The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Data blues

    Data blues

    • Inadequate data sets back adequate planning, and stunts growth and development

    The statement by Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi, chair of the Senate Committee on National Identity and National Population, is trite: Nigeria lacks adequate data for sustainable national planning, for economic growth and citizens’ development.

    The senator couldn’t have made that claim at a more appropriate forum: to visiting Nasir Isa Kwarra, chair of the National Population Commission (NPC), leading a delegation of NPC commissioners to the Senate.

    “Public analysts say that Nigerians are over 200 million. Some would say 220 (million). Just yesterday, I heard that we are over 250 million,” the senator rued. Welcome to the rich paradise of “guess-timates” over Nigeria’s population!

    Hardly anyone can fault this statement. Nigeria’s population — no thanks to politics, fired by ethno-regional manoeuvres to corner more national pork — has always been drenched in needless controversies. On the cusp of another national head count, it is good that the Senate is raising the population issue and data concern.  

    If that alarm fires public conversations and engagements that ensure the next census is very transparent and credible, thus doing without the acrimony that greeted the past exercises, it would have been worth its heft in solid gold.

    There is a bit of the hyperbole though, to always suggest — and with all authoritative flourish — that Nigeria has “no” data. That’s not true, though that flat exaggeration is always meant to direct attention to Nigeria’s umpteenth data blues, without which no adequate planning can be made.

    So, it all amounts to stressing whether the bottle is half-full or half-empty. The one acknowledges little progress, even if the task has not crossed the finishing line. The other moans and is willfully blind to whatever little progress, which can be built upon.

    The reality is that even with eternally disputed formal censuses, technology has helped a whole lot to strengthen data-gathering on the populace. For starters, no valid or operable bank account in Nigeria today runs without BVN: Bank Verification Number. The BVN links the account holder to a verifiable data base. As a result, e-fraud appears more difficult than the days of manual keeping of books, though the e-tools too have come with the e-challenge of account-hacking and sundry cyber-crimes.

    There is also the National Identification Number (NIN) which, now grated 

    into Nigeria’s international passport, has banished the duplication of that very sensitive document for fraud. On its part, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has introduced the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), which linked to an electronic chip on the voter card, has brought down multiple voting by the same person, to defraud the electoral system.

    Push all of these aside, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) is clearly coming into its own from its Federal Office of Statistics (FOS) era. That resulted from the FOS-National Data Bank (NDB) merger, a success — underscored by better data-gathering — enhanced by technology.

    But back to NPC and the coming census. Saidat Oladunjoye, the NPC commissioner-nominee for Lagos State, enthused, at the Senate visit: “The population census we are going to have this time is going to be one of the best,” because, she reasoned, the NPC would deploy the Geographic Information System (GIS) — a computer system that, according to Google, “analyzes and displays geographically referenced information.”

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    It would be nice for NPC to walk its talk — really nice. High time Nigeria not only had a census without rancour, but also one which results planners can virtually take to the bank for cutting-edge planning.

    Indeed, with the present government’s eyes set on extending safety net for the most economically weakened citizens, planning agro-processing to create jobs for unemployed youths, rolling out a student loan scheme, which will keep many indigent students from dropping out of their tertiary education studies, and putting in place a credit-powered consumer and mortgage system, accurate and adequate data is critical and imperative.

    Indeed, lack of accurate data fuels corruption. Corruption fuels poverty, as a few consume resources meant for all. Skewed resources cripple the state and chain the majority to poverty, if not outright penury. So, adequate data provides simple and practical therapy to roll back corruption and enrich the lives of all.

    Still, as NPC goes about delivering a credible and transparent census, it should ponder re-integrating the diversified personal data in the system — BVN, NIN, BVAS, for example — in a single data base. That done, a population census also doubles as a vibrant economic data base, as it routinely is elsewhere.  

    That’s what Nigeria craves for the economy to find its right level, deliver growth and enhance citizens’ development and prosperity.

  • Banditry: Zamfara’s elites deepening silence

    Banditry: Zamfara’s elites deepening silence

    • By Ibrahim Mustapha

    Sir: Whatever might have fuelled banditry in Zamfara State, whether it is poverty, illegal mining or government’s inability to manage farmers/herders crises, the state has become a Golgotha due to the frequent attacks by rapacious bandits.

    The state is always in the news for bad reasons. The abduction and imposition of taxes by bandits is no longer news. These audacious bandits have resorted to kidnapping en masse. Evidence is the recent abduction of over 100 villagers in well-coordinated attacks. The bandits attack, kill and steal anything they can lay their hands on, from the poor and helpless peasant farmers in porous communities of the state.

    Zamfara State is blessed with people of timber and calibre; men who have carved a niche for themselves in various aspects of human development. In the military, we have General Aliyu Gusau (Rtd). The state is also home to Colonel Bala Mande (Rtd), Senator Saidu Dansadau, Senator Sahabi Anka, Kabiru Marafa, Abdul’aziz Yari, Mahmuda Aliyu Shinkafi to mention but a few. With these strong pillars or personalities, one expected united and conscious efforts by them towards bringing lasting peace in the troubled state. Alas, this has not been the case.

    These elders who ought to use their influence to fight the menace are obsessed with how to get power.

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    In 2019, there was an intense of power play between the camp of former governor of the state, Abdul’aziz Yari and Senator Kabiru Marafa. As a consequence, the ruling party lost all their seats through court litigations. Governor Bello Matawalle who became governor through the court had, at the tail end of his tenure, a frosty relationship with his deputy, Mahdi Aliyu Gusau over his defection to APC. Their feud lingered into the general elections in which Matawalle lost. Even after Matawalle lost the gubernatorial election and President Tinubu appointed him as minister, the state has still not known peace. With the appeal court quashing the victory of Governor Dauda Dare and ordering re-run election in three local governments, another chapter of dirty political struggle has been opened.

     It worries every right thinking mind the deafening silence and lacklustre attitude being displayed by the elites when the state faces existential threat from blood-thirsty bandits. Zamfara is dangerously drifting into abyss. It is high time the political class stopped politicizing insecurity and embraced various options available to nip into bud the persistent attacks by bandits in the state. The political class should close their ranks and work collectively for the return of peace and progress to the state. 

    •Ibrahim Mustapha,

    Pambegua, Kaduna State.

  • Electoral dispute: ‘Evidence settles every argument, doubt’

    Electoral dispute: ‘Evidence settles every argument, doubt’

    • By Dr. Goodluck F.T. Uguoji

    Sir: The failure of the Supreme Court to heed the prayers of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP) to annul the election of President Bola Tinubu’s victory in the last general election underscores the place of evidence in judicial proceedings.  

    Many supporters of the two opposition parties who had expected the court to annul the election were disappointed. The Supreme Court’s affirmation of the presidential election victory was based on the premise that the opposition failed to back up their claims with the necessary evidence.

    The dictionary meaning of evidence is “to suggest, show etc. the facts, signs or objects that make you believe that something is true”. The word evidence, the innocent eight-letter word, which even the courts are familiar with, is the pillar of legal wisdom. 

    Without it, judges would be reduced to a little more than a pitiable group of men and women trying rather too much to be omniscient. Law, therefore, recognizes it as its cardinal principle, namely that a man is innocent until someone produces evidence that he is guilty. 

    Life’s battles – big and small – are won or lost on proof of evidence, school examinations compel students to show evidence of what lessons they have learned. 

    Every society demands of everyone evidence of who or what they are; evidence of maturity; evidence of loyalty and patriotism; evidence of love and care; and evidence of good thinking and judgment. 

    Society is never satisfied until evidence settles every argument or clears every doubt. Religion, for instance, is evidence of man’s belief in a Supreme Being – the great conductor of the great orchestra of charm and chaos – life success is evidence of assiduity. 

    Failure is evidence of indolence. Variables such as luck or ill luck sit between the two poles. Evidence is a burden; a burden on the individual in his private or public life and conduct; and a burden on the society. It is the milestone on the back of everyone; a cross on the back of every government. Every man must show evidence of what he is and what he is capable of doing; a government must show evidence of what it is, and what it can do.

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    Punishment and reward, fame and obscurity – each depends on what evidence the individual or a group produces. 

    In democratic societies, those who seek to lead others must show evidence of their ability to do so. 

    All things being equal, those given the gavel are those whose evidence of their abilities, demonstrated either elsewhere or obvious, is believable.

    Government is about people. Good governance is about meeting the great social expectations. In some societies, e.g. developing countries, these expectations centre on the basics of life i.e. social amenities such as water, light, roads, housing, educational and health institutions. 

    All governments are judged based on available evidence – evidence they meet social expectations and discharge social obligations or fail to do so. A government which shows poor evidence gets poor marks. A pass mark is so important that governments invariably tend to behave like students. They cheat, lie or steal to get it.

    •Dr. Goodluck F.T. Uguoji,

    Akute, Ogun State.

  • Rhoda Jatau: A confluence of contradictions

    Rhoda Jatau: A confluence of contradictions

    • By Ike Willie-Nwobu

    Sir: Every now and then, in one corner of the country or another, confusion springs up sprinkling its fair share of chaos along the way.

    In May 2022, on flimsy excuses of blasphemy, 22-year-old Deborah Samuel was lynched by a crowd baying for blood in Sokoto State. By the time the smoke cleared enough for anyone to see, the student of the Shehu Shagari College of Education Sokoto  had been killed in the most agonizing manner possible.

      While her devastated family was forced to collect her bones and ashes and attempt anything resembling a burial decked with dignity, Nigerians wondered aloud what their country was becoming in the face of so much lawlessness laced with lethal religiosity.

     Of course, there were immediate and harsh calls for the prosecution of the killers of Deborah. But more than one year later, they have remained just that—calls that no one has responded to, calls that have gone largely unheeded.

     The grating failure to prosecute the perpetrators of one of Nigeria’s most recent public crimes continues to claim victims.  For one Nigerian woman, Deborah Samuel’s victimhood has become a shared one.

     Since May 2022, Rhoda Jatau has been in detention. Her crime? A WhatsApp video condemning mob action on Deborah Samuel. No sooner had the video shared among her coworkers circulated than the victim also became the perpetrator. 

     The healthcare administrator with the Warji local government in Bauchi, was arrested a few days after forwarding the video condemning the burning to death of Deborah Yakubu.

     Prosecutors allege that by sharing the video, Jatau committed multiple offences of inciting disturbance, contempt for religious creed, and cyberstalking.

     How ironic!  More than a year after the gruesome killing, while the chief perpetrators are at large, a woman who has dared to speak up remains incarcerated.

     Nigeria remains one of those odiously unique countries where justice remains selective, defining its parameters of selection alongside religious and ethnic lines.

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     The danger in letting crimes go unpunished is that the perpetrators soon mark more victims and with time, the victims themselves are marked and perpetrators and their persecution takes wings.

     The gruesome killing of Deborah Samuel invariably set off a chain reaction. Since then, there have been other instances of people being targeted by mobs because of unproven allegations of blasphemy.

     The danger is great if people are allowed to take the law into their own hands and apply it indiscriminately, the society faces the danger of disintegrating bit by bit. 

     A society which lacks basic freedoms is a society that is leaking the rights of its most vulnerable members.  Such a society faces real danger.

     It is an open secret that in Nigeria, many of those awaiting trial have been unjustly accused and incarcerated.  They fill up Nigeria’s overburdened correctional facilities and generally smear a system desperately in need of a facelift.

    In public conversations, Nigeria must ask itself pertinent questions that border on national unity and cohesion as well as national interest.

    It is only a country where everyone can feel safe and secure that can boast of being a developed country.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    Ikewilly9@gmail.com 

  • Another coup bid

    Another coup bid

    Sierra Leone was in recovery mode for much of last week following a bid by gun-wielding assailants to overthrow the country’s democracy. No fewer than 20 people got killed when the gunmen, early in the week, attacked military installations, including an armoury in Freetown, in an apparent bid to seize weapons with which to unseat the government of President Julius Maada Bio. The assailants also  barnstormed prison facilities, releasing more than 2,000 inmates.

    Armed clashes flared in the Sierra Leonean capital penultimate Sunday as government security forces repelled those described as “renegade soldiers” who attempted to break into the armoury in Freetown during the early hours. Reports cited witnesses who said they heard gunshots and explosions in the Wilberforce district where the armoury is located. Other witnesses spoke of exchanges of gunfire near a barracks in Murray Town district, home to the navy, and outside other security formations including a police station in the capital. Sierra Leone’s Information Minister Chernor Bah was reported saying major detention centres including the Pademba Road prisons were broken into and inmates set free by the assailants. A nationwide round-the-clock curfew was imposed on the heels of the attacks as government forces hunted down the renegades.

    President Bio confirmed the attacks, but gave assurance that his government had a handle on the situation. In a post on his official X handle, he said: “In the early hours of this (Sunday) morning, there was a breach of security at the military barracks at Wilberforce in Freetown, as some unidentified individuals attacked the military armoury. However, they were repelled by our gallant security forces and calm has been restored. As the combined team of our security forces continue to route (sic) out  the remnant of the fleeing renegades, a nationwide curfew has been declared and citizens are encouraged to stay indoors.” He urged all Sierra Leoneans to unite to protect democracy in the West African country.

    Following the nationwide curfew, flights were disrupted at the Freetown International Airport and the country’s civil aviation authority advised airlines to reschedule. The authority, in a statement, said passengers should be placed on the next available flights after the curfew gets lifted, adding though that the Sierra Leonean airspace remained open. Agency reports, however, cited military personnel on Sierra Leone’s frontier with neighbouring Guinea – a country under military rule – saying they had been instructed to shut the border.

    In the days following the Sunday uprising, government confirmed the insurrection to be a coup attempt over which no fewer than 13 military officers and one civilian had been arrested. “The incident was a failed attempted coup. The intention was to illegally subvert and overthrow a democratically elected government,” Information Minister Bah said Tuesday, adding: “The attempt failed, and plenty of the leaders are either in police custody or on the run. We will try to capture them and bring them to the full force of the laws of Sierra Leone.” Police chief William Fayia Sellu corroborated him, saying “a group of people” tried to illegally unseat the government. He told journalists in Freetown that the police had published photographs of 32 men and two women being sought in connection with the unrest, among them serving and retired soldiers and police officers as well as civilians. Government also confirmed that those killed in the uprising include 13 soldiers, three of the assailants, a police officer, a civilian and someone working in private security. Eight others were seriously injured.

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    Although normalcy was largely restored to Freetown as from Monday, shots were heard on Tuesday in the neighbourhood of Murray Town barracks, with the police saying this was part of an operation to apprehend fleeing perpetrators of Sunday’s attacks. No-one was hurt in the incident and a “person of interest” was arrested and taken into custody, a government statement said. The Sierra Leonean police also launched a manhunt to recapture dozens of fleeing inmates set free by the renegades, with the presence of the security operatives creating panic as they sought inmates who were “believed to be hunkering down around the slums,” according to agency reports. A police statement disclosed that some escaped inmates turned themselves in, while cash rewards were offered for information leading to arrest of yet fleeing assailants and prison escapees. Meanwhile, the 24-hour curfew imposed on the heels of the Sunday attacks was relaxed to nine hours: 9:00p.m. to 6:00a.m. local time until further notice. The civil aviation authority said airport operations would be conducted “within the parameters of the revised curfew time.”

    By beating back the rebellion, Sierra Leone avoided falling in league with some other West African countries where the military seized power in recent history: these include neighbouring Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic. The Sunday coup bid marked the sixth experience in the sub-region since 2020, and the ninth in the West and Central Africa belt within same period. Unlike Sierra Leone, countries affected were not lucky to contain the military adventurers. The last coup occurred in Gabon where soldiers, late in August, booted out President Ali Bongo Ondimba few days after a presidential poll he was declared to have won by nearly a landslide. In July, the Nigerièn military seized power from elected President Mohamed Bazoum, and have dug in despite threats of being forced out by the sub-regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The Niger coupists had soulmates in Mali and Burkina Faso – countries with which Niger shares borders. Soldiers in Burkina Faso shot their way into power in January 2022 to displace President Roch Marc Kaboré, who came into office in 2015 and was re-elected to another five-year term in 2020. And that was in the wake of similar power grabs in Mali that toppled President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita in August 2020, a repeat coup in the same country by which a civilian-led interim government was sacked in May 2021, and a coup in Guinea that overthrew President Alpha Condé in September 2021. Besides those coups, there was the extra-constitutional succession of former President Idriss Déby of Chad by his son, General Mahamat Idriss Déby, after he was killed by rebel fighters in April 2021.

    The recurrence of coups and coup attempts in the region gives credence to fears in many quarters of military adventurism in power being contagious. But there is a familiar ecosystem in which soldiers make their grab for power. In Sierra Leone, the political situation has been tense since June when Bio was re-elected, narrowly avoiding a run-off with the candidate of main opposition All People’s Congress (APC). That election was the fifth since the end of Sierra Leone’s brutal 11-year civil war more than two decades ago, which left more than 50,000 dead, several hundreds maimed and the country’s economy destroyed. The result of the June poll was rejected by the opposition and questioned by international partners including the United States and the European Union; and the opposition boycotted the government until October when a peace deal with government was mediated by the Commonwealth, the African Union (AU) and ECOWAS. Since his electoral victory, Bio had faced criticism because of debilitating economic conditions. Nearly 60 percent of Sierra Leone’s population of more than seven million are impoverished, and youth unemployment is among the highest in West Africa.

    But nothing – absolutely nothing – justifies unconstitutional change of power. ECOWAS made the point strongly in its statement when it expressed “utter disgust (at) a plot by certain individuals to acquire arms and disturb the peace and constitutional order in Sierra Leone.” The sub-regional body added: “The bloc has always maintained zero-tolerance for unconstitutional change of government. We want to reaffirm our commitment to supporting the government and the people of Sierra Leone’s quest to deepen democracy and good governance by consolidating peace and security so as to foster socio-economic development.” On Tuesday, the body said it was primed to deploy regional support to “strengthen national security” in Sierra Leone. Other world powers were unanimous in condemning the bid.

    Soldiers everywhere must get the message that there is no sufficient condition to warrant forceful dislocation of a constitutional order. And the Sierra Leone experience holds out fresh hope for democracy, namely that misguided intervention in power can be contained. Sweet hope!

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • On Helen Paul and stigmatisation

    On Helen Paul and stigmatisation

    • By Zayd Ibn Isah

    During her 2019 doctoral degree celebration at Lagos State University, Nigerian comedienne and singer, Helen Paul, surprised many by revealing that she was a product of rape. This disclosure prompted questions about her decision to share such a sensitive part of her life, earning admiration for her courage, considering the societal stigma surrounding children born out of wedlock, especially those resulting from rape.

    Fast forward to this year, Helen Paul revisited the circumstances of her birth. She shed light on her mother’s resilient struggles to raise her against all odds. It must be noted that individuals are rarely encouraged to openly discuss sensitive details of their lives on social media or other relatively public platforms, particularly when such details are not flattering at all. But Helen Paul took hers in stride, much to the admiration of many netizens. In revealing this part of her life, she notably maintained a calm and assured poise. Her demeanour basically seemed to direct a message to her doubters, saying, “Do you now see that I have succeeded, despite your belief that I wouldn’t amount to anything in life?”

    The society which Helen Paul was raised in is one where individuals born out of wedlock are labelled as “Omo ale,” a derogatory term which can loosely be translated as a bastard child. In the Yoruba community, it is strongly believed that such children may disrupt household peace and ultimately amount to nothing in life. This perspective even extends beyond Yoruba culture to those of other traditional African societies. In such societies, children born out of wedlock are often perceived as potential sources of worry to households, and nuisances to society at large. Unfortunately, Helen Paul faced discrimination from her uncles and aunties, who not only avoided her like a plague but also denied her opportunities, diminishing her chances of surviving life, let alone going on to thrive within it.

    Eventually, Helen Paul would prove her doubters wrong. After all, “Man no be God,” as it is often said. But how would those who gave her little chance of ever winning in life feel upon seeing her become a distinguished personality during family reunions? In the midst of Helen’s story is the resilience of her mother who bore the pregnancy, despite the stigma, shame, and humiliation attached to it. On its own, rape is a traumatic experience. There are records of rape victims, mostly women, who have gone on to commit suicide, unable to withstand the trauma and shame of being violated. Others would choose to abort the foetus within them, as if doing so would enable them to move on and to heal.

    According to researchers, sexual violence survivors are at a greater risk of committing suicide. This statement has been proven true time and time again, with numerous instances of rape victims ending their lives just because they couldn’t bear the shame and social stigma. One such case is that of 16-year-old Olayemi Agbeloba, who tragically took her own life after being raped by her boss’ husband early this year.

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    In most cases, the parents of these victims would be too concerned about seeking justice and even vengeance for their children, rather than prioritizing their mental health. As much as justice is important, the well-being of whomever justice is being sought for is doubly important, particularly when considering the psychological damage caused by rape, the sort devastating enough to invite suicide as the only way out. This is all the more reason why parents and relatives of victims, and society at large, should always put the mental health of rape victims first, while ensuring that perpetrators are brought to book.

    Although we often encourage victims of sexual abuse to speak up, sometimes, when they do, we unfairly blame them for dressing somewhat or behaving in a particular manner, as if doing otherwise would have saved them from the animalistic urges of a rapist. You would hear statements like, “Why did you dress half-naked?” or “Why did you go to his house at such a time of the night?” It is insensitive statements like these that have emboldened potential rapists by serving as logical justifications for the act itself.

    That being said, there are numerous lessons to draw from the story of Helen Paul¼s life and that of her mother. One significant lesson stems from Helen¼s mother, who, when faced with the opportunity to succumb to despair like other victims, chose not to take that path. She could have chosen suicide or abortion to escape her terrible situation, but chose to be resilient. Her determination in the face of adversity should serve as an inspiring example for other victims of sexual violence. It is heartening to see that Helen Paul¼s perseverance has paid off; the once stigmatized “Omo ale” is now celebrated as an “Omo akanda.” This brings to mind the other lesson out of all this, which is that no human being born out of the misfortune of rape should be treated unfairly and denied the normalcy of childhood and growth. Nobody imagined that Helen Paul, a girl-child born from incredible pain and despair, would one day become the cornerstone of her family. This is all the more reason why we should end the senseless stigmatization of people who had no control over the circumstances surrounding their birth, and instead cultivate the art of tolerance, compassion and understanding.

    In commemorating this year’s “16 Days of Activism Against Gender-based Violence”, let us not only advocate for justice for victims of gender-based violence, but also sensitize the public concerning the mental health of survivors, in an effort to end once and for all the stigmatization of children who deserve much more from life and society than just being victims.

    •Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com

  • Citizens’ confidence and electoral reforms

    Citizens’ confidence and electoral reforms

    The National Assembly Committee on Electoral Reforms last week, organized a Citizens’ Town Hall in conjunction with Yiaga Africa. The event which attracted a broad spectrum of stakeholders was aimed at deepening citizens’ engagement and inclusiveness in the electoral reforms process.

    Senate president, Godswill Akpabio set the tone for the discussions: “We are committed not only to go along with the people on the call for reforms to the electoral legal framework…but protect the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, and also restore the trust of our people in the electoral process”.

    Two key issues are encapsulated in the above statement. The first is the recognition of a welter of public demand for reforms of the electoral legal framework. The second which is a consequence of the imperfections of the first, is the growing loss of public confidence in the electoral process due to its inability to adequately guarantee and reflect the will of the electorate.

    These electoral deficits are not entirely new as various attempts have in the past been made to have them reformed. Late President Umaru Yar’Adua had admitted immediately he took over from his predecessor, the shortcomings of the election that brought him to power. That election defied all the rules of free, fair and credible contest leading to loss of confidence in the process.

    The disenchantment was so much so that it became inconceivable how people could submit themselves to future contests under that charade.  Yar’Adua moved quickly to set up the Mohammed Uwais Electoral Reforms Committee to come up with measures to restore the confidence of the people in the electoral process and deepen democracy.

    The high powered committee made far-reaching recommendations to improve the electoral process and environment, strengthen the legal framework and enhance the independence of the electoral body. It also had position on how to improve the performance of various institutions and stakeholders in the election management process such as the legislature, judiciary, executive and political parties.

    Yar’Adua accepted most of the recommendations except the transfer of the powers to appoint the board of the INEC from the president to the National Judicial Council, NJC. He was to begin implementing them before he fell ill. His successor Jonathan implemented the policy aspects and forwarded the entire report to the National Assembly for consideration.

    During the first and last tenures of the Buhari administration, the National Assembly made strident efforts to amend the Electoral Act to enhance the integrity of elections. Through the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, it sought to give legal teeth to the deployment of technology during voting, collation of results and direct transmission of results from the polling units to the INEC result viewing portals.

    At least on three occasions the bill came to Buhari for assent but he declined citing time constraints and raising objections that gave out his discomfort with the reforms. But he succumbed to pressure on the eve of the last elections finally assenting to the deployment of technology and direct transmission of election results from the polling units to the INEC result viewing portal.

    That assent did much to restore confidence that the then coming elections would mark a sharp departure from previous ones. Technology and the direct transmission of elections results were envisaged to eliminate ballot box stuffing and snatching, falsification of results and ambush of election materials by desperate politicians and their army of thugs.

    That was the setting the last general elections were conducted. Technology went on fairly well at the National Assembly election but things went awry at the presidential polls as the scanned results could not be transmitted due to what INEC was later to identify as glitches. This did not go down well with the citizens as allegations of foul play were freely traded by the political parties.

    The inability of the INEC to transmit the results of the presidential election was a major issue in the election petitions by the political parties. Those petitions have been put to rest by the Supreme Court. But what emerged from the Supreme Court ruling is that INEC is not under obligation to compute results from the result viewing portal. That seemed to have rubbished all the optimism on the capacity of direct transmission of election results to guarantee the integrity of our elections.

    Public confidence in the electoral process is again at its lowest ebb especially given the outcome of the off-cycle elections in three states. These have again resonated in agitations for the reforms of the electoral process to guarantee its integrity especially as politicians have not shown any change from their old and crooked ways.

    When Akpabio spoke of calls for reforms with a promise to restore the trust of the people in the electoral process, he was responding to palpable public disillusionment with the outcome of the last elections. That is the challenge facing the National Assembly. They want to get at it through citizens’ participation and engagement.

    But we are not really lacking in what to do to enhance the integrity of elections and deepen democracy.  The Uwais committee had far-reaching recommendations that addressed these electoral deficits had the political will for their acceptance and implementation been there. Much of the issues that were canvassed at the town hall had been elaborately dealt with by that committee. 

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    As should be expected, participants offered suggestions on aspects of our laws that should be tinkered with to enhance the integrity of institutions involved in election management, the credibility of the electoral process and survival of democracy. The first target of such reforms should be an amendment to the Electoral Act mandating INEC to deploy technology in accreditation and voting and computation of election results directly from the figures transmitted from the polling units to the result viewing portal.

    Former INEC chairman, Attahiru Jega raised a valid issue when he canvassed the proscription of cross-carpeting for elected officials. He would want them to relinquish their elective positions before decamping to any other party. Jega also wants the appointment of the board of the INEC to be taken away from the president to an independent body to ensure neutrality and impartiality of the officials.

    There is merit in both proposals even as they are not entirely novel. As a matter of fact, our constitution made copious provisions to discourage elected officials from decamping to other political parties unless there is division in their parties. But that provision has often been negatively exploited by elected officials to decamp and in most cases to the ruling party.

    This tendency is unhealthy for democracy as it encourages the slide to one party state. Matters are not helped by our brand of politics (political culture) that frowns at opposition, constantly evolving devious strategies to emasculate dissent.

    So that section of the constitution has to be tinkered with to make it mandatory for elected officials to relinquish their positions before decamping to other political parties. This will not only checkmate the increasing gravitation to the ruling party but more fundamentally ensure the plurality of party politics. Our democracy will be better with virile opposition.

    Before now, scholars had argued with varying degrees of plausibility that African tradition and culture loathe opposition. They point to our kingship system to buttress this point. That seems evident from the mad rush to cross-carpeting. It is also evident in the selective reward to those who voted for the winning party to the exclusion of others. It is no less evident in the winner-takes-all syndrome of our politics.

    And unless serious efforts are made through legislation to check this tendency, we may wake up one day to the reality of a one party state. One is frightened at such prospects. The divestment of the appointment of the board of INEC and resident electoral commissioners is another issue for urgent resolution. The Uwais committee wants the NJC to exercise that power. There is merit in an independent body taking over such appointments to guarantees the credibility and impartiality of the electoral umpire.

    A political party and some civil society groups have taken President Tinubu to court for allegedly appointing party members into such offices. This reinforces the urgency to insulate the presidency from such appointments to guarantee the integrity of an agency already assailed by credibility deficits.

    Our books are not lacking in what to do to strengthen and provide fertile ground for democracy to grow and flourish. What has been in short supply is the political will to do the right thing. But it does appear we have no choice if we want democracy in its pristine form. Will President Tinubu make the desired difference in this regard?

  • Cleaning up Lagos

    Cleaning up Lagos

    • By Chris Adetayo

    The past few weeks have felt like a trick of the mind. Since the end of September, Lagos State Government officials, led by the Commissioner for Environment, Tokunbo Wahab, have swooped across the metropolis, shutting down unclean markets, demolishing canal-blocking buildings, opening up silted drainages, and dislodging road-blocking traders. While there is a precedence of government activism in matters of the environment in Lagos, the extent of this new push goes far beyond what has been witnessed before under a civilian administration.

    When Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu announced in September, while inaugurating his new cabinet, that he will place priority on enforcement of environmental laws and the protection of public assets, not many gave his pledge any serious thought. For one, he is not known for being combative; he very much prefers the niceties of diplomatese to get his way. For another, Lagos has become an almost impossible to police state. Where could he start from without stepping on toes and attracting vitriol? 

    Yet, what has played out since he made that declaration has been a demonstration of his resolve to compel a change in behaviour of those who make Lagos their home for living, and make their living from it. In his Commissioner for Environment, he has found and empowered a man who is determined to clean up Lagos, and change its face and perception for the better.

    For so long, Lagos has earned the unenviable record of being one of the most unliveable conurbations in the world. It wears the look of a patchwork of buildings, roads and public infrastructure; a kaleidoscope of ill-fitting parts hurriedly mashed together with no thought for order, convenience and aesthetics. If aerial views of the city are unflattering, the reality on the ground is worse.

    Take markets, major and minor. They operated with no care for cleanliness. Goods shared space with human and material waste. Despite having “association of market men and women” in every market, no one seemed to care that the lack of attention to proper waste disposal and unclean environment was an invitation to the spread of diseases. While there is a two-hour period on every Thursday that is set aside for “environmental sanitation” in markets, this served little purpose. Shop owners simply stayed away till it was time to open by the stipulated 10am for that day.

    If unclean markets were problematic, even more dangerous were the number of buildings sitting on right-of-way of drainages and canals. The effect of this has been long felt. Annually, Lagos Island is brought to a standstill by floods whenever the heavens open up. The skies turning dark in preparation for rain invited fear and trepidation from residents and business owners. For days, canoes take over roads as water, unable to find a path through the drainages and canals into the Lagos lagoon, flood the streets. 

    It is against this background that the Sanwo-Olu administration has chosen to get tough on infractions. The team started with markets, shutting down several of them including Oyingbo, Mile 12, Alayabiagba, and Ladipo markets. All fell short of hygienic standards and had to carry out remedial measures before they were opened. 

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    From dealing with the environmental hazards in the markets, the state government has moved to pulling down drainage-blocking buildings across the state, and clearing street traders impeding free flow of traffic. What has been especially eye-catching is how residents in different parts of the state have taken to reporting infractions to the cleaning-up team and requesting their help. It speaks to the buy-in of most residents.

    As should be expected, these actions have not gone without complaints and push back. Some have sought to make this about tribe, despite the equal-opportunity nature of the actions taken and the important benefits to the environment and the society. Others seek to make political gains from the actions, by claiming that these efforts attack the livelihood of poor people and lay to waste the “life savings” of building owners. A former presidential candidate even argued, rather shockingly, that the government should turn a blind eye to violations because the “time is not auspicious for such an exercise”.

    Happily, the government has ignored all the nay-sayers and kept its eyes on the ball. The commissioner has been active on the ground and in the media, supervising the work of his men and painstakingly explaining every action taken. The governor has also allowed him to get on with the difficult task while giving him the necessary political cover. The results so far – cleaner markets, better waste disposal, unblocked drainages, unhindered driving and walking routes – are pleasing to see.

     But there is so much more to be done. One area the Lagos State Government will need to improve on is with its own internal systems. The proliferation of illegally constructed buildings on canal paths speaks to official delinquency and tardiness. While the COVID-19 lock-down gave many the window to carry out illegal constructions, the complete absence of official oversight while this happened is embarrassing. This is where technology will help. The deployment of state-of-the-art geo-spatial technology will enable instant tracking of building developments across the state and limit the influence of corruption.

    All told, the past three months have demonstrated that the Lagos State government has the steel to enforce environment regulations, compel changes in behaviour, and commence the midwifing of a more environmentally friendly city. The task is to keep at it and expand its reaches. A Lagos that aspires to global acclaim and is inviting the investing world must look better than it currently does. It is time for Lagos to start climbing the ladder of liveability.

    •Adetayo is a communications executive and writes from Lagos.

  • ‘Bandits have taken over a number of schools in Katsina’

    ‘Bandits have taken over a number of schools in Katsina’

    The Katsina State Governor, Malam Umar Dikko Radda, has declared that quite a number of schools in the state have been taken over by the activities of bandits in their area.

    Radda who made this known in his address at the 7th and 8th combined convocation ceremony of the Federal University, Dutsinma (FUDMA), Katsina State.

    He said his administration will remain unrelenting in decimating the terrorists in the state

    He said: “There is no education without security. Many of our frontline Local Government Areas have had their schools closed due to banditry and in some cases, schools have become dens for bandits.

    “This is why we established the Katsina State Community Watch Corps to fight insecurity and create a foundation for our youth to learn and thrive.

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    “My administration has made out-of-school children a main priority and we will continue to work with all partners to reduce the numbers.

    “We will also work with religious schools to provide academic tools for students in a bid to prepare them for the world ahead.

    “All the actions we have embarked upon as government are designed to lay the foundation for a brighter future for the people of Katsina.

    “In addition to education, we have focused on agriculture, health and social care, MSMES, and internally generated revenue.”

  • I chased Shekau, Qaqa out of Niget, says ex-Gov Aliyu

    I chased Shekau, Qaqa out of Niget, says ex-Gov Aliyu

    Former Niger State Governor, Dr. Muazu Babangida Aliyu, has explained how he chased the dreaded Boko Haram leaders, Abubakar Shekau and Abu Qaqa out of Niger State during his first term as Governor, saying that, the state would have been the foundation of Boko Haram.

    He said part of the solution to the security challenges bedeviling Nigeria, like terrorism and banditry is proper planning and budgeting that will eradicate the negative statistics of 20million out of school children and change the story of Nigeria from being rated as the global poverty capital.

    Aliyu stated this in Kaduna as the weekend while addressing at the 2023 annual public lecture, awards and election of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), Kaduna Branch.

    The former governor said: “The primary purpose of government is the security of lives and property of the citizens. As Chief Security officer of your state, you cannot claim inability to secure your citizens. Yes, the officers of the security agencies might not have come from your state, they are federal officers posted to assist you in your state.

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    “Being proactive as leader and followers also help so much. When I arrived Niger state, I found a security challenge in the form nine people who went to a village in Mokwa local government, who had multiplied in 2007 to 7,000 people and were involved in armed robbery and abducting women in the area. They constituted themselves into a republic.

    “I also discovered that many governors have tried to do something but were probably frustrated by Abuja. Infact, two immigration officers sent to investigate the activities in the group became members. When I took census, I discovered that more than 60 per cent of the members were not Nigerians. The original Shekau and Abu Qaga were the leaders. I got the support of the Late President Musa Yar’adua to disperse them after compensating them and provided them transport to their destination in Nigeria and the foreigners were taken to their boarders.

    “That action probably saved Niger State from being the foundation of Boko Haram as we come to know, they were regularly visiting the River Niger bridge. That the federal Government would support any governor who has done his homework,” he said.