The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • On Uche Secondus’ palatial mansion

    On Uche Secondus’ palatial mansion

    The fundamental needs of humanity encompass food, clothing, and shelter. For Prince Uche Secondus, a key aspect of a fulfilling life is possessing a place he can truly call home. Recently, footage of his extravagant housewarming party surfaced online, igniting a whirlwind of reactions from the public. According to sources close to him, he anticipated the video would generate significant buzz, but he remains unfazed by the attention.

    Nestled on an expansive acre of land in Port Harcourt, this palatial mansion is nothing short of a paradise. Elegantly designed and meticulously furnished, it bears an uncanny resemblance to the iconic United States White House, showcasing a level of sophistication and grandeur. Elaborate architecture, stunning interiors, and lavish décor come together to create a remarkable living space.

    Reports indicate that Secondus spared no expense in the construction of this opulent residence, investing approximately N5 billion in bringing his vision to life. During the dedication ceremony, led by Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Prince Secondus was observed celebrating joyously alongside friends and family, reveling in what he views as a divine blessing.

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    However, the mansion’s extravagant nature has prompted a wave of criticism. Many observers find it perplexing that a seasoned politician would invest in such luxurious accommodations while Nigeria grapples with significant economic challenges. Critics argue that flaunting such wealth is inappropriate at a time when countless citizens struggle to meet basic housing needs. On the other hand, some defend Secondus, arguing that he has not held a political office before and that the funds used for the mansion cannot be directly linked to political slush funds or ill-gotten gains.

    Despite the mixed reactions and media backlash, Prince Secondus remains resolute and undeterred. Rather than being swayed by criticism, he chooses to express gratitude to his creator for this monumental gift as he embarks on a new year, filled with hope and ambition.

  • How realignment will benefit Plateau, by Mutfwang

    How realignment will benefit Plateau, by Mutfwang

    Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang spoke with reporters in Jos, the state capital, shortly after the rally marking his defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), on the gains of realignment of forces. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU reports

    What motivated you to join the All Progressives Congress (APC)?

    To be honest with you, in July to be precise, the President reached out to me and asked me to consider coming over to the APC. I politely declined because my assessment then of the political dynamics of the Plateau.

    There was no need for me to contemplate leaving the PDP at that point in time. But you will also recall that from September thereabout, the PDP began to wobble seriously. It got to the point where, as an insider, I became aware, as one of our elders said, that the PDP had fallen into the hands of undertakers.

    At that point, the question was whether I was still going on with 2027 or not. I likened it to having a very serious appointment, like a wedding, ahead of you, and the vehicle you are travelling in breaks down very irreparably. You are forced at that point either to look for a mechanic or to look for another vehicle.

    Going into 2027, I needed a platform. When I looked at it and saw that the PDP was not likely going to become a viable platform for 2027, I had to think of an option. The options were either to look for a new political party or to accept the invitation by the President.

    When I did my own intelligence gathering about the state of parties in Nigeria, I found that it was least dangerous for me to respond to the President than to think of a new platform. I have never believed in the gladiators in the ADC, for example, and I didn’t think that was an option for me.

    Earlier in the year, the circumstances were entirely different. After that, events began to emerge that I never contemplated, which forced me to have a rethink. It is that rethink that has brought me to this point now, where, after much consultation, I thought it was safer to go with the APC.

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    You’ve had so much development in terms of education, agriculture and other sectors when you were with the PDP. Now that you have aligned with the centre, what do we expect in terms of more development for the state?

    For me, it is to expect more collaboration, more enhancement and more support to continue what we have started doing. I must be honest, we haven’t witnessed too much hostility from the Federal Government. At least, in the last one year plus, I think I’ve enjoyed considerable collaboration with the Federal Government.

    Now that I’m part of the family, I expect even more enhanced collaboration in the future. What is emerging is that Plateau State is becoming like the jewel of the crown in the North Central. I believe that all the potential to harvest votes on the Plateau will be nurtured so that we can deliver on the potential and produce that we hold.

    Your Excellency, let’s rewind events of the past for replay. You were at Ibadan, at Adamashigua Stadium, and there were expulsion of your colleagues. You later objected to. Why?

    I objected out of principle because it was done surreptitiously. There was no conversation around it that I was privy to, and I felt that a decision of such magnitude should not just be taken by a few people. Moreover, I didn’t see the purpose it was going to achieve. It was only going to deepen the divide, and as you can see, the situation has worsened since then.

    If you followed the trend last week, there was a particular fiasco in court, which is like walking into a trap. Before you get out of such entanglement, a lot of water has passed under the bridge. I thought it was a wrong strategy to take control of the party.

     When a new governor comes into the APC, there is a problem of harmonising structures. How are you going to go about it to foster peace and harmony?

    For us on the Plateau, we are lucky. The key gladiators we would have had issues with have demonstrated sufficient understanding. Former Governor Lalong, who is my predecessor, publicly told the world that I am now the new leader. Once you have a leadership structure, it is not difficult to harmonise positions.

    On my own part, I know it is not a winner-takes-all situation. You have to have a likeness of hearts to ensure that all and sundry are accommodated under the same roof.

    How was your leadership able to achieve the relative peace in the state?

    As you rightly observed, December was one of the most peaceful in the recent history of the Plateau. If you came here on the 31st of December, I was there. That is a reflection of the relative peace we are talking about. It didn’t just take place in Jos; virtually all local governments experienced relative peace.

    It is the result of concerted efforts. It is not happenstance. We have been lucky to stumble upon credible, actionable intelligence that helps us nip potential threats in the bud. You don’t get intelligence without cultivating friendships and relationships. Where you cultivate the right relationships, people volunteer information. This is what we have been doing over the last two years.

    In the last three months particularly, the body language of the President has changed. It has given more clarity to the security agencies to deal with the situation. They now feel empowered by the political leadership to do the needful, and I think that has changed a lot.

    Plateau is historically a PDP state, coming from the works of people like the late Chief Solomon Lar. Now that you are taking PDP strength into the APC, are the grassroots part of this?

    Plateau people are rational voters. They know when to trust the judgement of their leader. Many people may not necessarily be current members of the APC, but they have shown commitment that wherever we go, they are with us. At the end of the day, it is not party membership but voter support that matters.

    Since we made the decision to cross over, we have been engaging the grassroots. Many of them only wanted to be spoken to and to hear the reasoning behind our decision. Leaders across faith and ethnicity have come to appreciate the rationale.

    We are continuing the engagement. I am a grassroots politician. Energising your base is critical, and we will intensify that in the days ahead.

    On tangible benefits, the road project is now with the legal department of the Ministry of Works. Contracts are being tidied up, and mobilisation should begin soon. The President has assured me it is a legacy project.

    Investments in livestock development are also coming. We are determined to recover the Wase Grazing Reserve. Livestock development has the capacity to bring prosperity. We are developing the entire value chain, from feed to milk production. We are also building a new abattoir capable of slaughtering 500 cows a day.

    The Vice President also mentioned recruitment into the forest service. Plateau has been allocated 1,000 slots, which will help in returning IDPs to their communities.

    Any guarantee for second term ticket?

    On guarantees, tradition in Nigeria ensures first-term governors get second-term tickets. I am confident the President is a man of his word. Beyond that, we will bring value to the APC. Plateau State has the potential to influence Middle Belt voting blocs significantly.

    Given past hostility between parties, how do you translate conflict energy into development?

    At a point, maturity sets in. We choose collaboration over conflict. The endorsement by the National Chairman was reassuring and energising. It put fears to rest and strengthened commitment.

    We must take our political destiny into our hands and ensure our votes count in national politics post-2027.

  • Six aspirants eye Edo South APC ticket

    Six aspirants eye Edo South APC ticket

    Senator Neda Imasuen is eyeing another term at the Senate to represent Edo South, but some APC leaders are bent on stopping him. Correspondent OSAGIE OTABOR reports

    The race for the All Progressives Congress (APC) ticket to contest the Edo South senatorial seat has begun. Senator Neda Imasuen currently occupies the seat. Those interested have started setting up political structures across the seven local government areas that make up Edo South. They are doing all they can within their political means to secure the support of Governor Monday Okpebholo, the leader of Edo APC.

    Interestingly, the race for the APC ticket is crowded with political warlords who are serial contestants. They are incumbent Senator Neda Imasuen, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, Valentine Asuen, Lucky Imasuen, Senator Matthew Urhoghide, and Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama. Aspirants in opposition political parties are yet to declare their interest.

    Past senators who have represented Edo South are Daisy Danjuma, Roland Owie, Ehigie Uzamere, and Matthew Urhoghide. Senator Uzamere was the first Edo South senator to return for a second term after he defected from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

    His successor, Matthew Urhoghide, also got a second term, but previous senators from Edo South lost their seats after serving four years.

    It appears there is a gang-up against the return of Senator Imaseun to the Senate. Political observers believed that it would be a herculean task for Senator Imasuen to win the APC ticket. He won the election riding on the 2023 Labour Party (LP) tsunami with Peter Obi, the party’s presidential candidate.

    He recently defected to the APC and has since become a rallying force for the party. Imasuen served as a Senior Legislative Aide to Senator Urhoghide from 2015 to 2023. Urhoghide’s attempt to secure a third term failed when he lost the PDP primary. Senator Imasuen joined the LP and won the election against all odds.

    Some APC leaders backing Imasuen said he remained the best to pick the party’s ticket, having empowered over 10,000 women, youths, and artisans under various support schemes. They argued that he spent two years in the Senate as an opposition LP member and needed more time there for Edo South to rank among the top senators, rather than having a neophyte in 2027.

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    A chieftain of the Edo APC, who pleaded anonymity, cautioned Edo South electorates against promoting a politics of cultural consideration and instead to support a process that would produce effective legislators, public servants, and political actors with strong relationships with their different constituents and underdeveloped communities.

    He said it was time to embrace positive trajectories and to promote people with character and capacity to meet their expectations.

    The chieftain cautioned that the concentration of power in the hands of those who see political office as an industry to promote their self-interest would be a drawback to Edo South, blessed with natural and human resources.

    According to him, “The Benins must play more interest in the political process that will produce those to be saddled with the responsibility of overseeing their interest.

    “They must take a closer look at anyone who had the opportunity in the past but wasted it on the altar of selfish interest, nepotism, and outright plundering of resources. This nepotic practice of favouring family members, and cronyism by Benins, which makes them favour friends or long-term associates, even when such persons are not qualified, has hindered good governance, promoted corruption, and led to inefficient public service in Edo South.

    “Edo South people must look inward and stop raising dust where there is none. Placing unqualified individuals in key positions will continue to hinder their progress.”

    Osagie Ize-Iyamu

    Pastor Ize-Iyamu has been a relevant player in Edo South politics and the state at large over the past 24 years. Pastor Ize-Iyamu has reportedly met with his supporters and informed them about his ambition. His shot at the governorship slot in 2016 and 2020 failed.

    His supporters have taken to social media to drum up support for him. He knows how to play the game and is very calculative. Ize-Iyamu is the greatest threat to Senator Imaseun, as his structure has remained intact. He served as Chief of Staff and Secretary to the State Government to Governor Lucky Igbinedion between 1999 and 2007.

    Pastor Ize-Iyamu was the brain behind the formation of the Grace Group, under whose platform Adams Oshiomhole rode to power in 2008. He is believed to have the backing of Governor Monday Okpebholo.

    Valentine Asuen

    Asuen was the APC State Youth Leader. He was also the APC candidate for Edo South in the 2023 general elections, but was defeated by Senator Imaseun. Asuen banks on the support of Oshiomhole and Deputy Governor Dennis Idahosa. He is currently the Chairman of the Edo State Forestry Commission. He is currently suspended from the APC for his alleged ambition to run for the Senate.

    Matthew Urhoghide

    Senator Urhoghide won election to the Senate twice under the PDP. He has reportedly informed Senator Imaseun of his ambition to return to the Senate. Urhoghide lost his bid for a third time to Matthew Iduoriyekemwen for a shot at the Senate.

    Urhoghide is banking on Governor Okpebholo’s endorsement.

    Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama

    Ogbeide-Ihama served in the House of Representatives between 2015 and 2023. He is an ally of the Minister of FCT, Abuja, Nyesom Wike. He is said to be campaigning on a political arrangement between Governor Okpebholo and the legacy PDP group.

    Lucky Imasuen

    Lucky Imasuen was Deputy Governor of Edo State under Osarhiemen Osunbor. He was also Chief of Staff to Igbinedion. Imaseun lost at the APC primary to Asuen.

  • What next after Yusuf’s defection?

    What next after Yusuf’s defection?

    The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Yusuf and other chieftains of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) is a major blow to the Kwakwansiyya Movement leader, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the implications of the allegiance shift for 2027 polls

    Kano State is electorally sought-after state. Its population, both in quality and quantity, is huge and intimidating. In the Northwest, it is a poll-confident state reputed for swinging the pendulum of victory in any presidential election.

    Until two weeks ago, the leader of the Kwakwansiyya Movement, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, held the ace. The former governor was the undisputed leader of the state and arrowhead of the small but mighty state chapter of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), on which platform Abba Yusuf became governor in 2023.

    Today, the party is decimated, following the defection of the governor, nine federal legislators, commissioners, special advisers and local government chairmen to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Yusuf bade farewell to Kwankwaso, his father-inlaw, to become the state leader of APC and commander of the 2027 battle against the former governor and other followers. Incidentally, Kwankwaso, who was about opening discussion with APC, foot-dragged before his former protege took the initiative.

    A source said the governor and his benefactor parted ways a long time ago, and there were speculations that Yusuf complained about highhandedness. Feelers also suggested that Kwankwaso may not be thinking about upholding Yusuf’s ambition for second term. As the source disclosed, the deputy governor seems to enjoy a higher rating.

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    The governor is smart. He is conscious of the fact that APC needs Kano just as he too needs a second term. The alugnment of interests was a factor in his decision to jump ship.

    However, there are still hurdles to cross. The governor’s influence would still be moderated in APC by his two predecessors – Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, who has embraced him, and Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, who is also expected in the fold.

    Despite becoming the state party leader, the governor has to grapple with the challenge of harmonisation of structures. He is new in the party that has been continuously nurtured by his arch-rivals, particularly Senate President Jibrin Barau, who has been mobilising the party and state for the second term ambition of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Eyes have also been on the senator as a potential governorship candidate of the ruling party before the defection. Through his mobilisation activities, empowerment programmes  scholarship schemes and financial oiling of the party structures in Kano, Barau has built a solid reputation as a loyal and dependable ally of the president.

     Since 2023, the senator has put his hand on the plough without looking back. He had vowed to reclaim Kano from NNPP.  Therefore, he embarked on a membership drive in Kano, with a view to solidifying APC’s political base ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Before Yusuf’s decision to defect, Barau has attracted many opposition figures to Kano APC.

    He also sensitised the people and impressed it on them the need to support the president to attact more democratic dividends to the state.  Success had attended his mobilisation of the people. Many followers of Kwankwaso had defected to the APC and joined him in the campaign to solidify the party structures. The defectors were given a sense of belonging.

    A source said: “Within the short time, the growing influence of the Deputy Senate President put the NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya Movement on edge, ahead of 2027 elections. Despite the influence of the NNPP as the ruling party in Kano, Barau has refused to be intimidated. Although NNPP won the governorship and presidential elections, he fought a good fight in Kano North, winning his senatorial seat and delivering the district to President Tinubu.

    “Due to its defeat, APC was boxed into the opposition in Kano. Undeterred by the blow of fate, Barau decided to stay in the gap and he has been the leading figure in maintaining the APC machineries in the state since then.

    “Apart from keeping the party’s soul together with the support of Ganduje, the state chairman, and other leaders, Barau has succeeded in wooing hundreds of NNPP and Kwankwsiyya Movement top figures to the APC, to the surprise of their leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso.”

    The source added: “To observers, the foundation laid by Barau, paved the way for the defection of Senator Kawu Sumaila, two other members of the House of Representatives, Kabiru Rurum (Rano/Kibiya/Bunkure) and Abdullahi Sani Rogo (Karaye/Rogo), and former Secretary to Kano State Government, Dr. Baffa Bichi.

    “Other defectors are: former members of House of Representatives, Badamasi Ayuba (Danbatta/Makoda) and Sha’aban Sharada (Kano Municipal); former state lawmaker, Zubairu Hamza Masu, and two former commissioners in the NNPP government, Muhammad Diggol and Abbas Sani Abbas,” the source said, adding that “If Barau had not made the strategic interventions, Kano APC’s chance of survival would have remained slim in the state it governed for eight years.”

    Barau has expanded his intervention programmes to the 44 Local Government Areas of Kano, just as beneficiaries of his foreign scholarship scheme are selected from the three senatorial districts. Similarly, another hundreds of graduates were recently selected from the three senatorial zones for domestic postgraduate scholarships.

    Speaking during one of the empowerment events, the state chairman, Alhaji Abdullahi Abbas, highlighted Barau’s role in sustaining the party since it was displaced by the NNPP.

    “Barau is the senator for all in Kano State. He represents Kano North, but he is for the people of Kano Central, Kano South and everybody. Let me tell you that today, this man is the one sponsoring the party ever since we lost the election in Kano.”

    Echoing his submissions, Abdulmajid Danbilki, a chieftain of APC, said Barau has succeeded in taming the NNPP in Kano, adding that it explains why its leaders are desirous to switch camps to the APC.

    He added: “Senator Barau is the only politician from the North capable of challenging Kwankwaso and the NNPP. He has consistently confronted them through various interventions and policies. If anyone picks a candidate for the Kano governorship seat in 2027 other than Barau, we will not win.

    “No one can deliver Kano like Senator Barau. He is a grassroots politician who understands the intricacies of politics at all levels. The entire northern Nigeria is proud of him.”

    Recently, gladiators in the state endorsed Barau for governor. His Chief of Staff, Muhammad Ibn Abdullahi, who spoke during the endorsement, said it underscored the people’s confidence in his leadershio ability.

    He added: “This is the first time in the history of this state that people from every corner have come together to ask one person to run for governor. Representatives from all 44 local governments, NGOs, civic organisations, former political office holders, and countless support groups are united in one voice — asking His Excellency Senator Barau Jibrin to answer their call.

    “His generosity and development initiatives cut across party lines. Even those outside the APC are beneficiaries of his scholarships, hospital projects, and employment opportunities.”

    The Chairman of NorthwestDevelopmentCommission,, Prof. Abdullahi Iben Maji, was in the same frame of mind. Lauding his role in the creation of the commission, he described the Deputy Senate President as a visionary leader whose contributions to development is beyond Kano.

    He said: “Barau initiated the idea of the Northwest Development Commission in 2019. It took years of persistent effort, but through his leadership and with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s support, the Act was finally signed into law. Today, the North-West and other regions are beneficiaries of his foresight.

    “Every higher institution in Kano State has felt his impact. Just recently, he facilitated scholarships of N50,000 each for students across Kano North. His intervention in the health sector is equally remarkable, with the construction of a state-of-the-art cardiovascular centre and paediatrics facility at Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital — the first of its kind in West Africa. He has donated 1,000 motorcycles to the police for community surveillance and continues to support party structures across 484 wards.”

    A source said the party has to compensate Barau, if the ticket has been kept for Yusuf.

    While Barau is a loyal party man who cannot rock the boat, Yusuf should definitely expect a fight from his former leader, Kwankwaso. The former governor has been a factor in Kano since 1999. But he is not unstoppable. In 2003, he lost to Shekarau,  who ran on the platform of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), majorly because the late President Muhammadu Buhari was the presidential candidate and many Northerners wanted power shift.

    But there is no durability of politics of affection in Kano State. Ahead of 2007, crisis had broken out between Shekarau and Buhari. But Shekarau survived, although he could not handover to a preferred successor.

    Before the 2011 general elections, the major opposition in the state was the PDP, which lost the state in 2003, not only because of the implementation of Sharia, which the defunct ANPP capitalised on, but owing largely to the in-fighting within the party.  Even in 2007, but for its internal wrangling, the party would have won the governorship, in spite of the fact that it fielded a relatively unknown politician in the state, Garba Bichi, as its candidate. In 2011,  Kwankwaso, a former Minister of Defence, returned to Kano Government House.

    From that time, the state came under his firm grip. He handed the batton to Ganduje in 2015. When he joined the APC, Shekarau left the party. Curiously, Kwankwaso and Ganduje also parted ways after the poll over the selection of commissioners and special advisers. The rift could not be resolved. Quarrel also broke out over Kwankwaso’s presidential bid, which Ganduje could not endorsed. Kwankwaso retraced his steps to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The battle was tough in 2019. Although APC won the presidential election decisively, 1,464, 768 to PDP’s 391, 593 votes, the governorship poll was tougher. The exercise was inconvlusive, warranting a rerun won by Ganduje.

    Kwankwaso later defected to the NNPP, field Yusuf in 2023 and sacked APC from Kano Government House in 2023.

    With Yusuf’s defection to the APC, a big fight is expected. Kwakwanso cannot let go easily. He depends on his fanatical supporters, despite the split.

    Yusuf is no more under his wings. He can now lean on the federal might as an added advantage. But the governor needs the cooperation of the gladiators in the party. He needs to forge unity and ensure cohesion.

  • Cold comfort

    Cold comfort

    • Bank frauds plumbed by 2025. But in absolute terms, the numbers are still too high

    Between 2020 and 2024, it was a clear epidemic on the banking front. The numbers were not only dire, but were rising by the year, according to these numbers, tracked by the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS): 2020 (N11.61 billion lost), 2021: N12.7 billion, 2022: N14.32 billion, 2023: N17.67 billion, 2024: N52.26 billion!

    After this crescendo of 2024, it is somewhat worth celebrating that the 2025 figures show a 51% drop in banking frauds: from N52.26 billion to N25.85 billion. Yes, the figures might have had a tumble. But in absolute terms, they are still too high – far higher than the stolen funds from 2020 to 2023, before the terrible flare of 2024. That makes whatever “celebration” attached to this crash mere cold comfort. With this high level of fraud, the Nigerian banking system is clearly endangered.

    The channels for these humongous thefts are also instructive, according to industry trackers. Digital thefts, for instance, account for a good chunk of the stealing. Mobile and Web apps were responsible for the N13.37 billion loss for 2025 alone.

    Other stealing agents and agencies include collusion by fraud-minded bank staff members that often collude with outside e-raiders. Again, in the first quarter of 2025 alone, no less than 28 bank staff were under investigation for fraud. Then, there are holes in POS – point-of-sale – terminals. Frauds from there too accounted for some 25% of reported cases. 

    Of course, the old, ultra-risky bank heists, with guns-a-blazing, still accounted for a part of the numbers, though digital heists clearly stole the thunder. The period between 2020 and 2023 had its fair share, though of reduced quantum steal. It’s only fair to add, however, that bank robberies in Lagos are almost history, thanks to the robust public-private security framework forged around banking facilities, by the Lagos State Security Trust Fund (LSSTF).

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    It needs no especial acuity, therefore, to figure that transition from traditional banking to the epoch of financial technologies (Fintech), which now dominates the industry, has come with its own hazards. If bank heists are gradually yielding to ruthless digital raids, one thing is clear: doughty digital shields around bank accounts are not developing as fast as fintech is evolving.

    For instance, the NIBSS explained the slump in the figures for 2025 to the government policy of grafting the Bank Verification Number (BVN) to the National Identification Number (NIN) of every bank customer. There are even progressive calls to link both BVN and NIN to every voter card. If that happens, a separate voter card might even become a spare, so long as the prospective voter has a bank account that also captures his NIN. 

    Still, as it stands, some smart Alec bank staff, with cybercriminals, still clone accounts of elderly citizens, via phishing and allied hacking. To drastically reduce such spoofing is the challenge now facing the banking sector. But the battle is winnable. If LSSTF could roll back banking robberies in Lagos, a concerted industry approach can also roll back cybercrimes in banks. At that threshold, however, it morphs from being a tiny banking challenge to a grave cross-sectorial security problem to be tackled.

    Fortunately, Nigeria – with her brood of techies – has a good track record of fintechs. Doing a SWOT analysis, the strengths and opportunities are obvious, from the success of Nigerian-made fintechs and payment systems today. But now, we must tap into same expertise to tackle fintech weaknesses and threats. 

    Only such a pan-industry approach could save the banking system from humongous cyber-stealing.

  • Stay the course

    Stay the course

    • The govt is right on free meters; this should have been the duty of the DisCos ab initio

    Nigerians who are conversant with the operations in the country’s power sector, particularly as they affect the electricity distribution companies (FisCos) would have seen their cold reaction coming, when the Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, announced last week that prepaid meters must be free for all categories of customers.

    Adelabu said neither the DisCos nor the meter installers had any right to collect a dime for the installation of the meters and that anyone caught extorting power consumers would be prosecuted.

    The minister issued the warning on Thursday during an on-site inspection of newly imported smart meters at APM Terminals, Apapa, Lagos.

    Adelabu said the meters were procured under the World Bank–funded Distribution Sector Recovery Programme.

    “I want to mention that it is unprecedented that these meters are to be installed and distributed to consumers free of charge—free of charge! Nobody should collect money from any consumer. It is an illegality.

    “It is an offence for the officials of distribution companies across Nigeria to request a dime before installation; even the indirect installers cannot ask consumers for a dime. It has to be installed free of charge so that billings and collections will improve for the sector,” Adelabu said.

    Ideally, the minister is right. It is not the duty of electricity consumers to buy cable or any item before their meters could be installed. As a matter of fact, this would appear to be a post-privatisation practice. It was not like that in the past. Unfortunately, all this changed with the warped privatisation of the sector in November 2013.

    The exercise was not thorough as it only gave the entities out to cronies of the government of the day, with neither the financial muscle nor the technical acumen.

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    The effect soon became glaring. From day one they had to rely on government crutches to function. Despite their being private entities, the Federal Government continued to pump billions into their operations.

    That is the way things have been such that today, the entities, particularly the DisCos, can hardly stand on their own. The support or assistance that they have been getting from successive governments has given them the sense of entitlement to things they ordinarily should have shown evidence of their capacity to handle if the privatisation had been better handled.

    We are here talking about meters.

    At the time of privatisation, the metering gap was about eight million consumers. Today, it stands at about five million. And this is despite efforts by the Federal Government to help ease the burden, including the ongoing Meter Asset Provider (MAP) scheme.

    Part of the reason we still have this huge number of electricity consumers unmetered is because the DisCos are not too keen on having them metered. They prefer the anachronistic estimated billing which allows them to extort consumers by making them pay for power that they did not consume.

    Now that the DisCos are, at least going by a report in ‘The Punch’, are asking who bears the cost of installation of the meters, it simply tells us the extent they have been used to being pampered by the government.

    Meters are important tools that the DisCos ought to have brought to the table ab initio if they truly wanted to earn their revenue. They were supposed not just to bring the meters but also install them, free of charge.

    Now, they are saying installation of meters was taken from them when Mr Babatunde Fashola was Minister of Power. Of course, Fashola must have done that for a good reason, apparently because he noticed the lack of enthusiasm on the part of the DisCos to have their customers metered.

    If a government is now saying they should do their job as appropriate, the DisCos should not complain. Players of note should not be debating a matter like this. Indeed, we cannot understand this business model of a producer not able to collect its revenue. Such a producer cannot be said to be in business. If the DisCos must invest a little more to get their deserved income, why not?

    The government is on the right path. It should stay the course. Indeed, there should be timelines and sanctions for non-compliance with government directives on this matter. If the power minister has to engage the DisCos to see if they have any genuine reason as to why they cannot cope, that should be done.

    Meanwhile, what has happened to local production of meters? We are not helping our economy if we import the quantum of meters that we need. The Federal Government must do all it takes to get the local meter producers in business.

    On the matter at hand, both the DisCos and the government must be challenged. The fight at hand is a strategy battle that we must win once and for all. The DisCos should not continue to keep all of us down with threats and cheap blackmail.

  • Nigeria & Turkey: Strategic partnership or transactional diplomacy?

    Nigeria & Turkey: Strategic partnership or transactional diplomacy?

    • By Felix Oladeji

    Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s signing of nine bilateral agreements, signals both continuity and evolution in Nigeria’s foreign policy orientation. The accords span defence cooperation, media and communication collaboration, higher education partnerships, diaspora policy, halal quality infrastructure, and joint institutional ties between foreign affairs and diplomacy academies; while also establishing a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO) aimed at bolstering economic cooperation.

    On the surface, this diplomatic milestone reflects a shared commitment to deepening bilateral ties in strategic sectors from security to education. Reports indicate that the communications memorandum, for instance, will facilitate exchange of expertise, training programmes, workshops, and best practices between media professionals in both countries, fostering institutional linkages that could enrich domestic media ecosystems. Meanwhile, the defence cooperation framework has potential implications for military training, joint exercises, and knowledge transfer in tactical and strategic defence capacities.

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    But beyond the celebratory headlines lies a broader question: what kind of international partnership is Nigeria cultivating, and to what end? In a global order defined by shifting geopolitical alignments, partnerships are rarely neutral. For Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, the stakes are high. Its longstanding diplomatic relations with Turkey, dating back to 1960, have over the years encompassed trade, investment, and security cooperation, culminating in energy ties that saw bilateral trade with Türkiye approach significant volumes in 2025.

    The creation of JETCO and spate of sectoral agreements point to an aspiration for deeper economic integration with Ankara reportedly committing to a $5 billion trade volume target with Nigeria. Such a target, if realised, could reshape Nigeria’s trade architecture by diversifying partnerships beyond traditional Western and Asian markets, and by positioning the country as a regional economic anchor with strong external demand.

    Yet strategic diversification carries with it practical and philosophical challenges. On the one hand, expanded defence cooperation — in training, intelligence exchange, and joint capacity building can strengthen Nigeria’s ability to address internal and regional security threats. On the other, it may risk overreliance on external military frameworks or dilute Nigeria’s articulations of defence autonomy. The delicate balance between benefiting from strategic partnerships and maintaining sovereign agency is one that African states, including Nigeria, must continuously negotiate.

    In an era when global partnerships are increasingly transactional, Nigeria’s engagement with Turkey provides a case study in balancing immediate geopolitical benefits with long-term strategic interests. The summit in Ankara may have ended with inked agreements and photo opportunities, but the real work lies in ensuring that these pacts translate into tangible outcomes for citizens — from improved security infrastructure and economic opportunity to enriched academic environments and stronger media ecosystems. Without such results, even the most ambitious bilateral agreements risk remaining symbolic markers of diplomatic goodwill rather than engines of national advancement.

    •Felix Oladeji,

    Lagos.

  • Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    • By Abba Dukawa

    Sir: The public fallout between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf (AKY)’s and his political mentor mirrors familiar fractures from Rabiu Kwankwaso’s past, notably his bitter split with Abdullahi Ganduje. Once again, a protégé has chosen a different path. The question is whether AKY’s move represents calculated independence or a strategic checkmate in a long political chess game.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s defection to the APC has reignited a debate in Kano politics: was it a betrayal of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s trust, or the inevitable outcome of political pragmatism? To some observers, it looks less like treachery and more like poetic justice—a lesson Kwankwaso himself has long taught others.

    Political independence is the ability to govern based on personal conviction and the interests of the electorate. Blind loyalty, by contrast, subordinates public interest to the will of a godfather. One is autonomy; the other is submission.

    In a subdued and emotional interview with BBC Hausa—his first since AKY’s exit from the NNPP—Kwankwaso expressed deep hurt, describing the defection as an unimaginable act of betrayal. He insisted Kano remains NNPP territory and warned that Abba would face consequences, accusing him of “handing over Kano’s mandate to the Gandujiyya camp.”

    Kwankwaso claimed the issues leading to the defection could have been resolved through dialogue and repeatedly questioned what went wrong and who was to blame. Yet his continued public lament only reinforces a perception of desperation, as though he fears losing something more than political relevance.

    While his emotional appeal may resonate with loyalists, Kwankwaso is hardly alone in having felt betrayed in Kano’s turbulent political history. Ironically, many accuse him of the very conduct he now condemns.

    Kwankwaso’s political ascent in 1999 was aided by figures such as Abubakar Rimi, Hamisu Musa, and Musa Gwadabe. Once in power, he dismantled the structures that supported him, side-lining these benefactors and rendering them politically irrelevant. None truly recovered from that fallout.

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    History appears to be repeating itself. A leader who once thrived on alliances has repeatedly abandoned them after consolidating power. Ali Sani Madaki has openly accused Kwankwaso of hypocrisy, arguing that someone with such a record lacks the moral authority to lecture others on loyalty or betrayal.

    This pattern extended beyond Kano. In 2019, Kwankwaso was accused of distancing himself from Atiku Abubakar after securing his own political interests in the state—an act many viewed as a serious breach of trust.

    Compounding this is Kwankwaso’s long history of party switching: from PDP to APC, back to PDP, and now NNPP. These moves, often driven by personal ambition, weaken his credibility when criticizing defections by others—especially when his political protégé followed him through many of those same transitions.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s silence since leaving the NNPP speaks volumes. While he denies being under anyone’s control, few dispute that Kwankwaso shaped his political career. AKY’s loyalty was once unwavering—sometimes to the point of personal sacrifice and public humiliation.

    Yet history shows that loyalty to Kwankwaso rarely guarantees lasting trust. Many who once defended him eventually fell out after warning of his autocratic and self-centred leadership style. Figures like Rabiu Suleiman Bichi and Professor Hafiz Abubakar—who even resigned as Deputy Governor to demonstrate loyalty—raised these concerns long before they became widely acknowledged.

    Kwankwaso would be wise to stop issuing coded messages that could provoke damaging disclosures. The stakes are high.

    Ultimately, the decline of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is not the result of external opposition but internal decay. A movement built on control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung—not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

    What we are witnessing today may not be betrayal at all—but karma, long delayed, finally coming full circle.

    In the final analysis, leaders are judged by their outcomes, not just their platforms. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision engages the present and invests in the future – it’s not about rejecting the past. When intentions are clear and service is key, change is a step forward, not a betrayal.

    •Abba Dukawa,

    Abuja.

  • Strategies for power, energy and security

    Strategies for power, energy and security

    • By Engr Bright Mills

    Sir: Nigeria is blessed with abundant energy resources: oil, gas, sunshine and human capacity yet the average citizen lives with darkness, high fuel prices, and growing insecurity. This contradiction raises a painful question: Why does a resource-rich nation struggle to meet its most basic needs?

    When private electricity Distribution Companies (Discos) took over from the Power Holdings Company of Nigeria (PHCN), Nigerians were promised efficiency, improved supply, and expanded generation. Instead, the situation has worsened. Electricity has become more expensive, more unreliable, and increasingly beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians.

    At the time of privatization, expectations were high that power generation would move far beyond the long-standing 5,000 megawatts. Years later, this goal remains largely unmet. What has grown instead are estimated bills and tariffs that do not reflect actual consumption, further burdening households and small businesses already struggling in a tough economy.

    Electricity infrastructure handed over to the Discos was built with taxpayers’ money, yet consumers continue to pay for inefficiency; worse still, most Discos lack the financial and technical capacity to provide basic necessities such as free prepaid meters for customers.

    Against this backdrop, there is a strong case for rethinking Nigeria’s power sector structure. One practical solution is for the federal government to revive NEPA as NEPA Plc, in partnership with global electricity giants such as Siemens and ABB. These companies possess the technology, experience, and capital needed to modernize Nigeria’s power grid and expand generation sustainably.

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    Under this model, Discos that wish to operate should be required to build and maintain their own power infrastructure, rather than relying on assets that belong to Nigerian taxpayers. A stronger, restructured NEPA Plc would also have the capacity to provide free prepaid meters, eliminating estimated billing and restoring trust between consumers and power providers.

    Additionally, government should liberalize the importation of prepaid meters. Allowing consumers to purchase meters independently will encourage competition, drive prices down, and protect citizens from exploitation.

    Nigeria’s oil and gas sector also needs bold incentives that prioritize local production and affordability. The federal government should offer a 40 percent discount on gas and crude oil prices priced in Naira to investors willing to build refineries and gas-powered plants in Nigeria.

    Such a policy would attract more players into the sector, reduce reliance on imports, lower fuel prices, and ultimately bring down the cost of goods and services. Affordable energy is not just an economic issue, it is a direct pathway to reducing poverty and improving the quality of life for millions of Nigerians.

    No discussion about development is complete without addressing security. The rising insecurity across the country has shown clearly that the current centralized policing structure is overstretched and ineffective. The implementation of state police has therefore become a matter of urgency.

    Governors are expected to secure their states, yet they lack the authority and operational control to do so effectively. Decisions are dictated from the centre, a situation that contradicts democratic principles and weakens local response to security challenges.

    While the current president remains in office, decisive action must be taken. This is the time to act to make haste while the sun shines so that Nigeria does not end up “looking for a black goat in the night.”

    Nigeria does not lack ideas, resources, or capable hands. What is required now is political will, people-focused policies, and the courage to break away from failed systems. Power, fuel, and security are not luxuries; they are foundations of national progress. Until they work for the ordinary Nigerian, true development will remain out of reach.

    •Engr Bright Mills,

    <brightmills@yahoo.com>

  • Awakening rail transport business opportunities

    Awakening rail transport business opportunities

    • By Olufemi A. Oyedele

    Rail transport (also known as train transport) is a means of mobility through wheeled vehicles running on tracks, which usually consist of two parallel steel rails, the spacing of which is called gauge. Rail transport is one of the two primary means of land transport, next to road transport. The government of United Kingdom has described transport as “not just how you get around” and that “the effects of transport are felt much more widely” because “it is something that fundamentally shapes our towns, our cities, our countryside, our living standards, our health, and our whole quality of life. It can shape all these things for good – or for bad”.

    Rail transport is used for about eight percent of passenger and freight transport globally, thanks to its energy efficiency and potentially high speed. In UK, rail transport represents two percent transport means of an average resident. In Nigeria, it represents less than 0.01% of transport means of an average resident caused basically due to limited networks of rails across the nooks and corners of the country.

    Whereas, there is no airport that is not connected by train in UK, only Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport is connected by train in Nigeria. Rail transport is comparatively the safest means of transport! The rail track spreads the weight of the train which means larger amounts can be carried than with trucks on roads.

    The revitalization of Nigeria’s railway sector presents significant business opportunities in passenger service, freight logistics, and infrastructure development, driven by modernization projects like the Lagos-Kano and Port Harcourt-Maiduguri lines. Opportunities include private sector investment in rolling stock, cargo services, and station management, aimed at transforming the country into a regional logistics hub. Elite nations consider rail transport as a critical factor in their mobility as a service (MaaS) program.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in his stride to modernise train transport in Nigeria, appointed Kayode Opeifa as the managing director of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) in early 2025, based on his experience in the transport sector with the belief that there will be monumental improvements in the rail transport sector in the country. Some years before his assumption of office, NRC was operating below global average, intermittently on odd days of the week. Now, the transport service provider is operating daily, though there is still room for improvement.

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    Watching AMTRAK coaches transiting from the north-side to the south-side of Chicago, USA, with, at times, over 178 coaches in a journey leaves much to be desired about rail transport in Nigeria. The concourse of the Iddo Terminus needs to be rehabilitated! Grand Central Terminal, located at 42nd Street and Park Avenue in Midtown Manhattan, New York, is a world-famous, historic commuter rail hub that opened in 1913. As the southern terminus for Metro-North Railroad and home to the Grand Central Madison Long Island Rail Road (LIRR) station, it is one of the world’s busiest, largest stations, featuring iconic Beaux-Arts architecture, a celestial ceiling and a $20 million opal-faced clock. The terminal boasts over 70 shops and restaurants, including the upscale Grand Central Market and the Apple Store on the east balcony. 

    Though there is improved trust of travellers in the over 113 years old corporation (formally established on October 3, 1912), there is still wide room for improvement. The sour story of NRC is changing gradually with new man at the helm of affairs. Opeifa’s transformation agenda is anchored on five strategic initiatives of (1) legal enabling architecture, (2) rehabilitation and optimisation of railway assets, (3) railing with the states and track access policy, (4) a freight revolution and (5) the ambitious Vision 2-5-10-20 roadmap.

    Watching the enormous growth of the rail transport service providers is a thing of joy. But rather than celebrate, we still need to go into the drawing room and strategise on how to become the biggest rail transport provider in Africa and make rail transport the backbone of Nigerian economy. South Africa, with a population of 65,453,084 people (2026), has the biggest rail system in Africa. Nigerians’ perception of rail transport service has not changed much. There is need for nationwide engagement of stakeholders; especially the travellers on rail about their experiences and what they will like to see improved (feedback management). Within six months of assuming office, there was the flag-off of landmark freight collaboration with terminal operators which signalled a deliberate shift toward rail-led logistics and trade facilitation. The percentage of freight service being covered by NRC is ridiculously low to that of South Africa. Rail can no longer be treated as a ceremonial public service but as a commercial backbone of the economy. Transnet owns South Africa’s railway, seaports and pipelines infrastructure. Transnet covers all six major rail corridors in South Africa to transport commodities for export, regional and domestic markets.

    NRC has unacceptable number of abandoned assets due to many years of neglect! In this wise, asset optimisation should be adopted. Asset optimisation is the strategic process of maximising the value, performance and efficiency of an organisation’s physical and intangible assets throughout their lifecycle. It balances operational costs, risks and performance to improve return on investment (ROI), reduces downtime and extends asset life. It relies on data-driven insights to achieve maximum utilisation. Asset optimisation of a corporate organisation is best handled by a professional estate surveyors and valuer who will identify all critical assets, create an asset register, tag all the assets for easy tracking, carry out valuation of the assets and regularly evaluate the values with performance of the assets to determine the point of retention, overhauling and disposal. NRC will definitely benefit from this exercise.

    Rail stations are now used as commercial hubs, malls and centres of attraction. Liverpool train station in London is a site to behold for tourists. It serves as a meeting point for those who like good foods. Victoria Station in Central London has 24 retail outlets including restaurants, pharmacy (Boots), luggage sales, pubs, boutiques (Holland & Barrett, Marks & Spencer, WHSmith) etc and Barclays Bank. Public engagement can best be made through corporate social responsibilities (CSR) by NRC.

    NRC, under directives from the federal government, has consistently implemented, and in some years, upgraded, discounted or provided free train travel during major festive seasons (Christmas/New Year and sometimes Sallah). To better humanise the rail experience and subtly reposition train travel as dependable, reliable and culturally relevant, more promotions of the train services need to be done. Within Opeifa’s first year in office, the NRC headquarters experienced scores of sector-wide engagements. Inland container operators have also expressed confidence in the corporation to move their cargoes from Lagos to the northern hinterland. More patronage of rail transport by freight operators means less pressure on our congested highways.

    Security of life of customers and NRC staff and asset protection challenges are a big test of the young administration. There are many cases of incidents of vandalisation of rail tracks by vandals, and attacks by terrorists, especially in the north. This led the managing director to warn scrap dealers, iron smelters and collaborators to steer clear of railway assets, and to partner with Nigerian Army to strengthen rail security.

    •Oyedele is an estate surveyor and valuer. He writes from Lagos.