Tag: World

  • ‘A unique  figure has left the world’

    ‘A unique figure has left the world’

    Tributes poured in from across the political spectrum for former British Prime Minister Margaret Hilda Thatcher who died yesterday.

    British Prime Minister David Cameron, Queen Elizabeth and U.S. President Barack Obama led tributes to the woman called ‘Iron Lady’.

    Former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair described the late Thatcher as “a towering political figure”.

    He added: “Very few leaders get to change not only the political landscape of their country but of the world. Margaret was such a leader. Her global impact was vast. And some of the changes she made in Britain were, in certain respects at least, retained by the 1997 Labour government, and came to be implemented by governments around the world.”

    UK Labour leader Ed Miliband said: “I send my deep condolences to Lady Thatcher’s family, in particular Mark and Carol Thatcher.

    “She will be remembered as a unique figure. She reshaped the politics of a whole generation. She was Britain’s first woman prime minister. She moved the centre ground of British politics and was a huge figure on the world stage.

    “The Labour party disagreed with much of what she did and she will always remain a controversial figure. But we can disagree and also greatly respect her political achievements and her personal strength.

    “She also defined the politics of the 1980s. David Cameron, Nick Clegg and I all grew up in a politics shaped by Lady Thatcher. We took different paths but with her as the crucial figure of that era.

    “She coped with her final, difficult years with dignity and courage. Critics and supporters will remember her in her prime.”

    The Liberal Democrat leader, Nick Clegg, said: “Margaret Thatcher was one of the defining figures in modern British politics. Whatever side of the political debate you stand on, no one can deny that as prime minister she left a unique and lasting imprint on the country she served.

    “She may have divided opinion during her time in politics but everyone will be united today in acknowledging the strength of her personality and the radicalism of her politics. My thoughts are with her family and friends.”

    Among senior Conservatives, the work and pensions secretary, Iain Duncan Smith, said Thatcher was “the reason I came into politics”.

    He said: “Watching her set out to change Britain for the better in 1979 made me believe there was, at last, real purpose and real leadership in politics once again. She bestrode the political world like a colossus.”

    The senior Tory MP David Davis said: “Margaret Thatcher was the greatest of modern British prime ministers, and was central to the huge transformation of the whole world that took place after the fall of the Soviet Union.

    “Millions of people in Britain and around the world owe her a debt of gratitude for their freedom and their quality of life, which was made possible by her courageous commitment to the principles of individual freedom and responsibility. Her passing is a very sad event and she will be greatly missed.”

    The London mayor, Boris Johnson, said on Twitter: “Very sad to hear of death of Baroness Thatcher. Her memory will live long after the world has forgotten the grey suits of today’s politics.”

    The Ukip leader, Nigel Farage, said: “I have always said that Mrs Thatcher was a great inspiration to me personally. Whether you loved her or hated her nobody could deny that she was a great patriot, who believed passionately in this country and her people. A towering figure in recent British and political history has passed from the stage. Our thoughts and prayers are with her family.”

    Many took to Twitter to pay tribute to Thatcher. The Tory MP Therese Coffey said the former prime minister had transformed the country, “putting Great back in Great Britain”.

    The shadow international development secretary, Ivan Lewis, said: “Hoping all Labour supporters will respond with dignity + respect to news of Baroness Thatcher’s death. Our thoughts with her family + friends.”

    And the former Labour minister and MP Tony McNulty tweeted: “God bless her and thoughts are with her family. RIP.”

    The Liberal Democrat MP Martin Horwood tweeted: “Sad news about Baroness Thatcher. Don’t miss her policies but a towering figure in 20th c British politics, & made history UK’s 1st woman PM.”

    Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told CNN, “She was a tremendous prime minister, she was a great lady, she had very strong opinions. And to those of us who knew her over the decades she was a very warm person, which is not the public image that is often given.”

    Thatcher’s great achievement for the country was its success in the Falklands crisis, he said, referring to the war over the disputed islands known to Argentina, which also claims them, as Las Malvinas.

    “For the United States it was her staunch loyalty and commitment to the Atlantic alliance — she was a reliable and steady ally.”

    She was also one of the first leaders to see the way forward to ending the Cold War, he said.

    There was “something very feminine and personal about her,” in contrast to her public image, Kissinger said.

    Britain’s Telegraph newspaper paid tribute to her as “Britain’s greatest post-war prime minister.”

    Its obituary read: “She will go down in history not only as Britain’s first female prime minister, but as the woman who transformed Britain’s economy in addition to being a formidable rival on the international stage.”

    In her lifetime, she was called so many names. One of them was the ‘milk snatcher’. This was when as Secretary of State for Education; she withdrew milk from the meal of school children, all in the name of austerity measure. But, the one that stuck of all the names was the ‘Iron Lady’. She got it from a Soviet journalist because of her uncompromising politics and leadership style.

    She was born Margaret Hilda Roberts on October 13, 1925. She became a Thatcher on account of marriage. She was British longest-serving Prime Minister, having reigned from 1979-1990 and the only woman to have held the post.

    She was born in Grantham, Lincolnshire, on 13 October 1925. Her father was Alfred Roberts, originally from Northamptonshire, and her mother was Beatrice Ethel (née Stephenson) from Lincolnshire. She spent her childhood in Grantham, where her father owned two grocery shops. She and her older sister Muriel were raised in the flat above the larger of the two, located near the railway line. Her father was active in local politics and the Methodist church, serving as an alderman and a local preacher, and brought up his daughter as a strict Methodist. He came from a Liberal family but stood-as was then customary in local government-as an Independent. He was Mayor of Grantham in 1945-46 and lost his position as alderman in 1952 after the Labour Party won its first majority on Grantham Council in 1950.

    Margaret Roberts attended Huntingtower Road Primary School and won a scholarship to Kesteven and Grantham Girls’ School. Her school reports showed hard work and continual improvement; her extracurricular activities included the piano, field hockey, poetry recitals, swimming and walking. She was head girl in 1942-43. In her upper sixth year she applied for a scholarship to study chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford, but was initially rejected, and was offered a place only after another candidate withdrew. She arrived at Oxford in 1943 and graduated in 1947 with Second Class Honours in the four-year Chemistry Bachelor of Science degree; in her final year she specialised in X-ray crystallography under the supervision of Dorothy Hodgkin.

  • NANTAP holds World Theatre Day on March 26, 27

    he National Association of Nigerian Theatre Art Practitioners (NANTAP), Lagos Chapter, will roll out the big drums to celebrate World Theatre Day 2013 on March 26 and 27. This year’s theme is Sustainable Environment in Reaction to Climate Change. The WTD is celebrated on March 27 of every year and it is a period of celebrating the convergence of Thespians across the globe.

    The WTD was initiated by the International Theatre Institute (ITI) in Paris, France under UNESCO for the celebration of Theatre Arts and its relevance in positive global development. The WTD celebration includes performances of all genres of theatre arts recognition and awards to distinguished arts and culture ambassadors and a platform to project policy directions for the Nigeria art and culture sector.

    NANTAP (Lagos Chapter) Chairman, Faith Eboigbe said the WTD is a global celebration when most nations use culture as a developmental tool in all aspects of development. She regretted that in Nigeria culture has not been adequately used as a developmental tool. She urged the government and corporate bodies to begin to see the need of using culture as a developmental tool for the nation in all aspect of our development. “NANTAP is an advocacy of change” she stressed.

    NANTAP has outlined a 2-day activity for the celebration of World Theatre Day in which they will be planting the first entertainment tree by some NANTAP/Nollywood celebrities which is in line with the theme of the event. It will hold on March 26, by 8:30 am at the Mini Garden of Queen Amina, Entrance C National Theatre, Iganmu, Lagos.

    There will also be a seminar titled The Entertainment Industry as Catalyst for Response to Environmental Change to be delivered by Mr Olukunle Sotade, MD, LASPARK, Lagos.

    Venue is the Cinema Hall, National Theatre, Lagos by10:00am. On the second day, there will be variety day and investiture of World Theatre Day distinguished personality for 2013. Venue of the investiture is the Banquet Hall, National Theatre, Iganmu by 3:00 p.m on Wednesday, March 27.

    Recipients include D.G, Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization (CBAAC) Prof. Tunde Babawale and Cultural Ambassador Awardees: Lagos State Commissioner for Tourism & Inter-Governmental Relations, Mr Disun Holloway, Mrs Ego Boyo, Otunba (Dr) Sola Fosudo, Mr Dele Morakinyo and also certified thespians which include Mr Steve Ogundele, Mr Olu Adeniregun, Mr Edmond Enaibe, Mrs Hassan Adesina, Mrs Sola Onayiga, Mr Kayode Odumosu, Mr Francis Onwuchie, Mr Zik Zulu Okafor, Mr Abiodun Aleja and Mr Seyi Fasuyi.

  • A pope for the Church or a pope for the world?

    A pope for the Church or a pope for the world?

    John Cornwell, a fellow of Jesus College at the University of Cambridge, is best known for his books on the papacy, most notably Hitler’s Pope. His most recent book is Newman’s Unquiet Grave. In this piece for Globe and Mail, he explores the race for the papacy, which began yesterday.

    What on earth is a pope for? And why should it matter to the world who he is or what his talents are, so long as he is a good man and preaches the gospel?

    On Tuesday, the cardinals entered the papal conclave to discuss the problems of the Roman Catholic Church in the world and the kind of man best suited to tackle them.

    Their debates will be shaped by the times. On the brink of the Second World War, they chose a diplomat pope, hoping in vain that he would bring a negotiated peace before conflict began. After Paul VI, an anxious reformer who had struggled with the sexual and other social upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s, they wanted a cheerful, uncomplicated, pastoral pope who would stress the need for prayer.

    Unfortunately, John Paul I, the “smiling Pope,” lasted barely five weeks – the cardinals realized too late that they had chosen a man in fragile health. They next chose the young, physically robust cardinal who would become the papal superstar John Paul II.

    Sometimes, during a long papacy, the problems alter drastically. In the 1980s and 1990s, John Paul II had a hand in bringing down communism and ending the Cold War, which benefited East and West, Catholics and non-Catholics. He said, “The tree was already rotten. I just gave it a good shake.” After the fall of communism, however, John Paul was fearful of the dark side of unrestrained capitalism and the growth of secularism and materialism, especially in his native Poland.

    He was an example of the strong moral voice a pope can bring to global affairs, speaking truth to power even when governments choose to ignore his teachings. In 1991, I followed John Paul on a trip to Sicily, where he fearlessly denounced the corruption of the Mafia on their own territory. He was popular throughout the world, even among many not bound by Catholic beliefs.

    Catholicism is nothing if not social, committed to the principles of the Sermon on the Mount, antagonistic to the status quo. Catholicism is radical, communitarian, open to all cultures and ethnicities – hence “catholic,” universal.

    Yet, the great difficulty of every pope is that he is the final protector of traditional belief. The Catholic Church is evidently a conservative institution. It does not pander to the latest fads and fashions; it is vigilant over its traditions of belief and practice. It does not fall into the trap of believing that, unaided by grace, human nature is perfectible.

    How can a pope – who, in combination with his bishops, is regarded as infallible in faith and morals – change course once he has proclaimed the dogma? And yet how can he not engage with the real world, the changes in society and politics, as well as scientific knowledge?

    Hans Küng, the Swiss dissident Catholic theologian and former friend of Benedict XVI, has written of the papacy: “A change, indeed a radical revolution, has to come, given the present accumulation of problems.”

    Threats to the Church

    A pope must try to protect the Church against threats of every kind, at the highest level.

    There are many external threats to the Church today. In China, the regime has created a government-sponsored hierarchy of bishops in competition with those appointed by the Vatican. In parts of Africa, Catholic churches and their congregations are being targeted in Christian-Muslim conflicts. In the United States and Britain, many parts of the Church find themselves at odds with the papacy over equal-rights policies.

    Yet, more than in any era since the Protestant Reformation, the pope who resigned last month has been deeply engrossed with internal rather than external threats to the Church.

    High on the agenda is the clerical sexual-abuse scandal, still rocking the Church. The cardinals must choose someone who has had no executive or pastoral responsibilities for pedophile priests. But there is a danger that the clerical-abuse problem is obscuring deep internal structural problems that need urgent attention.

    There are two major questions, on which a host of other issues depend: first, the scope and limits of the power of the pope and the Curia (the Vatican bureaucracy); and next, what does it mean to be an authentic Catholic today?

    At the Second Vatican Council 50 years ago, it was decided that the pope should be less of a chief executive and more a judge of final appeal. Local bishops should have greater authority and discretion. It was called the principle of collegiality, or collective authority.

    The first test of collegiality after Vatican II involved the Church’s teaching on contraception, not long after the pill became available. The bishops wanted a relaxation of the rules. But Paul VI decided on his own conscience and sense of infallibility to confirm the ban on condoms and the pill.

    For three decades, John Paul II and Joseph Ratzinger – first as cardinal enforcer, then as pope – have stuck rigidly to the papal doctrine on birth control. At the same time, they have consistently clawed back powers from the bishops to the papal centre, weakening the autonomy of the local churches.

    John Paul and Benedict, moreover, strenuously enforced a prerogative appropriated by the popes as recently in the Church’s long history as 1917: It insists that only the pope can nominate new bishops. Local hierarchies, clergy and laypeople have no say in the matter. This has ensured the appointment of generations of papal yes-men, who tend to be weak and often disappoint the faithful. (Under John Paul and Benedict, no priest could hope to be elected who had questioned papal teaching on sexual issues.) It has also meant long delays in replacing bishops.

    The centralization of papal and Vatican power and downgrading of bishops was a major reason for the failure to grapple with the pedophile-priest scandal. Decisions on defrocking were referred back to Rome. Both John Paul and Benedict believed that the scandal was cooked up by journalists and lawyers. When they could disregard it no longer, both cited Satan as the principal culprit. Abusing priests were allowed to reoffend and escape justice for years.

    Second, there is the problem of true Catholic identity. According to the past two popes, it means strict adherence to Catholic doctrine, which forbids sex before marriage, using condoms or the pill, divorcing and remarrying without an annulment, living in a gay sexual relationship etc. – all of which, unrepented, condemn a person to hell.

    Figures vary across the world, but, by papal standards, there are a great many Catholics “living in sin.” And people are not going to confession as they once did: In the U.S., statistics show that only 2 per cent of the faithful go to confession nowadays. Yet, contrary to doctrine, most still receive the Eucharist at Mass. This means that there has been a deep and growing split between papal teaching and popular practice for decades.

    John Paul appeared to ignore the dysfunction. Benedict, by contrast, knew what should be done: In interviews and writings, he declared that Catholics who were not prepared to follow the rules should leave the Church. As recently as last summer, he preached a sermon stating that those who dissented from Church teaching yet stayed within the Church were acting like Judas – the gravest sin that could be imagined.

    He was not referring just to sex, but to priests and nuns who called for a married priesthood, or for a female priesthood. Likening the truly faithful Church to the Christians in the catacombs, “a faithful remnant,” or the hot centre of a dying star, with the flotsam and jetsam of dissent in orbit around it, he expounded his preference for a smaller, totally loyal Church.

    Papal teaching on “life” and sexual matters has had a profound effect not only on Catholics but on non-Catholic perceptions of the Church. The failure of the Roman centre to deal with the sexual-abuse scandals has eroded the Church’s moral authority throughout the world. At the same time, the Church often appears out of touch on medical and scientific questions such as in vitro fertilization, HIV/AIDS prevention and embryonic stem-cell research.

    I once interviewed an extraordinary cardinal archbishop in Milan, the late Maria Martini, who was one of the favourites at the last conclave. Rev. Martini said that, on the question of contraception, for example, the right use of language and theology should make it possible to maintain the Church’s teaching against the “contraceptive mentality,” while being more lenient on a couple’s specific situation.

    He reminded me that, for 400 years, usury (lending at interest) had been considered a mortal sin, but the Church had been able to change its doctrine gradually without losing the spirit of the original principle – condemning wrongful exploitation.

    Papal isolation

    There is no doubt that popes in the past have believed and acted as if the unity of the entire Church depends on them alone in a very real sense. Loyalty to the Holy Father is the one issue that unites Catholics, whatever they may think of him. To criticize him is to offend the most crucial taboo; love him or loathe him, every Catholic knows that he remains their best and only option for future unity.

    Overwhelmed by the solitude of this papal role, Paul VI confided a private note to himself that might have been written by any of the popes in recent history: “My solitariness becomes complete and awesome. Hence the dizziness, the vertigo. Like a statue on a plinth – that is how I live now.” He went on to comment that he has to “decide, assume every responsibility for guiding others, even when it seems illogical and perhaps absurd.”

    There are great dangers in this isolation, which the great 19th-century theologian Cardinal John Henry Newman recognized. He wrote of elderly popes who have been too long in office: “It is anomaly and bears no good fruit; he becomes a god, has no one to contradict him, does not know facts, and does cruel things without meaning it.”

    Pius IX became so hated among the people of Rome that, in 1881, a gang tried to throw his body into the River Tiber as it was being drawn to its resting place.

    Many popes become addicted to their power. Pius XII, the wartime pope, was so keen to protract his reign that he took rejuvenation injections provided by a doctor in Switzerland, Paul Niehans, who was similarly treating Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia.

    This is what makes the resignation of Benedict so unusual. It is an enormous departure from the past. It means that the next pope will have an emeritus pope in the background who is aware of the isolated and isolating problems of the papacy. There may come a day when popes will have a limited period in office, and there could be several retired popes, just as there are several retired presidents of the United States. They may no longer wield power, but they can offer advice and sympathy.

    Much depends on the next pope, not just for the Church but for the wider world. If the Catholic Church falters and fragments, a crucial alternative moral voice in the world is lost.

    Herculean task

    Uppermost in the cardinals’ minds this week will be the crisis in the Church over centralization of power versus distribution of power. A conservative pope is unlikely to embark on a reform of papal and Vatican power, which has weakened the Church at its periphery. Yet, a liberal pope could find himself residing over fragmentation and disunity.

    Worse, an ultra-conservative pope would probably move to exclude those many millions of Catholics who refuse to abide by the Church’s teachings. And a recklessly progressive pope could prompt the voluntary self-exclusion of many groups of traditionalists, which happened with the so-called Society of Pius X, the splinter Catholic group that found fault with the reforms of Vatican II.

    So the Church is on the horns of a dilemma.

    One North American bishop, John Quinn, a former president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, has usefully drawn a parallel between the need for decentralization in the Church and the precedent of internal organizations such as the International Red Cross: Central control becomes counterproductive and propels the institution toward entropy and disintegration, as opposed to empowering every level to take responsibility for what they can contribute to a common direction.

    The new pope has a herculean task before him. He must try to redeem the Church from the huge damage to its reputation because of clerical sexual abuse, while addressing, as far as possible, the harm done to their victims. He must try to heal the divisions between liberal and conservative Catholics, which have reached a peak of vitriol in recent years. And he must try to devolve a measure of authority to the bishops of the world, while ensuring reasonable central control over limited essentials.

    As the cardinals pray for the guidance of the Holy Spirit, I guess they will be praying with more than special fervour this time.

     

     

  • A Moment to Reflect on the Talakawa Condition in Nigeria and Our World

    A Moment to Reflect on the Talakawa Condition in Nigeria and Our World

    Talakawa: Hausa, noun: Of or pertaining to the poor. The poor as a social category, as a community of the desperately needy deserving of the solicitude of the wealthy and powerful

     Herald: English, noun. 1. A person, event or thing that precedes or comes before; forerunner, harbinger. 2. A person, event or thing that proclaims or announces: A good newspaper should be a herald for truth.

                Dictionary.com (online)

    This Sunday, February 24, 2013, I begin this weekly column in The Nation. Readers accustomed to reading my column, Talakawa Liberation Courier, in The Sunday Guardian, will immediately recognize that there is an echo of that column’s title in the title of this new column in another newspaper: Talakawa Liberation Herald. I could have retained the former title in this new discursive context, this new journalistic space. But since my “migration” from The Guardian, so to speak, represents for me a momentous event in my journalistic work of more than forty years in the Nigerian press, I decided that it was necessary for me to also change the title of the column.

    Perhaps some months or maybe even a year or two from now, I shall write fully on why I left The Guardian for which I have written continuously since it was founded in 1983, perhaps the only one left among the old or aging writers, academics and commentators that were there at the beginning of the Guardian group. For now, all I will allow myself to say is that I left without rancour or bitterness but with a great deal of sadness and anger. In the meantime, my “migration” to The Nation, I feel, is an occasion that provides a unique opportunity to reflect on the column itself, hoping in the process to clarify both for myself and for my readers what it is I have tried to do – and continue hoping to do – with and through the column. In a nutshell, this exercise entails the question of the informing perspectives, ideas and values on which the column is based. And of course, with regard to these perspectives, ideas and values, the central concept is the term “Talakawa”. Concerning this concept, I wish to address two central propositions, two cardinal theses that the readers of this piece will be as startling and as confounding as I find them. What are these two theses or propositions?

    In our country, Nigeria and in many regions and nations of the world, age-old cultural definitions and social meanings attached to the poor as a definite, recognizable demographic category are changing beyond recognition to include social groups and strata that would never have been remotely close to the actual and potential ranks of the desperately poor or needy. That is the first of our two propositions. Permit me to expatiate on it carefully.

    Now, I do not speak Hausa and neither can I claim to have deep ethnographic knowledge of Hausa culture and society. What I do know about the meanings attached to the term “Talakawa” comes mostly from information I have gleaned over the decades from colleagues and comrades who both speak the language and have insiders’ ethnographic knowledge of its culture and traditions. From these colleagues and comrades, I have learnt that with the addition of the suffix “wa” to any ethnic or social group, a distinct collective identity is inscribed on the designated group. Examples are “Hausawa” or “Yarubawa” for the Hausa and the Yoruba ethnic groups respectively. I have learnt also from these “native informants” that in the wake of the oil-boom and the rise of a class of arriviste nouveau riches whose special symbol of new-found, lavishly spent wealth was the Mercedes Benz, the term “Benzawa” was coined on this same principle of adding that suffix, “wa” to identify and draw attention to a particular social group. [Incidentally, in Kiswahili, we have “Wa-Benzi” for the Hausa “Benzawa”, the same word serving reverse roles as suffix in Hausa and prefix in Kiswahili!]

    At any rate, the most important thing that I wish to draw attention to in the term “Talakawa” is implied in the first of the two epigraphs to this piece. This is the idea of the poor as a community of the destitute and the needy deserving of the benevolence of the wealthy and the powerful. Behind this idea is the historic fact that in many traditional and strongly hierarchical societies of the world, most of the poor remain poor generation after generation. Through unexpected good fortune, a few individuals in a particular generation might escape the scourge of desperate poverty but for the most part, most don’t and do not even expect to. To repeat: that is what the term “Talakawa”, in its traditional or received historical and cultural meanings, basically implies: a social identity, a worldview in which life circumstances and chances are more or less permanently fixed. I may be wrong, but I strongly suspect that this is what many readers of this column will instinctively think about when they see the term “Talakawa” in the title of this column.

    But capitalism in all parts of the world has changed that profile forever, giving new twists to what is involved in being within the ranks of the very poor, thereby opening up the range of experiences attached to being a member of the “Talakawa”. Abstractly, theoretically, there is no single modern capitalist country or economy in the world in which moving out of age-old, generation-to-generation poverty is completely or effectively blocked from anybody. People move from rural farming communities to the cities, they move from one job to another, and they move from one trade or profession to new ones perpetually, all in the hope, the promise that they stand a chance of having better lives than their parents and grandparents. But except in the richest countries in the world with high-income economies, most people in our country and our world in fact remain poor and only a sprinkling among their offspring will have better lives than they had.

    “Talakawa” has historically become a broad, inclusive term that includes millions of factory workers and wage labourers who earn significantly less than the national, regional or local minimum wage; hundreds of thousands of vendors and hawkers whose daily and monthly trade turnovers are unbelievably paltry; uncountable numbers of grossly underpaid teachers and junior clerical staff; multitudes of pensioners and old people without solvent children to act as their social safety net in their last years. As I have repeatedly tirelessly in my column in The Guardian, 7 out of every 10 Nigerians live below the absolute poverty level; in some parts of the country, the figure is close to 8 out of ten in rural areas. In other words, and to use an analogy to drive home the point, like the group of animals that when molting completely shed their old skins, the term “Talakawa” has taken on new meanings, new expressions that were unthinkable in the traditional meanings attached to it. This is why unlike the “Talakawa” of old, the new “Talakawa” cannot expect – and at any rate will never get – the consistent, regular paternalistic benevolence of the wealthy and the powerful; they must fight it out by themselves, with the non-paternalistic help and solidarity of members of the elite who take up their cause. This leads logically to the second of our two propositions which, in my opinion, is far more confounding than the first proposition.

    In the new millennium, the demographic constituencies of the “Talakawa” have been massively expanded by new patterns in which the young and the highly educated are significantly represented. Two years ago, the Central Bank Governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, gave the figure of over 20 million as the statistic for unemployed high school and university graduates with no prospects of employment anywhere in sight. This alarming figure is further compounded by the fact that the median age for Nigeria is 19. For those unfamiliar with the concept of the national median age, what it basically means is that 50% of Nigerians are below the age of 19 while 50% is above that age. If you raise the computational age to 30, then you get more than 65% of the Nigerian population below 30. In other words, there is a vast demographic bulge at the younger age strata of our population and this bulge feeds right into present and future specters of being and/or becoming “Talakawa” among considerable numbers of our the young of our society.

    We might choose to take some comfort in the fact that this phenomenon of great numbers of young and educated people falling into joblessness and poverty is indeed a global phenomenon, the effect – and resultant cause – of spirals of global crises in world capitalism. As the saying goes, misery loves company! In some European countries like Greece, Spain, Italy and Ireland, the figures for unemployed, educated and restless youths are close to 40%. And drawing from a personal experience, I have simply been stunned by the number of my undergraduate students at Harvard University who, in the last half a decade or so, have been expressing to me grave, terrified misgivings concerning what the future holds in stock for them.

    Each region and nation of the world must of course seek its own answers, its own solutions to the specter of being and becoming “Talakawa” – without of course being indifferent to issues of great inequalities between the various regions of the world. In the case of Nigeria, I wish to give as much emphasis as I can muster in saying that poverty, or the “Talakawa” condition, is the one single factor that unites all our ethnic and regional communities. Show me any one single geo-political zone, any state or group of states in the country where the poverty rate is better than the 7 out of 10 absolute poverty level and I will eat my words. Show me any part of the country in which, no matter how well the elites are doing politically and economically compared to other regional, zonal and ethnic competitors in the political class, the masses of the people are faring better than ordinary folks in other parts of the country and I will mortify my spirit by attending an all-night vigil of one of our most fanatical evangelical sects!

    Indubitably, the “Talakawa “ question is the bottom line of all the crises bedeviling our country since it is both directly and indirectly linked to all the other crises and challenges. This, by the way, is why this column can never possibly exhaust the range of issues it can and will take up. Beyond this and more impersonally, I would argue that the “Talakawa” condition ought to be the first item of discussion in a sovereign national conference that will sooner or later have to be convened if Nigeria is to survive as one unified, egalitarian and democratic society. In the weeks, months and years ahead, I hope to join my voice to the voices of other members of the “commentariat” [this playfully ludic term is, I believe, Victor Ifijeh’s] in The Nation and other organs of popular and progressive national conversation in our country

     

     

  • Echiejile: AFCON ‘ll lift Eagles for World Cup

    Echiejile: AFCON ‘ll lift Eagles for World Cup

    Nigeria defender Elderson Echiejile has said the recent AFCON triumph will boost team confidence in the 2014 World Cup qualifiers.

    The Super Eagles were crowned African champions for a third time at the weekend in Johannesburg, South Africa.

    They are currently top of a qualifying group for the World Cup that has Malawi, Namibia and Kenya with four points.

    They host Kenya next month in continuation of the qualifying series.

    “What we achieved in South Africa has boosted our confidence as a team and as players and we hope this will rub off on the World Cup qualifiers as well because we want to not just qualify for Brazil 2014, but also set a record there,” he said.

    The Sporting Braga star is equally excited the Eagles will feature in the FIFA Confederations Cup, where they are drawn against world champions Spain, Tahiti and Uruguay.

    “It will be a dress rehearsal for the World Cup, but on its own it’s also a special event as not many teams get the chance to feature in this competition reserved for continental champions,” he said.

    Nigeria featured at the 1995 version of the competition when it was then known as the King Fahd Cup.

    The Eagles beat Japan 3-0, drew 0-0 with Argentina before they lost on penalties to Mexico in a third-place playoff.

  • World Bank fetes 71 communities

    World Bank fetes 71 communities

    The World Bank, in partnership with the Imo State Agency for Community Development Project (ISA-CSDP), has spent about N450 million on rural development projects.

    The agency’s General Manager, Augustine Amah, said in the last four years, 71 rural communities have benefitted from infrastructure and other social amenities.

    Amah said Imo is among the 26 states in the programme, which will end by December.

    The manager said the World Bank contributed $5 million (N750 million), while the state was expected to provide a counterpart fund of N100 million annually.

    He said only N100 million was contributed by the government in 2009, leaving a backlog of about N400 million.

  • Up ahead: The world according to Gore

    Up ahead: The world according to Gore

    The Future: Six Drivers of Global Change,” the title of Al Gore’s ambitious, drily written new book, sounds like a snoozy think-tank talk. And while it’s about 30 times as long, that’s exactly what this volume is, a wonky overview of the forces that are remaking the world: economic globalization, the digital revolution, climate change, dwindling natural resources, shifts in the global balance of power and advances in the life sciences.

    Because it bites off way more than it can plausibly digest, “The Future” lacks the cogency and focus of Mr. Gore’s previous two books, “An Inconvenient Truth,” his succinct, user-friendly assessment of the dangers of climate change (published in 2006 in conjunction with the movie of the same name), and “The Assault on Reason” (2007), his perspicacious analysis of America’s ailing condition as a participatory democracy.

    Parts of “The Future” dealing with domestic politics, foreign policy and economics retrace ground covered in more persuasive detail by Bill Clinton (“Back to Work: Why We Need Smart Government for a Strong Economy”), Zbigniew Brzezinski (“Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power”) and Joseph Stiglitz (“Freefall: America, Free Markets, and the Sinking of the World Economy”).

    Other passages read like updates on Alvin Toffler’s 1970 classic “Future Shock,” which looked at how our culture was being rocked by an avalanche of social and technological changes. And some feel like textbook excerpts, piling one historical aside on top of another, which provides some useful context but more often bogs the book down in survey-course-like digressions. (Remember our hunter-gatherer ancestors or denizens of the Stone and Bronze Ages? They’re mentioned in these pages, as are historical events like the Paris Commune and the Industrial Revolution.)

    The main theme in this volume has to do with Mr. Gore’s conviction that “American democracy has been hacked,” that Congress “is now incapable of passing laws without permission from the corporate lobbies and other special interests that control their campaign finances.” Both parties, he says, have become so dependent on business lobbies for “the large sums of money they must have to purchase television advertisements in order to be re-elected that special interest legislation pushed by the industries most active in purchasing influence — financial services, carbon-based energy companies, pharmaceutical companies and others — can count on large bipartisan majorities.”

    The results, Mr. Gore goes on, can be seen in “the ever increasing inequalities of income and growing concentrations of wealth, and the paralysis of any efforts at reform.” Such paralysis is particularly dangerous, he says, given the challenges facing America today, like declining public education financing (at a time when schools need to adapt “to the tectonic shift in our relationship to the world of knowledge”) and continuing high unemployment (a by-product not only of the 2008 crash, but also of globalization, outsourcing and automation).

    The public’s ability to express its revulsion at this state of affairs, Mr. Gore argues, “is dampened by the structure of our dominant means of mass communication, television, which serves mainly to promote consumption of products and entertain the public, while offering no means for interactive dialogue and collaborative decision making.”

    He also complains that “virtually every news and political commentary program on television is sponsored in part by oil, coal and gas companies — not just during campaign seasons, but all the time, year in and year out — with messages designed to sooth and reassure the audience that everything is fine, the global environment is not threatened, and the carbon companies are working diligently to further develop renewable energy sources.”

    Such remarks serve to remind the reader of a business deal Mr. Gore recently made that has ignited charges of hypocrisy and greed: selling Current TV (a channel he helped to found in 2005) for an estimated $500 million to Al Jazeera, the influential Arab news giant, which is financed by the government of oil- and gas-rich Qatar. Mr. Gore, who will reportedly make about $100 million from the deal, describes Al Jazeera in this book as “feisty and relatively independent.”

     

    Mr. Gore is most convincing in “The Future” when he refrains from editorializing and sticks to analyzing how changes in technology, our political climate and the environment are going to affect the world, often creating domino or cascadelike effects.

    •Culled from New York Times

     

  • World marks beginning of 2013

    People around the world have been celebrating the start of 2013.

    BBC says in New Zealand, fireworks over Auckland welcomed the New Year.

    Two hours later, Sydney in Australia celebrated with a spectacular 12-minute display.

    The display in Pyongyang in North Korea was reportedly the first time the country had celebrated New Year’s Eve with fireworks.

     

  • Fireworks usher in new year around the world

    Celebrations are being held around the world to mark the new year, with the city of Auckland in New Zealand holding the first major event of 2013.

    More than 1.5 million people gathered around Sydney harbour to watch that city’s famous firework display.

    Big shows are also taking place in many other cities globally.

    Celebrations have also been held for the first time in Burma, where large public gatherings were banned by its previous military rulers.

    In Auckland, the largest city closest to the International Date Line, fireworks exploded over the city’s 328m (1,076ft) Sky Tower as midnight struck (11:00 GMT).

    Two hours later, the huge crowds around the harbour in the Australian city of Sydney were treated to a typically extravagant fireworks display.

    Seven tonnes of fireworks lit up the famous landmarks of the Harbour Bridge and the Opera House to a soundtrack co-written by Australian singer Kylie Minogue.

    The display is expected to pump $160m (£98.5m) into the local economy, the BBC’s Phil Mercer in Sydney said.

    Fireworks lit up the skyline in the North Korean capital, Pyongyang, while South Korea ushered in the new year with the traditional ringing 33 times of the 15th century Bosingak bell in the capital Seoul.

    As many as 100,000 people were expected around Hong Kong’s harbour for the city’s biggest ever fireworks display, costing $1.6m (£980,000), the Associated Press reports.

    Firework displays were also held in the Chinese cities of Beijing and Shanghai.

    Meanwhile, Burma has for the first time welcomed in New Year with a big public fireworks display in the former capital Rangoon.

    Tens of thousands of people were expected to attend the event, which was held close to the country’s most sacred site, the golden Shwedagon Pagoda, and saw many of the country’s top entertainers perform.

    The celebration is in stark contrast to previous years, when the only big new year celebrations took place inside luxury hotels, the BBC’s South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head reports.

    It will inevitably seen as another sign of Burma’s normalisation, as it rejoins the global economy, he adds.

    The $1million event was organised by a prominent Thai firm with ambitions to cash in on the untapped market for promotional events in Burma, our correspondent notes.

    However, there is a subdued atmosphere in the Indian capital Delhi, following the death last week of a 23-year-old victim of a brutal gang rape.

    The army has cancelled its celebrations across the country, as have the governments in the states of Punjab and Haryana.

    Thousands of residents and clubs have also called off new year celebrations. Protests over the case continued on Monday.

    Later on, festivities will be held in European cities including Moscow, Paris and London.

    More than two million people are expected to be on Rio de Janeiro’s Copacabana beach.

    New York will mark the new year with the traditional New Year’s Eve countdown and ball drop over Times Square.

     

  • World Bank  hails FRSC

    World Bank hails FRSC

    The Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) has been singled out as a role model commission for other African countries.

    This commendation came from the World Bank and the Sub-Saharan African Transport Programme (SSATP) during their 2012 Road Safety Workshop in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

    SSATP Transport Specialist, Per Mathiasen, during his presentation, noted that the increase in road traffic crash data in Nigeria in 2008 has since reduced due to enhanced performance occasioned by improved enforcement strategy, even as he decried the non- replication of the trending down in Nigeria by other countries visited.

    Mathiasen also noted the world class drivers licensing standard, which he described as very difficult to forge.

    He also hailed the dedication of personnel including the volunteers.

    The specialist, who asserted that the technology deployment in the country through FRSC is unparalleled in Africa, attributed the successes to the establishment of the agency under the Presidency with its clear mandate and budget.

    Mathiasen recommended this framework for other African countries and hailed the FRSC for leading the West African Road Safety Organisation (WARSO) in ensuring road safety in the sub-region.