- By Chionye Hencs Odiaka
Sir: As Nigeria heads toward the pivotal 2027 general election, the political landscape is once again shaped by turbulence, particularly within the opposition. Grappling with internal crises, many opposition parties have been quick to accuse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of deliberately destabilising their ranks in a bid to steer the nation toward a one-party state.
The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has dismissed these claims, insisting that the opposition’s troubles are largely self-inflicted.
Yet internal crises are nothing new in Nigerian politics. What we see today reflects a long-standing pattern. Even the APC wrestles with its own disputes across states. The key difference lies in management: the APC, despite its challenges, has largely kept its internal issues from spilling into the open, while opposition parties appear unable to contain theirs, preferring instead to blame the president for their woes.
Politics is, after all, a contest of ideas, organisation, and strategy. Power is not handed over voluntarily; it must be earned, seized, and defended. For the opposition, this requires principled, resilient leadership capable of uniting factions, inspiring loyalty, and presenting a clear, credible vision. Without such internal strength, parties remain vulnerable to division, infiltration, and manipulation.
These dynamics are by no means unique to Nigeria. In every multiparty democracy, dominant parties work, often ruthlessly, to weaken their rivals. It is the duty of the opposition to build structures that can withstand these pressures. To expect otherwise is naïve. This is the nature of politics the world over.
Across democracies, from the United States and United Kingdom to France, Canada, Germany, and Australia, ruling parties have long employed tactics to divide, weaken, or co-opt the opposition.
In the U.S., parties have funded fringe candidates in opposing primaries or lobbied lawmakers to switch allegiance. In the UK, Brexit-era politics saw offers of peerages and government posts to opposition defectors. In Australia, governments have offered committee posts, perks, or negotiating positions to independents or minor party members to secure crucial votes. In France, President Macron’s rise owed much to recruiting key figures from rival parties, hollowing them out in the process.
Such manoeuvres though rarely admitted publicly, are well-documented by journalists, historians, and political insiders alike. The lesson is clear: power is not given; it is taken through strategic action and disciplined organisation.
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If Nigeria’s opposition truly hopes to unseat the ruling party and offer the nation a credible alternative, it must stop expecting an easy path to power. The hard work begins within: building strong internal structures, fostering unity, and establishing mechanisms that protect against external interference.
This is where the PDP, Labour Party, and others have repeatedly fallen short, leaving themselves vulnerable. The APC’s triumph over the PDP in 2015 was not just about merging parties; it was about building a solid structure and forging a unified, loyal leadership. Figures like Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Tinubu commanded respect and brought together diverse factions into a cohesive force that external actors found difficult to divide.
That’s not to say the APC is immune to internal challenges; far from it, but it has so far managed them with greater success.
This is the critical lesson for the opposition: less blame, more action. If they cannot govern their own parties effectively, how can they persuade Nigerians they are fit to govern the nation?
Nigeria has endured enough from weak leadership. What the country needs now is not more excuses, but leaders of competence and vision. While the ruling party may have fallen short of expectations, Nigerians deserve a credible alternative, not leaders who merely capitalise on discontent, but those who can chart a better path forward.
•Chionye Hencs Odiaka,
Asaba, Delta State.