first act of betrayal of Nigeria by PDP National Assembly members who publicly expressed the eagerness to recoup their election expenses having sold houses to prosecute the election was the passage of Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) Bill within three months. With that, the number of fuel importers went from four major oil companies to over a hundred. The new outfit which merely duplicated the functions Ministry of Petroleum Resources became an instrument by which PDP stalwarts and their children defrauded the nation to the tune of about NI.7 trillion “without importing a pint of fuel” according to Audu Ogbe, the then PDP chairman.

    Then President Obasanjo and his PDP in the name of privatization between 1999-2014 sold off most of Nigerian public enterprises estimated at over $100b for a paltry $1.5b to their members or their fronts. It was on account of this the 7th Senate report of November 30, 2011 directed the National Council on Privatization to:

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     “Rescind the sale of Abuja International Hotels Limited (Nicon Luxury Hotel) as well as Sheraton Hotel and Towers;  that the sales of assets of Daily Times Nigeria PLC  by Folio Communications Limited and its directors  be investigated by anti-graft agencies and the sold assets recovered; that the Share Purchase Agreement of Volkswagen Nigeria Limited now (VON)  be rescinded and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate the economic crimes being perpetrated against the nation at VON Automobile Nigeria Limited premises in Lagos by Barbedos Ventures Limited; that NICON Insurance PLC  should immediately refund with interest, the sum of N900 million to the Federal Government being money paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution for recapitalization with accrued interest; that Nigeria Re-insurance PLC  should immediately refund the sum of N1 billion paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution of the Federal Government for recapitalization with accrued interest and that  the former Directors-General, Nasir el-Rufai,  Julius Bala and  Irene Nkechi Chigbue should be reprimanded by the National Council on Privatization”.

    The privatization of the power sector was not different. After an injection of between $8.2-$15b of taxpayers’ money by the federal government, 15 companies made up of 10 Distribution Companies (DISCOs) and five Generation Companies (GENCOs)  paid $2.238b to take over 60% of unbundled PHCN in August 2013. President Jonathan on the occasion assured Nigerians that his administration will ensure that “Nigerians enjoy a minimum of 18 hours of electricity supply a day”.

    Speaking on this betrayal of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu, during   the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium had said, “The PDP administration shared our generation, distribution and transmission to their friends and cronies without very deep and thoughtful research and evaluation. It has now become pork chops. He therefore  suggested  that “for a more constructive reform to improve generation, transmission and distribution, this privatization must be reviewed by putting experts together at all costs”, without prejudice to the legal implications.

    PDP members that always regard themselves as family members are tarred with the same brush. Obasanjo who chased Diepreye Alamieyeseigha from Germany to London from where he escaped to Nigeria, dressed as a woman for defrauding his Bayelsa State; Obasanjo who ensured 17 of PDP and ANPP 24 governors between 1999 and 2007 were dragged by EFCC to court for financial malfeasance; Obasanjo who described National Assembly members  as “pen robbers”  for budget padding, arm-twisted governors and government contractors to collect N7 billion to build a personal presidential library while the national library he initiated in 2006 is still under construction 20 years after.

    His godson, President Goodluck Jonathan, taking after his footsteps also secured N7 billion from serving governors and government contractors to build a church and recreation centre in his native Otueke village. Atiku Abubakar, Obasanjo’s vice president was indicted for his role in the privatization programme forcing Obasanjo to declare: “If I support Atiku for anything, God will not forgive me. If I do not know, yes. But once I know, Atiku can never enjoy my support.”

    Dimeji Bankole, a former speaker of the House of Representatives was accused of immorally purchasing his official house while David Mark, the former senate president in “2011 purchased the official residence of the senate president, built on 1.6 hectares of land, a national monument that was not meant to be acquired by an individual and was never reflected in the federal government’s gazette as required”.

    Bukola Saraki, another PDP leading light, was the whistle blower in the PDP N1.6trillion fuel subsidy scandal. In anger, he joined other disgruntled PDP members to pull down PDP for alleging the company in which he had interest was involved in the fuel subsidy scandal. In APC, Saraki confessed to literarily stealing the senate presidency by ceding the control of the senate with 60 APC majorities to PDP with 49 senators. He also traded off the deputy senate president’s position which by convention belongs to the ruling party with a majority, to Ekwerenmadu of PDP.

    Prof Itse Sagay, a renowned constitutional lawyer had back then described Saraki’s victory as “a victory for impunity, a victory for fraud and a victory for political desperation and indiscipline. Similarly his victory was dismissed by Anwalu Yadudu, former Dean Faculty of Law, Bayero University as ‘lies in the face of democratic ideals, having stemmed from ‘a flawed election by a fraction of yet to be constituted senate”.

    Nearly all the leading lights of PDP allegedly partook in the sharing of $2.4 billion loan for military wares and welfares. While Dazuki’s account’s officer reportedly claimed his boss asked him to get $11M from the CBN, Dasuki’ was widely quoted as saying the president asked to change N10b dollars to be shared to delegates.

    Other PDP partakers according to EFCC include Iyorchia Ayu, Bode George, Attahiru Bafarawa, Raymond Dokpesi, Peter Odili, Jim Nwobodo and N950m shared in Shekarau’s house. Aziboala, GEJ’s cousin allegedly received N6 billion, Nenadi Usman N3.5 billion; Ayodele Fayose N3 billion and Musiliu Obanikoro, N4 billion. Tony Anenih – N400 million; Olisa Metuh took N400 million, Jolly Nyame- N2.4 billion and Joshua Dariye -N700 million etc.

    Prof Chukwuma Soludo told Nigerians that “Over N30 trillion is mismanaged, unaccounted for or missing under Jonathan” while Obi Ekwesili, Obasanjo’s education minister lamented that “Our reserve is depleted and our savings are squandered. Our nation is in trouble.”

    The greatest tragedy that can befall a nation, according to Wole Soyinka, the conscience of the nation, “is for her citizens to suffer collective amnesia”.  PDP and its media enablers believe Nigerians have short memories,

    They also think we are incapable of drawing a parallel between massive defrauding of the nation in the years of the locust and the ‘japa’ syndrome which has taken thousands of our jobless youths into second slavery in Europe and America.

    I am not sure Nigerians, earnestly awaiting PDP rites of passage will shed tears for PDP who, while in power, fought over sharing of our resources and properties kept in their care for our children and out of power, are today engaged in war of attrition over who, out of established fraudsters, should lead the next assault on Nigeria.

  • PDP and ‘homelessness’

    PDP and ‘homelessness’

    From the look of things, Nigeria’s former ruling party and leading opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), may well have itself to blame for its current situation, which can be described as “homelessness.”

    The Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA), under FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, revoked the party’s land title “in respect of Plot No 243 within Central Area (A00) District, Abuja,” where it is building a new national secretariat. The FCTA also revoked the land title in respect of Wadata Plaza, Zone 5, Abuja, where the party’s national headquarters is presently located.

    PDP National Publicity Secretary Debo Ologunagba said the action was “highly condemnable,” adding that “It is aimed at stifling opposition in this country and a drive toward totalitarianism. It is a threat to democracy.”

    This was a stock response, and a baseless politicisation of the matter. The FCTA explained that it had revoked a total of 4,794 land titles, which were in default of ground rent payment for 10 years and above. It said: “This is in contravention of the terms and conditions of grant of the rights of Occupancy, in line with the provisions of Section 28, Subsections 5(a) and (b) of the Land Use Act.”

    Those affected include government institutions, private organisations and individuals. Importantly, PDP cannot claim to be a target and play victim because, according to FCTA, it had failed to pay its annual ground rents for 20 years, from 2006 to 2025, despite numerous reminders.

    The revocation letter, dated March 13, stated that the property had reverted to the FCTA due to the PDP’s failure to comply with the terms of the Right of Occupancy agreement, adding that the FCT would take immediate possession of the property. This is concerning the party’s land in the Central Area, Abuja, where its new national secretariat is under construction.

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    Regarding the present location of its national headquarters, Wadata Plaza, Zone 5, Wuse, Abuja, which is also affected by the action, FCTA explained that the party was a tenant or occupier, and the revocation notice had been served on the title holder, one Samaila Maman Ofi, “at his Kaduna address – the address on record.” It said: “On that property, 28 years of ground rent is being owed, from 1998 to 2025.”  The debt is more than N7million.

    So, PDP not only lost the title to its own property in the Central Area, its landlord also lost the title to the party’s rented property in Wuse.  This means it is “homeless.”

    As things stand, it is difficult to understand the PDP’s finger-pointing. The FCTA said it “made numerous publications in national newspapers and announcements on broadcast media since 2023, calling on defaulters to pay up all outstanding bills and ground rents.”  The affected defaulters could have avoided the revocation of their titles if they had done the right thing.

  • Opposition politics’ challenge

    Opposition politics’ challenge

    The fate of opposition politics is one great challenge to democratic governance in this country. The phenomenon is not entirely new. But it has assumed a threatening dimension given the crisis of relevance engulfing opposition parties in recent times.

    Virtually all opposition parties that secured governorship and National Assembly seats in the last general elections- the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) are embroiled in one form of crisis or the other, real or contrived. At the centre of it all, is the struggle for power supremacy amongst key leaders.

    Even before these crises, the political atmosphere had been polluted by a rash of cross-carpeting by legislators at both the state and national levels to the parties controlled by the governments in power. Legislators qua legislators have jumped ship, often, rationalising their action on purported division within the parties even when such conditions do not really exist.

    Though the constitution permits such defection only when there is a division in the party, that condition is rarely met, as lawmakers defect at will and retain their seats without consequences. The relative ease and frequency of these defections is a measure of the weakness of the constitutional provisions in this regard. Deepening democracy by guaranteeing virile opposition suffers serious reverses in the face of the inability of the laws of the land to keep such defections at check. Sadly, the judiciary has not been of much help in stemming the tide.

    The net effect is seen in the gale of defections that sometimes defy logic except the allure of the stomach. This has weakened opposition politics both at the state levels and at the National Assembly. Most state assemblies are nothing more than rubber stamps of sitting governors unable to actuate the checks and balances expected of them as the second tier of government.

    Apparently weakened by this rash of unprincipled defections and internal party strife, the political space has been awash with conversations on realignment of forces to build formidable opposition to the ruling party. There are reports of meetings on realignment of forces, possible mergers or the adoption of a political party into which all those committed to providing alternative platforms for virile opposition will empty into.

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    The argument is that with the current state of opposition parties especially the internal crisis they are entangled in, they will be ill-equipped to mount serious opposition as the next elections draw closer. Thus, the need for an alternative platform free from the encumbrances that are currently holding down opposition parties. Not a few Nigerians share the view of possible slide to one party state should opposition parties remain in their current ineffective and disorderly form.

    One politician that has surprisingly become an apostle of this idea is Nasir El-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna State and one of the foundation members of the ruing All Progressives Congress (APC).  El-Rufai recently came up strongly against his former party accusing it of orchestrating the crisis rocking the opposition parties.

    “The crisis in the Labour Party is contrived and funded by the government of the day, everyone knows it. Jumping from one court to another is all designed to distract the party leadership from their core functions. The same thing is happening in the PDP and even in the NNPP” he said.

     He has decamped from the APC accusing it of deviating from its core values and promoting personal rather than national interest. He has been beckoning on some other key political figures to empty into his new party to form a formidable force.

    The presidency and the APC leadership have in separate reactions taken a swipe on El-Rufai refuting some of his claims. They accused him of hiding under self-serving interest to bandy sweeping allegations.

    His inability to scale through senate ministerial screening was cited as the real grouse the Kaduna-born politician has with the APC government. But the NNPP took serious exceptions to the claims of El-Rufai especially as they relate to their party. They had in a statement repudiated the claims that the federal government was responsible for the crisis in their party. They rather, blamed it on internal rancour within their leadership.

    Beyond these, the current state of opposition parties will continue to attract serious attention among keen political observers. Given the primacy of virile opposition in any democratic engagement, genuine fears of possible decimation of opposition and recline to one party state cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand. Not with the hallmark antagonistic disposition of African leaders to opposition politics.

    This uncertainty nurtures all kinds of theories; the kind El-Rufai canvassed. Even before he came open to accuse the federal government of sponsoring the crisis in the parties, other key opposition politicians have openly blamed external influences for stoking the series of crisis rocking the opposition.

    When this is juxtaposed with the penchant by elected leaders and politicians of all hue to gravitate towards the government in power, the signals do not leave anyone in comfort. But democracy, the type we copied and purport to be practising is predicated on plurality of views; alternatives and dissent.

    Political parties as agents of interest articulation, ventilation and political education provide alternative views and choices to the electorate before, during and after elections. They present themselves as credible alternatives and keep the government in power at check.

    That culture of virile competition for power has continued to suffer serious reverses in the African context. The intolerance of African leaders to opposition or dissent especially at the budding stages of the new states was legendry. And it was fingered in the rash of military interventions that marked that epoch in Africa. Then also, scholars had noted the pervading culture of intolerance to opposition rooted in the African kingship structure.

    The gale of defections and gravitation of politicians to the government in power, especially at the federal level illustrates this point most poignantly. This lure is neither based on any ennobling principles nor national interest.

    Sadly, all these weaken opposition and depict the political class as a band of opportunists lacking in principles. Benevolent dictatorship as suitable governance construct for the African nations gained considerable traction in the past because of the dissonance between the plurality of choices presented by Western liberal democracy and the marked intolerance of dissent in the African setting. This has raised questions on the propriety of the development systems we copied.

    Even with the unpopularity and anachronism military rule has become, the fact that four African countries are at the moment under that contraption should call for serious introspection. Democracy both as a development paradigm and ideology is governed by the culture of dissent.

    Ironically, some of our leaders are quick to celebrate and eulogise democracy and embellish their credentials with the sacrifices they made to get the military packing and enthrone democracy. But, when it comes to allowing the culture of democracy to flourish, they are found wanting.

    Dissent and alternative choices constitute the fulcrum on which the wheels of democracy revolve. Any attempt to emasculate these principles detracts substantially from the core values that make democracy more preferred than other forms of governance construct.

    It was in view of these imperfections that former president Obasanjo recently grilled western democracy both as an ideological construct and development paradigm. He had at a consultation on “Rethinking Western Liberal Democracy in Africa” faulted the ideology for neither delivering good governance and development to Africa nor factoring in their history and multi-cultural complexities.

    In its place, he had proposed what he called ‘Afro Democracy’ without stating its essential attributes. But he did not leave anyone in doubt of his dissatisfaction with western liberal democracy in the form it manifests in African countries especially for its deficiency in fully reflecting the will of a majority of the people. That is the point.

    The practice of democracy in Nigeria, wittingly or unwittingly shunts out a majority of the people. That questions the relevance of that ideology to truly reflect the collective will of the people. The trend calls for urgent reversal through constitutional amendments that sufficiently guarantees strong opposition. Our laws should be amended to allow defection only on the ground that it will entail loss of elective seat of the incumbent. This will not only halt the rash of defections but ensure credible opposition. It will grow genuine and purposeful opposition and deepen democracy.