Author: The Nation

  • MFM  Ipaja offers food  items at cheap prices  to  families

    MFM  Ipaja offers food  items at cheap prices  to  families

    Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries,  Ipaja Mega Region ,  Lagos Region 8, has held a food mart, providing  food and  groceries at affordable prices for its  congregation and the public, to alleviate the hardship faced  by the masses  amid rising cost of living.

    The initiative, spearheaded by Mega Regional Overseer of MFM  Ipaja Axis, Pastor Zaccheus Emmanuel, offered rice, beans, garri, spaghetti, Indomie noodles bread and others at 50 per cent off its market rates.

    The Food Mart, held quarterly, has put smiles on faces of families  especially the needy, widows and less privileged.

    The church’s humanitarian interventions give succour to members and the public irrespective of religious  affiliation.

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    Emmanuel said the church has been engaging in these to bring succour to  people besides the teachings and  prayers it engages in.

    Praising the General Overseer MFM,  Dr Daniel Kolawole Olukoya and his wife , Dr  Folashade Olukoya, Emmanuel explained that the programme which is an  initiative  inspired by the  General Overseer is also part of the Explosive Evangelism Initiative (EEI) targeted at winning  souls for Christ.

    Emmanuel  added that Olukoya had given a clear directive for the church to intensify efforts to positively impact lives beyond spiritual teachings and deliverance prayers.

    The MRO also commended the Women Foundation and Men Of Valour group of the church for their support,  and promised that the church would continue to promote community development through skill-based programmes alongside its well-known spiritual activities.

  • Rightful power

    Rightful power

    • Supreme Court vindicates the President on state of emergency in Rivers

    The Supreme Court, by a split decision of six to one, finally laid to rest the controversy over the interpretation of Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). Section 305(1) provides: “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by instrument published in the official gazette of the Government of the Federation issue a proclamation of a state of emergency in the federation or any part thereof.”

     In exercise of that power, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, on March 18, 2025.

    Dissatisfied with Tinubu’s exercise of the constitutional powers, the Attorneys-General of Adamawa, Enugu, Osun, Oyo, Bauchi, Akwa Ibom, Plateau, Delta, Taraba, Zamfara, and Bayelsa states, which were all controlled by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), approached the apex court, urging the court to determine “whether, upon a proper construction and interpretation of Sections 1(2), 5(2), 176, 180, 188, and 305 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria can lawfully suspend, or in any manner whatsoever interfere with, the offices of a Governor and the Deputy Governor of any of the 36 component states of the Federation and replace them with his unelected nominee as a Sole Administrator, under the guise of, or pursuant to, a Proclamation of a State of Emergency in any of the Plaintiffs’ States.”

    The claimants also asked “whether, upon a proper construction and interpretation of Sections 1(2), 4(6), 11(4) & (5), 90, 105, and 305 of the Constitution, the President can lawfully suspend the House of Assembly of any of the 36 States under the guise of, or pursuant to, a Proclamation of a State of Emergency in such States.”

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

     In its judgment, the apex court agreed with the preliminary objection raised by the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), that the Plaintiffs have not brought any cause of action capable of activating the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for adjudication, but however went ahead to hear and determine the issues raised before the court, which the majority dismissed entirely.

    While the entire panel of Justices agreed that the President has the power to declare the state of emergency under the provisions of the constitution, Justice Obande Ogbuinya held that such power does not extend to the power to suspend elected state officials, including governors, deputy governors, and members of state house of assembly.

    But in the majority judgment, Justice Mohammed Idris held that Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution empowers the President to adopt extraordinary measures to restore normalcy where a state of emergency has been declared.

    The court held that Section 305 of the constitution vests the President with the power to declare a state of emergency “where there exists imminent danger of invasion or actual breakdown of public order or safety of such gravity as to endanger the stability or continued existence of the Federation or any part thereof.”

    The court noted that the silence of the constitution on the nature of the extraordinary powers granted the President was intentional, “as emergencies are inherently situational, varying in scope, intensity, and threat.” The learned Justices further held that “The constitution therefore entrusts the President with discretion to determine the measures required to restore peace and security, subject always to constitutional limits.”

    The jurists noted that during the emergency declarations in 2004 and 2006 in Plateau and Ekiti states, elected institutions were suspended, but conversely during the emergency declarations in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states, in 2013, the elected state institutions were not suspended. So, they held that depending on the circumstance, the President may suspend elected officials, provided any such suspension is for a limited duration.

    Before the judgment of the court, many eminent lawyers and politicians had expressed strong views that the president has no powers to suspend elected officials under any guise.

    While the debate raged, we had wondered whether those arguing against the declaration of state of emergency had not juxtaposed the state of anarchy in Rivers State vis-a-vis the provisions of Section 305(3)(c) and (d), considering that the governor of the state and members of the Rivers State House of Assembly were completely dysfunctional.

    While Governor Similaya Fubara exercised illegitimate executive powers, with an insignificant minority of the state House of Assembly, the legally recognised majority members of the state legislature, led by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, were operating without the recognition of the executive. In addition, there were acts of violent threats to critical national assets in the oil industry, within the state.

    We recall that the Supreme Court, in one of the several suits filed by the contending parties, had declared that the actions of the state governor, with regard to the budgetary process, were grossly unconstitutional, and declared that the governor was operating as a dictator in the state.

    We, therefore, agree with the Supreme Court, that the makers of the 1999 Constitution had such situation that arose in Rivers State in mind, when it provided in Section 305(3)(c) that “the president shall have power to issue a proclamation of a state of emergency only when – there is actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof to such extent as to require ‘extraordinary measures to restore peace and security’.”

    Sadly, while the crisis persisted, many of the elders in the state took sides, and instead of calling the combatants to order, they were inflaming the fire.

    Clearly, the intervention of the President had led to the restoration of peace and security in the state. Going forward, we think it is in the best interest of the contending parties and, more importantly, the people of the state, that everyone concerned ensures that peace and security is maintained.

  • Insecurity and the question of sovereignty

    Insecurity and the question of sovereignty

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: Bandits, Lakurawa, Ansaru (Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis Sudan) and other terrorist groups have been terrorising Nigerians through killings, kidnappings, and rape. They have displaced thousands of people, carved out territories for themselves, collected taxes, and effectively governed parts of the Northwest and North-central regions.

    For 13 years, the violent separatist group IPOB/ESN, designated a terrorist organization by the federal government, has been operating in southeast Nigeria, terrorizing the region through armed attacks on security forces, the enforcement of sit-at-home orders, and the killing and coercion of citizens to obey its directives.

    For over 15 years, Boko Haram and ISWAP have established their authority on soft targets in some parts the Northeast, as well as attacking military formations, killing and kidnapping civilians, and carrying out suicide bombings against innocent people.

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    From the Northeast to the Northwest and North-central regions, both local and foreign terrorist groups have carved out territories within Nigeria, killing and kidnapping innocent citizens, collecting taxes, imposing their own laws, displacing hundreds of people and brazenly displaying their weapons in public and on social media platforms.

    On December 25, the United States, with the coordination and approval of the Nigerian government, launched 16 GPS-guided missiles at terrorist targets in parts of Sokoto State. As a result, some debris fell in Jabo and Offa. In Jabo, the debris fell on open fields while in Offa, two hotels were hit.

    Nigeria’s failure to completely eliminate these terrorists has brought the country to this point. No nation welcomes foreign military intervention on its soil.

    However, which constitutes a greater infringement on Nigeria’s sovereignty: the existence of local and foreign terrorist groups operating freely, killing, kidnapping, conducting suicide bombings, collecting taxes, and displacing innocent citizens from their lands, homes and places of businesses for nearly two decades, or a few hours of a U.S. missile strike authorised by the Nigerian government?

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

     Abuja.

  • The coming of End-of-Life Vehicle (ELV) policy

    The coming of End-of-Life Vehicle (ELV) policy

    • By Tosin Adeoti

    Sir: Just as households are still adjusting to higher fuel prices, the federal government has found yet another way to complicate daily life. This time, it is through the full implementation of the End-of-Life Vehicle (ELV) policy, scheduled to begin in the second quarter of 2026.

    On paper, the policy sounds sensible. Who does not want fewer unsafe vehicles and cleaner streets and better environmental outcomes? But in practice, the way it is being rolled out reveals a deeper problem with Nigeria’s current approach to revenue generation. It raises money, yes, but it does so with little regard for how ordinary Nigerians actually live.

    Nigeria is not a country where used vehicles dominate out of preference or nostalgia. We buy “tokunbo” cars because new cars are simply out of reach. With minimum wage barely covering transport and food for many households, car ownership is already a stretch, even at the bottom end of the market.

    Some buyers even deliberately seek accidented vehicles because they are cheaper to repair incrementally. It is not ideal, but it is survival. Any policy that touches car ownership touches livelihoods.

    According to the Director General of the National Automotive Design and Development Council, Joseph Osanipin, the ELV policy will introduce several new requirements.

    Read Also: FG did not give Makinde N50bn, only N30bn was released – Aide

    First, used vehicles imported into Nigeria will need a special pre-export certification issued under Nigerian standards before they even leave their country of origin. While officials insist that exporters will bear this cost, basic economics tells a different story. Costs introduced anywhere in a supply chain do not disappear. They are instead passed down, eventually, to the final buyer.

    Second, buyers will pay a mandatory recycling fee when purchasing or registering a vehicle. This fee is meant to fund responsible disposal of old cars. The NADDC is already projecting over N150 billion in annual revenue from this charge alone.

    Third, there is the likely return of the four percent Free-on-Board levy in 2026. Car dealers warn that this levy could triple the cost of clearing a single vehicle at the ports.

    Taken together, these measures represent a substantial new financial burden on car ownership.

    Slapping multiple new fees on used vehicles in this context is not neutral policy. It is regressive. It hurts those with the least ability to absorb the shock. The wealthy will still buy new cars or import high-end vehicles with minimal inconvenience. The poor will simply be priced out.

    The government is under real fiscal pressure. That much is clear. With a N58.47 trillion budget, projected revenues of N34.33 trillion, and a deficit of N23.85 trillion, the search for new revenue sources is intense.

    But there is a difference between broad-based, productivity-enhancing revenue reform and what this looks like: squeezing an already struggling population through narrow consumption charges.

    Raising N150 billion annually from recycling fees sounds impressive until you ask who is actually paying it. It is not corporations or high-income earners. It is the man buying a 15-year-old car to run a taxi. It is the woman importing a used vehicle to support a logistics business. It is families stretching their finances just to move. This is revenue generation without empathy.

    If unsafe vehicles are genuinely the concern, then where are the alternatives?

    Where is affordable public transport at scale? Where are incentives for locally assembled low-cost vehicles that actually match Nigerian purchasing power? Where are financing mechanisms that allow gradual transition rather than sudden exclusion?

    In countries where ELV policies work, they are paired with support systems like trade-in programmes and transport infrastructure. Nigeria is implementing the stick without offering the carrot.

    That is not reform. It is punishment disguised as policy.

    Policies like this simply erode trust.

    When citizens feel that every government action exists primarily to extract more money from them, compliance weakens. Informality grows. Smuggling increases. Enforcement becomes more expensive and more coercive.

    In the long run, revenue suffers.

    Revenue is necessary. No serious country runs without it. But revenue policy is also moral policy. It reflects what a government believes about the lives of its people.

    Right now, the message is troubling.

    Nigeria does not need less revenue ambition. It needs more humanity in how that ambition is pursued.

    •Tosin Adeoti,

     <tosinjadeoti@gmail.com>

  • Detty December: Unpacking a cultural phenomenon

    Detty December: Unpacking a cultural phenomenon

    • By Dr. Olusola B. Adegbite

    Sir: If, as Heraclitus once mused, one never steps into the same river twice, then Lagos in December is a river in ecstatic flood. “Detty December” that riotous phrase now etched into Nigeria’s cultural lexicon, is both description and incantation: a season when Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial capital and emotional nerve centre, sheds its week-day grind and dons sweat and sound. To ask what is “detty” about December is to ask what Lagos is, when it remembers itself not merely as a city of survival, but as a city of spectacle.

    Originally, Detty December was an insider slang; streetwise and playful, suggesting that December is “dirty” in the sense of excessive fun, late nights, loud music, and reckless laughter. Over time, the phrase matured into a phenomenon, an annual cultural migration marked by concerts, club nights, beach parties, art fairs, food festivals, and a carnival of human traffic. The Gen Z generation, digital natives with an instinct for virility, seized Detty December and branded it globally, transforming Lagos into a global melting pot of some sort. Instagram stories became travel brochures; TikTok clips became cultural manifestos. When it comes to “Detty December” the message is clear: Lagos in Christmas is not lived quietly.

    Yet Detty December did not emerge ex nihilo. Lagos has always been a city of loud survival and louder pleasure. The city’s identity, restless and electric, has long oscillated between struggle and splendour. Detty December merely ritualised this oscillation, concentrating a year’s worth of deferred joy into 31 feverish days. Christmas, once a modest domestic affair of rice, stew, and church clothes, has been ingeniously reimagined as a public festival of consumption and communion.

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    Economically, the season is a masterstroke. Hotels bloom, airlines rejoice, vendors thrive, and the government, smiling quietly, counts billions of naira in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). Detty December galvanised a $75 million tourism boom for Lagos state in 2024. Clearly, 2025 is poised to surpass that record. Detty December is also a season of return: Nigerians in the diaspora, the self-styled I Just Come Back (IJCB), descend like migratory birds, armed with foreign accents and sentimental longings. In their homecoming, Detty December becomes an emotional bridge, a proof that Lagos, despite its chaos, still calls its children home.

    But every carnival casts a shadow. Lagos, already a city where movement is a metaphysical struggle, becomes almost mythically congested. The recent Lekki traffic snarls, exacerbated by IJCB enthusiasm and relentless events, remind us that excess has consequences. As Thomas Hobbes might have revised it – Detty December traffic is “nasty, brutish, and long.” Detty December complicates an already complicated city, turning joy into gridlock and pleasure into exhaustion.

    Still, Lagos endures. Detty December is satire made flesh: a city laughing at itself, dancing atop its contradictions. It is Lagos insisting, against all odds, that joy is not a luxury but a form of resistance. It is a city affirming life, even when life refuses to be easy.

    •Dr. Olusola B. Adegbite,

    United Kingdom.

  • Disorderly rites of orderlies’ recall

    Disorderly rites of orderlies’ recall

    Nigeria is blighted by the ‘big man’ syndrome that modulates everyday conduct of our national affairs. Hence, the 23rd November order by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that police orderlies be recalled from Very Important Persons (VIPs) and reassigned to core policing functions have met with all manners of pushbacks against which the President seems to be holding his ground. The question is: will he hold firm against the pushbacks?

    Senate President Godswill Akpabio recently mouthpieced the objection by members of the National Assembly (NASS) to the presidential directive. At a joint sitting of the Senate and the House of Representatives for presentation of the 2026 national budget by President Tinubu on Friday, 19th November, he said lawmakers were worried that the withdrawal of their police orderlies put them at risk, such that many were hesitant to visit their respective constituency community for the Yuletide out of fear for personal safety. According to him, such concerns compelled the leadership of NASS to formally appeal to the President for a review of the directive, given the need to ensure adequate protection of elected representatives and other vulnerable targets.

    The President had, in November, ordered the withdrawal of police personnel providing security for VIPs across Nigeria and their redeployment to core policing duties to address security challenges besetting the country. He said VIPs requiring security cover should source armed operatives from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), rather than rely on police personnel. But he also stressed that the recall of police officers on special protection duties should be done in a way that would not leave people exposed.

    In his response after the President had presented the budget address, Senate President Akpabio said: “Only one concern, Mr. President. As we direct the security agencies to withdraw policemen from critical areas, some of the National Assembly members said I should let you know that they may not be able to go home today because they may be picked up (by bandits). So on that note, we plead with Mr. President for a review of the decision. May God bless you, may God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria and may God bless our National Assembly.”

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    Just a few days earlier, indications had emerged of a brewing political standoff between the executive and legislative arms as senators alleged being targeted with selective implementation of the presidential order recalling police orderlies while numerous political and business personalities yet retained police protection. This, the lawmakers argued, undermined the objective of recalling police personnel for redeployment to address the country’s insecurity challenge.

    The complaint by senators came to a head following a motion raised by Senator Abdul Ningi (PDP, Bauchi Central) through a point of order by which he informed the chamber that his only police orderly was withdrawn in the early hours of the previous day. Ningi demanded that enforcement be carried out across board in the spirit of fairness and equity, saying: “Let’s see what happens from the office of the President, to the Vice-President, to the Senate President, to the Speaker of the House, to ministers.” He argued that enforcement of the presidential directive was clearly uneven: “I saw two convoys of ministers and they were carrying lots of security personnel. Mr. (Senate) President, I have also seen business concerns, Chinese and other businessmen with their complements of orderlies. I have also seen daughters and sons of political officeholders having orderlies and having security cover.”

    The Bauchi senator underscored the indignity lawmakers feel by being targeted first: “I saw singers having orderlies and complementary protection. I cannot ever imagine that a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, who has been here for a very long time, will have his only one orderly withdrawn.” He made clear he could protect himself, only there should be equitable application of the presidential order: “I can take care of myself, but let this be done across board. Let me not see governors, ministers and business tycoons being escorted by security personnel… The National Assembly should not be used as scapegoat.”

    In his submission, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, who presided at the session informed senators that the leadership was actively lobbying the Presidency for an exemption of members. “I want to assure you that the issue raised to protect you is being taken seriously, and that at the leadership level we have agreed that the course of action should be reviewed to restore your police orderly to you, because this is in line with international practice,” he said. Barau expressed hope for a positive outcome: “I’m sure we have a listening President. He will listen to us and, by God’s grace, he will save us from that order, which obviously was given in good faith.”

    The senators’ complaints coincided with the President doubling down on his directive during a Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting at the Presidential Villa. He insisted on total compliance with the order recalling police special protection operatives from VIPs, stressing the critical need to redeploy such personnel to areas grappling with kidnapping and terrorism. The President restated his directive that anyone who must have special police protection must obtain his explicit clearance through the Inspector-General of Police (IGP). “I told the IGP, and I hope the Minister of Police Affairs is here. If you have any problem of security because of the nature of your assignment, please contact the IGP and get my clearance.”

    The President as well directed agencies concerned to coordinate deployment of replacement personnel swiftly. He said: “The Minister of Interior should liaise with the IGP and Civil Defence structure to replace those police officers who are on special security duties, so that you don’t leave people exposed.” For avoidance of doubt over implementation of the recall order, he said: “It should be effected. We face challenges of kidnapping and terrorism; we need all the forces we can utilise.” He restated that concession would be made for those who are genuinely exposed: “I know some of our people are exposed and I understand that we have to make exceptional provision for them. The Civil Defence are equally armed, and I want NSA (National Security Adviser) to ensure our forest guards are armed too. So, take it very seriously.”

    Even principals of the judicial arm of government raised issues with the presidential order. Taraba State Chief Judge Joel Agya complained that withdrawal of police orderlies attached to judges exposed them to security risks, and appealed that judicial officers be exempted considering the nature of their job. Speaking when State Police Commissioner Betty Otimenyin, paid him a courtesy visit in Jalingo, he said: “Even though the President directed the withdrawal of police guards from VIPs nationwide, the Force Headquarters had earlier exempted judges because the law entitles them to police protection.” Yet, according to him, orderlies attached to judges in Taraba State were withdrawn on 8th December without prior notice.

    Describing the development as a significant threat to the administration of criminal justice, the chief judge said judges handling sensitive political, criminal, terrorism and corruption cases faced heightened personal risk, with the withdrawal of orderlies likely to compromise judicial independence and embolden intimidation within and outside the courtroom.

    Following the chief judge’s claim, though, Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun has denied that police orderlies of judicial officers were withdrawn.

    By the time all solicited exemptions get factored in, the presidential order might end up neutered. Over more than two decades, successive IGPs have tried to scale back special protection services to VIPs but have all fallen flat on implementation; apparently so because not only the VIPs want to keep their orderlies, but police operatives themselves favour – indeed, actively lobby – for the offbeat posting that is far more rewarding in perks while being less hazardous than core policing functions. Even for the police institution, special protection services constitute a cash cow. Meanwhile, a report in November by a European Union agency indicated that more than 100,000 officers were deployed on VIP protection out of a total police workforce of about 371,000 that should serve a population of some 230million Nigerians. Incumbent IGP Kayode Egbetokun rejoined that only 11,566 personnel were attached to VIPs, however.

    All the ‘big men’ want special protection. But what about other Nigerians, unless something decisive is done to secure the space for the safety of everyone including the VIPs? That is where efforts should be focused, not on exemptions that allow special protection for only a few. Happy New Year to all my readers in advance!

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • 2026: Rethinking pensions, credit, and housing for citizens

    2026: Rethinking pensions, credit, and housing for citizens

    • By Chibundum Chioma Udeh

    As Nigeria enters a new year, fixing the housing crisis requires unblocking long-term savings, rethinking credit, and aligning monetary policy with how ordinary citizens live, work, and build.

    Nigeria’s housing crisis sits at the intersection of rising construction costs, inaccessible pension savings, and prohibitively expensive credit. For millions of working Nigerians, this combination has quietly turned the dream of home-ownership into a distant and often unattainable goal.

    Across the country, many citizens are formally employed and consistently contribute to pension accounts. Their aspirations are modest: to build or buy a small home before retirement. Yet these long-term savings remain locked away throughout their working lives. When contributors turn to credit as an alternative, they encounter interest rates so high that borrowing becomes financially destructive rather than empowering.

    This contradiction lies at the heart of Nigeria’s housing failure. People hold long-term savings but cannot deploy them for long-term needs such as housing, while the credit available to them is short-term, expensive, and poorly suited for incremental home construction or small business growth.

    Microfinance banks illustrate this challenge clearly. Loans are often advertised at rates of about 3.87 percent per month, a figure that may appear manageable at first glance. In reality, such a rate compounds to roughly 46 percent annually and close to 93 percent over two years, excluding administrative fees and other charges. A borrower who takes N10 million could repay nearly N20 million within 24 months.

    For small businesses, these terms are equally crippling. Many rely on loans for working capital, yet interest obligations consume profits before sales even stabilise. As a result, businesses shrink instead of grow, employment opportunities decline, and local production remains weak. The effects ripple through the economy, reduced productivity, rising unemployment, and increased social pressure.

    Read Also: FG did not give Makinde N50bn, only N30bn was released – Aide

    Housing finance faces similar structural barriers. The Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN) often encourages prospective homeowners to purchase completed properties before accessing mortgage financing. This model excludes most Nigerians, who typically build gradually as income allows. Completed homes are expensive, and mortgage availability remains constrained by the limited long-term funding available to banks. Without patient capital, affordable mortgages remain scarce.

    The pension system, which should ideally help bridge this gap, offers little relief. Although Nigeria’s contributory pension scheme permits contributors to use part of their pension as equity for mortgages, the process is bureaucratic, opaque, and difficult to access. Multiple layers of gatekeeping discourage participation, leaving pension savings effectively untouchable until retirement even though securing housing is one of the primary reasons people save.

    The consequences are far-reaching. First, current financial and housing policies push home-ownership beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians. Most people build slowly, stage by stage. Short-term loans with monthly compounding interest are fundamentally incompatible with this reality. Unsurprisingly, buildings remain unfinished for years or are abandoned entirely.

    Second, high-cost credit discourages investment and job creation. Small and medium-sized enterprises struggle to survive under such conditions. Rather than expanding and hiring, businesses cut costs or close altogether, worsening unemployment and social instability.

    Third, families become trapped in a cycle of vulnerability. They cannot access affordable loans, cannot use their pension savings productively, cannot purchase completed homes, and cannot wait until retirement to secure shelter. Housing insecurity thus reinforces long-term poverty.

    Nigeria’s monetary framework compounds these challenges. The Central Bank of Nigeria’s Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) currently around 27 percent sets a benchmark that commercial and microfinance banks must exceed. While intended to manage inflation and exchange-rate pressures, this approach has the unintended effect of pricing long-term credit far beyond the reach of households and productive enterprises. In an economy where inflation is largely driven by structural and cost factors, such as insecurity, import dependence, and weak local production, high interest rates alone cannot resolve the problem.

    Importantly, expanding long-term credit does not require abandoning monetary discipline. The Central Bank of Nigeria can expand long-term credit without undermining its core mandate by using the MPR more flexibly and deploying targeted instruments alongside it. While the MPR can remain the anchor for short-term liquidity and inflation control, the CBN can introduce differentiated long-term refinancing windows for housing, MSMEs, and other productive sectors, priced below the headline rate and supported by strict eligibility and monitoring. Channelled through mortgage banks, development finance institutions, and the Nigeria Mortgage Refinance Company, such facilities would allow long-tenor lending to coexist with a tight monetary stance, ensuring that inflation control does not come at the expense of housing supply, enterprise growth, and financial inclusion.

    Other countries demonstrate that better systems are possible. In the United States, long-term mortgage markets allow households to borrow for 15 to 30 years at relatively stable rates, supported by deep capital markets. Workers may also access regulated loans from retirement accounts for housing, under safeguards that protect future income. South Africa uses pension-backed housing guarantees, where pension assets serve as security rather than direct withdrawals, reducing lender risk and lowering interest rates. The United Kingdom combines fixed-rate mortgages with targeted savings schemes to support first-time buyers.

    These models share a common principle: citizens are not left stranded between locked-up savings and punitive credit. Instead, systems are designed to connect long-term savings with long-term housing needs.

    As a way forward, Nigeria must simplify and expand the pension-to-mortgage framework (with clear timelines for application handling, openness, transparency and equity) so workers saving over decades can use a regulated portion of their pension to secure housing earlier in life with more ease. This is not about draining retirement accounts, but about designing transparent, ease and safe mechanisms that lower borrowing costs.

    The country also needs deeper pools of long-term mortgage finance. Institutions such as the Nigeria Mortgage Refinance Company and the Federal Mortgage Bank must be strengthened to provide stable capital that allows primary mortgage banks to offer longer tenors at affordable rates, and a more simplified and verifiable process. This must come with strict accountability and open reporting systems and requirements.

    Finally, greater transparency is needed in lending. Borrowers deserve clear disclosure of the real annual cost of loans. Housing policy must also reflect lived realities through incremental housing schemes, serviced plots, and well-structured public-private partnerships.

    As Nigeria steps into a new year, the housing crisis should no longer be treated as an inevitable burden or a distant policy concern. It is a daily reality visible in half-completed buildings, in families struggling to balance rent with school fees, and in workers who save faithfully yet cannot translate those savings into security and dignity.

    A system that locks away people’s long-term savings while pushing them toward crippling short-term loans and unregulated increase in rent is not sustainable especially if the government is not doing much to open and expand the building construction market to allow more supply and lower cost of materials. But it is also not irreversible. With deliberate reforms linking pensions to housing more effectively, expanding long-term credit through targeted monetary instruments, and aligning housing policy with how Nigerians actually live and build the country can begin to turn aspiration into access.

    The new year offers Nigeria a choice: to maintain a system that quietly excludes the majority, or to build one that allows ordinary citizens to save, borrow, and build with confidence. Housing should not be a privilege reserved for the few; it should be part of the promise of work, contribution, and citizenship.

    If Nigeria is serious about shared prosperity, stability, and hope, then unblocking the path between the savings Nigerians already have and the homes they are trying to build would be a fitting place to begin.

    •Chibundum Chioma Udeh is a Project Officer at Saabi Findings Impact Consulting.

  • Designating bandits, kidnappers as terrorists

    Designating bandits, kidnappers as terrorists

    Federal government’s last week’s designation of bandits, kidnappers or any group that engages in similar criminalities as terrorists is very welcome. But it has long been overdue. But Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris betrayed official prevarication on the issue while announcing the decision when he said the era of ambiguous nomenclature is over.

    “Henceforth, any armed group or individual that kidnaps our children, attacks farmers, and terrorises our communities is officially classified and will be dealt with as a terrorist”, he said.

    The minister captured the seeming duplicity in the previous handling of killings when he stated emphatically that – “Now the era of ambiguous nomenclature is over, if you terrorise our people, whether you are a group or you are an individual, you are a terrorist and will be classified as such. There is no name hiding this again”.

    Though the government did not explicitly name the groups under reference, armed killer groups such as bandits, killer herdsmen and sundry kidnappers fit into this categorisation. They have been involved in attacks and killings in our communities, kidnapping for ransom and abduction of school children.

    The new stance by the government marks a significant departure from the previous order of treating mass kidnapping, abductions and rural attacks as ordinary crimes. By this, the full weight of counterterrorism will be deployed to confront the criminals behind these attacks.

    It is heart-refreshing that the government is coming to terms with the mortal challenges posed by the activities of the so-called bandits, militant herdsmen, sundry kidnappers and an assortment of non-state actors challenging its authority and legitimacy. Before now, government’s handling of the criminal challenges by these groups had left discerning Nigerians doubting its seriousness in decisively taming the monster.

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    The body language of the last administration on the twin issues of banditry and insurgency of the herdsmen did not help matters either.  What we saw were rather strident efforts to rationalise the killings especially by herdsmen as communal or herder-farmer clashes spurred by climate change, pressure on land and migration challenges. These were the common terms deployed to obfuscate and conceal well planned and well targeted attacks to kill, displace and occupy targeted communities.

    What of the alibi that the killer herdsmen were foreigners who got their arms and ammunitions when Libya under Ghaddafi was collapsing? That was how late President Muhammadu Buhari explained away the attacks and killings in the Middle Belt when he interfaced with the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby.

    He told the Archbishop that the problem has always been there, but now made worse by the influx of gunmen from the Sahel region into different parts of West Africa: “They were trained and armed by Muammar Ghaddafi of Libya.  When he was killed, the gunmen escaped with their guns. We encountered some of them fighting Boko Haram”, Buhari had said.

    That has been the level of official narrative that obfuscated clear understanding of the characters behind the apparent invincibility of the killer herdsmen, the source of their sophisticated arms and ammunitions, their purpose and overall objective. But the communities at the receiving end have not been under any illusion as to their attackers and their motivation. Not with the displacement of the natives and renaming of apparently conquered and displaced communities.

    Curiously, as this official prevarication and denial of the potent danger the insurgency of the herdsmen portends, Global Terrorism Watch had as far back as 2015 listed Fulani militants as the fourth most deadly terrorist group in the world coming after ISIS, Al-Qaida and Al Shabab.

    Perhaps, the other group that has not been clearly decoded and understood is the so-called bandits. They made their debut into Nigeria’s insecurity matrix not long ago. At some point, they were taken for renegade Boko Haram insurgents or killer herdsmen.

    But the characters behind the mask were seemingly unveiled when fiery Islamic scholar, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi interfaced with them in Zamfara forests. In the discussions he had with them, they listed their grievances as cattle rustling, attacks by natives of Zamfara on the roads and attacks by the security agencies.

    Gumi has been canvassing a lot of options from the federal government to rein them in. These range from the mundane to the very absurd. Of late, he went beyond amnesty advocacy to ask that they should be included in the budget by the federal government. He went very strange when a fortnight ago, he sought to rationalise mass abductions by bandits on the premise of being better than the killing of soldiers.

    Ironically, this official duplicity has allowed the terrorism of the herdsmen and bandits to take root such that today Gumi is not only asking that bandits who share no visible dividing line with killer herdsmen, should not be attacked but included in the budget to share resources with other levels of the government. Yet nobody sees anything wrong with it even with the recent conviction of IPOB leader, Nnamdi Kanu for terrorism.

    Nigerians must have heaved a sigh of relief when the federal government announced the designation as a terrorist organisation, any armed group that kidnaps children, attacks farmers, or host communities. It has also come to terms with the deployment of ambiguous nomenclatures to camouflage acts of terrorism by sundry criminals operating in the country.

    For long, questions have been raised about the real identity of the bandits. Curiously, these questions are usually brushed aside because those who control the affairs of the country either share sympathy with, collaborate, or, are the real enablers of the cascading insecurity for one objective or the other.

    It is good a thing President Tinubu has taken up the challenge to call the spade by its real name. Realistic stance on the chequered issues of our national being holds the future for the peace and progress of the country.

    But the government must go beyond words and initiate immediate and measurable interventions to confront the scourge. The bandits’ enclaves and some of their leaders in the forests are known to the security agencies. They have of recent, engaged them in negotiations. And unless they have extracted commitments from them to dismantle their cells within an agreed timeframe, the government should take the war to their hide-outs and smoke them out. That is the message served by the Christmas day strike on terrorists in Sokoto by the United States of America (US)

    Matching words with concrete action will convince the international community of our commitment to stem the spate of insecurity that has diminished the worth of life in our country. 

  • Navigating Nigeria’s $1 trillion roadmap

    Navigating Nigeria’s $1 trillion roadmap

    • By Nosa Iyamu

    As we navigate the threshold of 2026, the Nigerian economic landscape is finally shedding the “survivalist” skin that defined the previous two years. The data from 2025 paints a compelling picture of a nation pivoting toward stability. Headline inflation, which sat at a staggering 34.8% in December 2024, underwent a significant decline through 2025, cooling to 14.45% by November. This disinflationary trend, paired with economic reforms such as the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission’s (NERC) aggressive reforms and strategic shifts in the oil and gas sector, has effectively reopened the floodgates for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The narrative has shifted from a desperate scramble for survival to a strategic quest for sustainability. Investors who were once hesitant are now looking at Nigeria not as a volatility risk, but as a market undergoing profound structural re-engineering. This transition is marked by a renewed focus on transparency and a commitment to market-driven policies that reward institutional resilience and long-term planning.

    Building on the stability achieved last year, 2026 is projected to be a period of “Growth Consolidation.” With GDP expansion forecast between 4.1% and 4.2% and headline inflation expected to settle into a manageable range of 12.5% to 20%, the mandate for brands should shift. It is no longer about merely surviving the storm of volatility; it is about scaling within high-impact corridors that have been cleared by these macroeconomic reforms.

    Strategic opportunities are ripening in four key sectors: Energy, driven by the Electricity Act 2023 and NERC’s cost-reflective market reforms; Healthcare, anchored by the landmark $5.1B Bilateral MOU between the U.S. and Nigeria; Financial Services, fuelled by post-recapitalization lending power; and the Digital Economy, accelerated by the 5G rollout and the maturity of social commerce. Brands playing in these spaces and other industries must recognize that the consumer of 2026 is more discerning, having been refined by the economic hardships of the past, and will only reward businesses that offer clear value and authentic connection.

    Read Also: FG did not give Makinde N50bn, only N30bn was released – Aide

    Perhaps the most pivotal anchor for 2026 is that $2 billion bilateral health Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed between the U.S. and Nigeria. This five-year agreement, which began its full implementation cycle in early 2026, is far more than a healthcare play; it is a massive economic stimulus and a resounding vote of global confidence in Nigeria’s institutional reforms. It signals that Nigeria is ready for high-level international cooperation and that the groundwork for a stable, productive economy is being laid. As we march toward the ambitious goal of a $1 trillion economy by 2030, visibility is no longer the endgame for any serious brand. To survive and thrive during this transition from subsistence to high productivity, brands must be deeply understood. It is about moving from the “top of mind” awareness to “top of heart” resonance, where the brand’s purpose aligns with the aspirations of a nation on the move.

    In the fast-evolving communications landscape of 2026, visibility has become a cheap commodity, but clarity is a premium asset. The public relations industry has officially entered the era of Narrative Intelligence. Traditional Search Engine Optimization (SEO) is being rapidly superseded by Generative Engine Optimization (GEO). As consumers increasingly rely on AI agents and large language models (LLMs) rather than scrolling through pages of search results, brands must ensure they aren’t just “present” on the web—they must be cited as authoritative, credible voices by AI models. This requires a shift from keyword stuffing to high-context storytelling and data-backed authority. If an AI agent cannot summarize your brand’s value proposition accurately in two sentences, you are effectively invisible to the next generation of digital consumers. Narrative Intelligence is about ensuring your brand’s story is coherent, consistent, and machine-readable across all digital touchpoints.

    However, this AI-driven world brings a darker side – the proliferation of Deepfakes and hyper-realistic misinformation. As the 2027 political cycle begins to warm up in late 2026, the Nigerian digital space could become a minefield of synthetic media designed to manipulate public opinion. For brands, this represents a significant reputational risk. PR professionals must now act as “Narrative Bodyguards,” deploying advanced AI detection tools to monitor, detect, and neutralize synthetic media before it erodes brand equity. Authenticity is no longer a buzzword or a marketing slogan; it is a defensive necessity. Brands must lean into “Responsible Communication,” ensuring that every piece of content is verifiable and that their response mechanisms for crisis management are faster than the speed of a viral deepfake. Trust, once lost in this high-speed environment, is nearly impossible to regain.

    The era of the “Press Release for the sake of it” is officially dead. In 2026, Nigerian boardrooms are demanding a direct, quantifiable line between PR activity and business impact. This marks the definitive death of vanity metrics. Success is no longer measured by the thickness of a press clipping file or the number of generic “likes” on a social media post. Instead, we are seeing a shift from volume to impact, where the primary KPIs are how a campaign drives customer acquisition, increases investor interest, or improves employee retention. Measurement has shifted focus to quality over quantity; it is about the sentiment of the conversation and the conversion rate of the audience. If your PR strategy does not move the needle on the set measurable objectives, it is considered mere noise. PR is now a performance-driven discipline, integrated deeply into the sales and growth funnels of the modern Nigerian enterprise.

    The age of the N100 million celebrity brand ambassador is also rapidly fading. Battle-hardened by years of economic shifts and broken promises, Nigerian consumers are increasingly sceptical of high-gloss, low-substance celebrity endorsements. In 2025, the Creator Economy has professionalized and matured. We will see the ascendancy of Niche Creators—the personal finance expert on TikTok, the sustainable farmer on YouTube, or the tech-policy analyst on Instagram. These voices offer what traditional celebrities cannot: community, deep credibility, and a mastery of their craft. Brands in 2026 will pivot toward long-term “Responsible Communication” partnerships with these creators who speak the hyper-local language of their audience. The “next big creator” is no longer a movie star; they are a subject matter expert with a loyal, high-intent community that values authentic insight over superficial fame.

    While we must continue to support and prioritize independent media platforms to maintain democratic health, the reality is that traditional newsrooms continue to shrink under the weight of digital disruption. In response, savvy brands are increasingly becoming their own media houses. “Owned Media”—newsletters, podcasts, proprietary research reports, and custom-built community platforms—is the new frontier for brand storytelling. By owning the platform, brands can ensure their story is not diluted or lost in the noise of a fragmented media landscape. This allows for Direct Empathy, speaking to the consumer’s daily reality without a third-party filter. It provides Narrative Control, which is essential in an era of deepfakes, and grants Data Ownership, allowing brands to deeply understand who is engaging with their story and why. Owned media is the bridge that moves a brand from being seen to being truly understood and must be a strategy for 2026.

    The 2026 landscape is a high-stakes arena of immense complexity and opportunity. With the active involvement of global powers like China, Russia, and the USA in trade and commerce, and a renewed national commitment to fighting insecurity to protect the $1 trillion goal, Nigeria is a land of profound transformation. But for a brand to capture this opportunity, it must move beyond the surface-level metrics of the past. Brands must empathize through genuine partnerships, drive cross-sector collaboration, and tell stories that resonate with the Nigerian spirit of resilience.

    The verdict for the year is clear: Trust is the new currency. In a world of AI-generated noise and economic restructuring, the brands that win will be those that have spent the time to build a foundation of understanding. The mandate for 2026 is simple: Don’t just show up. Ensure your audience knows exactly who you are, what you stand for, and why you are essential to their future.

    •Iyamu is a public relations executive.

  • Tunji Ojo: Clear vision… mission accomplished…

    Tunji Ojo: Clear vision… mission accomplished…

    • By Deyemi Saka

    Most Nigerians entered 2025 with palpable anxiety and uncertainty about the performance of the nation’s economy and institutions. This was largely due to the economic reforms embarked upon by the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu–led administration.

    In line with the policy thrust of the present administration under the Renewed Hope Agenda, the Ministry of Interior, under the leadership of Mr. Olubunmi Tunji Ojo, initiated several reforms pivotal to strengthening public safety and national homeland security.

    As with most government reform efforts and policy pronouncements by public institutions, these initiatives were initially greeted with widespread skepticism and apprehension among Nigerians. It was at this point that purposeful, visionary, and results-driven leadership became crucial.

    Today, Nigerians irrespective of political affiliation, religion, or economic status are united in their verdict: the reforms are effective and delivering results. Olubunmi Tunji Ojo undoubtedly deserves the accolades he continues to receive.

    He is determined to give his best and leave a lasting legacy one that posterity will judge kindly. History remembers individuals not by their faces, but by their deeds, just as we remember figures like Shakespeare and Alexander the Great for their enduring impact.

    Read Also: Tinubu must complete eight years as president – Wike

    One of the earliest validations of the reforms in the Ministry of Interior under Olubunmi Tunji Ojo is the hitch-free recruitment exercise across the various paramilitary agencies under the ministry. For the first time in many years, the integrity of the recruitment process was not questioned. Equally noteworthy is the absence of stampedes and the tragic loss of lives that had, in the past, marred such exercises.

    In furtherance of his reform-driven leadership, the minister oversaw the rehabilitation and upgrade of several correctional centres across the country. Before these interventions, many facilities lacked decent locker rooms for correctional officers and proper processing areas for inmates. The makeshift facilities exposed officers to significant risks and hazards, which have now been largely eliminated through these upgrades.

    To enhance effective communication within the Federal Fire Service particularly during emergency responses where they are often the first and sometimes the only responders the minister facilitated the procurement and large-scale distribution of two-way radios for the service.

    Previously, Nigerians in the diaspora endured severe hardship and exploitation while applying for new passports, renewals, or reissuance. To address this challenge, the Honourable Minister supervised the establishment of e-passport facilities at selected Nigerian embassies in Italy, Spain, Greece, Austria, and Switzerland.

    The promotion of a seamless Combined Expatriate Residence Permit and Automated Card (CERPAC) process has led to a significant increase in the number of documented expatriates in Nigeria. This has strengthened the country’s database for this category of residents and enhanced homeland and border security. This achievement was made possible through the launch and activation of a comprehensive digital platform dedicated to this purpose.

    Additionally, there is now a functional monitoring and evaluation system within the minister’s office that provides real-time information on activities at the nation’s entry points and on immigration-related matters.

    Olubunmi Tunji Ojo has been able to achieve these remarkable milestones because he possesses a clear vision, strong resolve, and a deep understanding of Nigerians’ expectations. He also fully appreciates how critical his success is to the overall objectives of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

    •Saka is a Public Affairs and Policy Analyst