The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Ukwuani mandamus: Why local governments remain captive

    Ukwuani mandamus: Why local governments remain captive

    • By Chukwunalu Eke

    By the time Justice S. L. Okeleke of the Delta State High Court granted leave for a mandamus action over the finances of Ukwuani Local Government, the matter had already transcended its immediate parties. What initially appears as a dispute between a councillor and a council chairman is, in reality, a mirror reflecting Nigeria’s long-standing and systemic strangulation of local government autonomy. At its core, the case is not merely about undisclosed financial records or hurried budgetary processes. It is about the growing audacity of public officials who treat constitutional and statutory obligations as optional, reducing the third tier of government, the one closest to the people, into little more than an executive fiefdom.

    A writ of mandamus exists to compel public officers to perform duties imposed on them by law. In functional democracies, it is rarely invoked. In Nigeria, however, it has become a last resort after persuasion, internal checks and civic engagement have failed. That a serving councillor in Ukwuani in the person of Chukwuemeke Kenneth, a councillor representing Ward 19, Ezhionum Kingdom, Ukwuani LGA had to approach the court to access basic financial information is both troubling and revealing. Local government treasurers are custodians of public funds, not private accountants. Council chairmen are not feudal overlords. Legislative arms are not ceremonial appendages. The deliberate withholding of financial records revenues, expenditures, and wage bills is not administrative oversight. It is an assault on accountability and an erosion of democracy at the grassroots. Mandamus exists precisely to confront such impunity and compel obedience to the law.

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    Nigeria has long maintained the fiction of autonomous local governments. The reality is less flattering. Councils remain tightly bound to state executives, their finances pooled into joint accounts, their legislative arms weakened, and their leadership often operating under invisible but firm control. A chairman may be elected, but rarely governs independently. Decisions are taken behind closed doors. Legislators are side-lined. Citizens are excluded. The Ukwuani case reflects this dysfunction: a legislature allegedly bypassed, a budget allegedly rushed through within two days, and financial records reportedly withheld for over a year. These are not procedural lapses. They are mechanisms of control.

    Local government autonomy rests on three pillars: fiscal independence, institutional checks, and public accountability. Remove one, and autonomy collapses into rhetoric. The alleged failure to publish monthly revenue and expenditure reports from July 2024 is not mere negligence. It represents a breakdown of governance. Without transparency, councillors cannot legislate responsibly, citizens cannot evaluate performance, and corruption thrives unchecked. Autonomy begins where transparency begins. Where disclosure is absent, local governments cease to be developmental institutions and become extraction points for political interests.

    Budgets are not simple technical documents. They are moral statements that reveal priorities and values. A budget passed without scrutiny, allegedly combining expenditure items from different local governments, undermines legality and public trust. Such practices hollow out representative democracy. A budget is not an executive convenience; it is a covenant with the people. When that covenant is broken, cynicism replaces civic faith, and governance loses legitimacy.

    One of the most significant aspects of the Ukwuani case is the court’s affirmation that a councillor has sufficient legal standing to demand financial disclosure. This matters. For too long, councillors across Nigeria have been treated as decorative accessories, elected, but disempowered. By invoking the courts, the Ukwuani councillor has reasserted a fundamental truth: local government is not private property. Councillors are not subordinates of chairmen; they are representatives of the people.

    The national debate on local government autonomy often fixates on direct allocation from the federation account. While fiscal independence from states is essential, it is not sufficient. Autonomy without accountability merely decentralises corruption. True autonomy requires empowered legislatures, transparent accounting, internal audits, and active civic oversight. The Ukwuani case demonstrates that even within existing constraints, institutional accountability can be asserted especially when the judiciary plays its constitutional role.

    Perhaps the most dangerous feature of Nigeria’s local governance is the normalisation of secrecy. Requests for information are treated as rebellion. Oversight is framed as hostility. This culture corrodes trust and entrenches impunity. Where secrecy thrives, democracy withers quietly. Legal actions like the Ukwuani mandamus disrupt this norm, reminding public officers that legality is not optional.

    Nigeria’s governance failures do not originate in Abuja alone. They begin in wards and councils. When local governments fail, schools’ decay, health centres collapse, rural roads disappear, and citizens disengage from the state. Conversely, accountable local governments deliver essential services and stabilise the polity. The struggle for local government autonomy is therefore not administrative—it is central to national cohesion and democratic survival.

    Courts should not govern, but they must guard governance. Where political accountability collapses, judicial intervention becomes indispensable. By granting leave for mandamus proceedings, the Delta State High Court has reaffirmed this role. While the substantive issues remain before the court, the message is clear: public office carries obligations, and violations invite scrutiny.

    What is unfolding in Ukwuani is not isolated. Similar patterns exist across Nigeria’s 774 local governments. What makes this case noteworthy is its insistence on public accountability. It forces a national reckoning: Do we accept local governments as instruments of patronage, or do we insist they function as genuine democratic institutions?

    Local government autonomy is not bestowed; it is asserted. It is claimed by councillors who insist on oversight, by citizens who demand disclosure, and by courts willing to enforce the law. The Ukwuani mandamus suit is more than a legal dispute. It is a challenge to a broken status quo. Until transparency becomes non-negotiable at the grassroots, local government autonomy will remain constitutional text without democratic substance. Autonomy begins where secrecy ends. And until Nigerians insist that governance is a right not a favour democracy will continue to falter, council by council, ward by ward.

    •Eke, a concerned Ukwuani citizen writes via <cex9ja@gmail.com>

  • Kabiyesi

    Kabiyesi

    Each time I hear, read, or watch traditional rulers fight over supremacy, something shifts within me. It is not that such scenes make me despise tradition or culture. Far from it. What unsettles me is the quiet sickness they provoke, the feeling that decades after the world has moved on, we are still allowing ourselves to be emotionally and psychologically pressured by the ghosts of our ancestors.These ancestors lived in a different era altogether. Theirs was a time when life was basic and survival was local. Electricity was unknown. Airplanes were unimaginable. Telephones, radio, television, and even the earliest modern inventions had not yet entered human consciousness. Their worldview was shaped by the limits of their environment, their technology, and their understanding of the universe.Their actions and inactions were dictated by their time. Their behaviors, beliefs, and power structures were molded by the circumstances they found themselves in. From the architecture of their homes to the clothes they wore, from how they governed to how they worshipped, context played a decisive role in how things unfolded. They did what made sense to them, within the boundaries of what they knew and what was possible.

    This is why, in this age and time, I worry deeply when one traditional ruler claims superiority over another and violence or social tension erupts as a result. It is troubling when each side begins to summon history as ammunition, dredging up ancient memories to validate present-day claims. The tragedy is that many of these historical accounts are not sacrosanct. They are not infallible truths etched in stone.In fact, scholars have long pointed out the inadequacies, contradictions, and gaps in many of these narratives. Oral histories, while valuable, are fluid. They evolve, they merge myth with memory, and they are often reshaped by power, politics, and pride. Yet, we continue to treat them as unquestionable evidence, worthy of bloodletting and endless rivalry.

    Growing up, we heard all kinds of stories about the origins of the Yoruba people. One narrative I have always found difficult to accept without question is the claim that Oduduwa, the acclaimed progenitor of the race, came from Saudi Arabia and descended into Ile Ife using a chain. Was Ile Ife empty when he arrived? From what scholars have established, Ile Ife was not an uninhabited space. There were people there long before Oduduwa’s arrival.Still, if as a people we have chosen to accept him as the symbolic father of the race, a race that was not even called Yoruba in Oduduwa’s time, then so be it. Faith, symbolism, and collective agreement often matter more in identity formation than strict historical accuracy. But we must also admit that these stories are layered, contested, and far from straightforward. We were also taught that Oduduwa had seven children who went on to establish kingdoms such as Oyo. Even this account has been questioned by historians and researchers. Some argue that the number seven is symbolic rather than literal. Others suggest that the dispersal of power and people was far more complex than a neat family tree would suggest.If these foundational stories are open to debate, reinterpretation, and scholarly scrutiny, then one must ask a simple question. Why should traditional rulers in this modern age still be fighting over supremacy based on them? The era when traditional rulers were the ultimate powers-that-be ended long ago. Colonial authorities, with calculated precision, dismantled their political authority and nailed the coffins of absolute traditional power. The modern Nigerian state, like many others, placed kings and chiefs within a constitutional framework that stripped them of sovereignty.

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    Today, political leaders decide who ascends these revered stools. Governors sign the papers. Courts adjudicate disputes. And as we have seen repeatedly, politicians have demonstrated the powerlessness of these stools by suspending or deposing traditional rulers when it suits their interests. From the West to the North, monarchs have been removed, sanctioned, or humiliated by elected officials. This is not conjecture. It is documented reality. Given this reality, one would expect traditional rulers to recalibrate their sense of relevance. Instead of expending energy on needless supremacy tussles, they ought to smell the coffee and accept that we live in a completely different world. This world bears little resemblance to the one inhabited by Oduduwa, Oranmiyan, Obatala, Bayajidda, and other revered ancestors.It is not just different. It is constantly changing. The world of ten years ago is not the world of today. The world of twenty years ago bears little resemblance to that of fifty or one hundred years ago. Technology alone has rewritten the rules of power, influence, and authority.

    There was a time when the compact disc was revolutionary. There was a time when owning a flash drive felt like being ahead of the curve. There was a time when the video player was the pride of many living rooms. All of these have been overtaken by newer, faster, and more efficient innovations. Progress does not ask for permission. It moves on, relentlessly. Societies that refuse to adapt are left behind, clinging to symbols whose substance has long evaporated. Culture, like technology, must find ways to stay relevant without becoming destructive. Tradition should guide, not chain. It should inspire, not incite conflict.

    I cherish ancient stools such as the Alaafin, the Ooni, the Awujale, and many others. They are repositories of history and symbols of continuity. But we do ourselves no favors by deceiving ourselves about their place in this rapidly changing world. Reverence does not require rivalry. Honor does not demand hostility.

    From time immemorial, I have recognised only one true Kabiyesi, the ultimate authority, the one who can do and undo without limitation. That is God, our source, our creator, and our comforter. Anyone else who lays claim to absolute supremacy is, at best, engaging in self-deception.

    I urge our traditional rulers to come to terms with this reality. I also implore them not to forget the times we live in. Let this awareness guide their actions and inactions. Only then can they free themselves from needless supremacy battles.

    My final take: The age of kingdoms and empires has passed. They belong to history books and folklore. What remains is the opportunity for traditional rulers to redefine their relevance, to serve as custodians of culture, mediators of peace, and moral voices in a complex society. That role, if embraced with humility, is far more valuable than any hollow claim to supremacy.

  • Fruitful journey of Yakubu Mohammed

    Fruitful journey of Yakubu Mohammed

    • By Dare Babarinsa

    I am happy that Oga Yakubu Mohammed was able to publish his highly readable memoir before his final call on Wednesday January 14.  The last time we met was when I visited him on August 12, last year and he presented me with an autographed copy of Beyond Expectations, his memoir of 422 pages.  The book expectedly bristles with humour and vignettes of wisdom.  It is Mohammed’s testament about journalism and public service.  It is his offering to the coming generations. 

    In November last year, Dan Agbese, his co-traveller and a principal character in Beyond Expectations, died.  Now Mohammed has joined him.  Three of the four founders of Newswatch magazine are now dead.  The only survivor is the durable Ray Ekpu, the iconoclastic columnist who ruffled the feathers of the Nigerian establishment for generations.

    Mohammed came to prominence in journalism early.  He bagged a degree in Mass Communications from the University of Lagos at 25 in 1975.  In 1980, barely 30 and almost four years after his compulsory national service, he was already associate editor of New Nigerian, one of the most powerful newspaper houses in Nigeria. It was at New Nigerian that he and Dan Agbese met as colleagues. Agbese and Ray Ekpu, who was editing the Nigerian Chronicles, Calabar, were of the Unilag Mass Communication class of 1973.  Destiny joined the three of them. 

    The same destiny brought Mohammed to the Concord Group of Newspapers founded by the larger-than-life businessman, Chief Moshood Abiola.  It was in Concord that Mohammed met Dele Giwa, an American-trained journalist, who was the pioneer editor of the Sunday Concord.

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    I first met Mohammed at the National Concord.  When I completed my NYSC in July 1982, many of my classmates would not apply to Concord because the paper was rabidly partisan in favour of the ruling National Party of Nigeria, NPN. I and many of my friends were beneficiaries of Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Free Education Programme in the old Western Region and we viewed with resentment Concord hostility to Papa Awo.  Then, Abiola suddenly left politics and the NPN and the Concord changed its music.  My friend, the late Olawale Oladepo, who was working with Gbolabo Ogunsanwo’s magazine, Nation, said we should apply to work for the Concord.  “The paper has changed,” Wale said with enthusiasm.

    By this time, I had fallen under the spell of some bigwigs in journalism who were my superiors at the Drum Publications Ltd, which I joined immediately after my NYSC in 1982.  Among these seniors were Prince Adetule, our editorial director, Olaseinde Lawson, our editor, and Matthew Faji our photo editor.  Among my colleagues in Drum were Wole Olaoye and Dayo Omotosho.  Then I followed Oladepo to Concord where we met Yakubu Mohammed and our lives changed.

    We submitted our letters to his secretary and once he was told who we were, Mohammed invited us into his office.  He was warm, communicative and he asked us many questions. We let down our guards. We did not know he was already interviewing us for the job! We thought we were just having a general gist with a big man.  I told him that apart from my Drum experience, I had a very busy service year as the editor of the Ogun State NYSC newsletter and other assignments as the Ogun State NYSC Public Relations Officer.  He offered Oladepo and myself employment.  Another classmate of ours, Ifeanyi Ubabukoh, was to join us later.

    Mohammed was a formidable leader of men.  He had succeeded the iconic Doyinsola Abiola as the editor of the Concord newspaper in 1982 and it was to his credit that circulation soared during his tenure. 

    He was not afraid to take risk with young subalterns like us. One day, two emissaries came from Surulere saying the great Aminu Kano, leader of the Peoples Redemption Party, PRP, would like to be interviewed by the Concord.  All the big journalists were out on the beat and it was only Oladepo and I that were in the newsroom.  Mohammed said we should follow them.  We did with trepidation for despite our bravado, we were seriously green.  Our interview with Mallam Aminu Kano was to become our first story to hit the front page of the Concord.  I later served as the National Assembly correspondent before being posted to Akure as the chief correspondent for Ondo State (including the present Ekiti State) where I was destined to cover the 1983 general election riot.

    We followed Mohammed and his colleagues to Newswatch in November 1984.  Our leaders in Newswatch; Dele Giwa, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed showed us what a first-class newsmagazine ought to be.  They had able lieutenants who were giants in their own right; Dayo Onibile, Soji Akinrinade, Dele Omotunde, Lawson Omokhodion, Nosa Igiebor, Kayode Soyinka and others.  It was a great team. We produced a magazine noted worldwide for its depth of investigations and deft of language.  No one exemplifies our competence more than Oga Yakubu Mohammed.

    Mohammed was an artist with words.  He wrote with simple elegance and with facts.  Verbosity was not for him, nor the flowery language of some of his colleagues.  He laid out his facts devoid of accoutrements.  He was approachable because he was one of us; members of the Editorial Street.  We exchange books, especially memoirs and biographies. He was never afraid to lose an argument if your facts outweigh his.  He was a gentleman and a nationalist. 

    But success brought problems and jealousy.  He and his colleagues at the helm of Newswatch had high social visibility and their pens were mighty.  The devil found them attractive and it came for them in the forms of military jackboots. The worst happened in 1986 when Giwa was assassinated with a parcel-bomb. Detention, harassments, proscriptions and constant trailing by security agents were to follow.  Once, Ray Ekpu wanted to board a plane for Lagos at the Calabar airport.  He was arrested on the tarmac by security agents, bundled into a van and driven to Lagos by road. When we published what the military regime did not like, they locked up Ray Ekpu and company.  When the big man at Dodan Barracks is unhappy or had a poor digestion, they locked up Ray Ekpu and company. 

    It was such incremental punishments that made Yakubu Mohammed and company our heroes.  Mohammed was willing to suffer for the good of all so that our country can be free from military rule.  I am happy that he was able to show his mettle during his tenure as the pro-chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. His attempt to serve the people of Kogi State as their governor was frustrated by the complexities of that peculiar state.

    Mohammed lived a good and productive life.  He loved freedom, not just for himself, but for our country.  Now he is free forever.  God compensated him by blessing him with good and successful children.  I commiserate with his wife, Hajia Rabi, and family.  May his valiant soul rest in peace.

    •Babarinsa, CON is chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd.

  • Food for thought for African Democratic Congress (ADC)

    Food for thought for African Democratic Congress (ADC)

    ‘A nation is great not by its size alone. It is the will, the cohesion, the stamina, the discipline of its people and the quality of their leaders which ensure it an honorable place in history.”- Mr. Lee Kuan Yew – the First Prime Minister of Singapore’

    Effectively, as we approach the 2027 general elections in Nigeria, except some critical steps  are taken by the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the ADC will not stand a chance to even compete talkless of to win the 2027 presidential elections against President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    The clock is already ticking, build up to the 2027 elections. And here we are, the opposition political figures and the opposition political parties in Nigeria are In disarray. There is currently, no unanimity of focus, there is no alignment of key objectives, there seem to be no potential to build up to  a consensus with regard to zoning of the President slot, or where the ADC stands, in terms of its strategy.

    How will ADC  deal with the big egos currently in the ADC? That is another food for thought.

    Good enough just two days ago, the ADC leadership  finally setup a 50-member, Manifesto drafting Committee, to come with a draft of what the ADC has to offer to Nigerians  or what the other political parties have to offer Nigerians show us what they have to offer that could be better what President Bola Tinubu, and the All Progressives Congress (APC) have been doing in the past two and a half to three years. Indeed, in my view, in comparison with previous dispensations, so far this is the most lame and reactive opposition time in the political history of Nigeria

    The current opposition political parties in Nigeria, are yet to have a unity of purpose, talk less of strategy of putting their houses in order, to be able to effectively fight a very entrenched, highly experienced, war-scarred, dominant and incumbent President Bola Tinubu and his political party. And it worries me as a Nigerian because we need an effective opposition to put President Tinubu and APC on their toes as they deliver their mandates at federal and state levels,  so that they can do more. That consciousness will also make the ruling party to know that they have an opposition that can actually compete with them.

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    By the way, many people do not know that I have political experience. As a bit of background about my political antecedents; I was a founding member of the All Peoples Party (APP) in 1998, and I was appointed as the first Information Analyst at the APP National Secretariat, working directly with the National Chairman and the National Secretary (within the National Working Committee). I worked with different Committees including Planning and Organizing Committees, Mobilization Committees, National Convention Committee, the APP Governorship elections Campaign team for late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi, the APP Governorship Candidate for Kano State in the 1999 Gubernatorial elections, etc. I was given level-1 confidentiality clearance and ran political assignments at the highest level. After the Presidential elections, In the second half of 1999, I followed some of my Principals, to switch affiliation to the PDP along with other party chieftains. In the PDP, I was also privileged to work at top levels with the likes of the late Ibrahim Aminu Saleh, and other Party chieftains. One such instance was playing a key role in the emergence of Chief Audu Ogbe as the PDP National Chairman in 2001. Following that development, I became actively involved in partisan politics and undertaking national assignments. In 2005, midway into the second term of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, I decided to revert back fully to my professional career and stepped away from partisan politics.

     Having been a member of an opposition political party, as well as the ruling party, I understand the mechanics and dynamics of politics and party administration. Since the time I left politics in 2005, interestingly, today, all our political mentors, leaders, and colleagues from 1998 to date are in all the political parties, APC, PDP, Labour Party or NNPP because the politicians have all spread out. And that tells you the kind of politics we have in Nigeria.

    Meanwhile, there is a tension that is building up in the APC and  I have said severally, that the biggest opposition of APC, is the  APC itself , i.e, Complacency, and the sense of entitlement. What to watch out for are the APC ward and state congresses which commence soon. The ADC or any serious political party will put their house in order, tidy up their platforms. Because some people will be looking for where to run to. There is no how the APC go into the presidential election as it is. As a vehicle that is solid without some people having to look for alternatives.

    Many political juggernauts in the APC, will not agree to be given the back seat for the next five years they are going to be there. So the ADC will have to  put it’s house in order, and do the right thing, whatever it is. Because certainly politicians will look for alternative platforms.

    Love him or hate him, President Bola Tinubu and the APC were able to manage various power blocs, egos and interests efficiently and effectively when they were in opposition. President Tinubu played the long game for 15 years building political structures, network and consolidating to get to where he is.

    Furthermore, timing is a critical success factor and I would like to share some strategic perspective in ghat regard,  for the ADC. Let’s go back and look at the timelines:

    Now we are in January, 2026, we are counting down to 2027. If we may recall 2023-2024, when APC was formed during the merger. By March 2013, two clear years agreed of the 2015 general elections, when the legacy parties have agreed to merge, the APC had taken a clear position on zoning, by zoning the presidency was zoned to northern Nigeria. That is very critical. Secondly, by November 2013, they had in their kitty a total of 16 incumbent governors, including the PDP governors that joined the legacy party governors, like the governors Adams Oshiomole (ACN), Tanko Almakura(CPC), Kashim Shettima (ANPP), Ibrahim Gaidam (ANPP), Rochas Okorocha (APGA), all Governor of South West Nigeria (ACN), and 5 Governors that defected PDP to APC. In the January, APC and had over 170 incumbent legislators in the Senate end house of representatives at the National Assembly and majority of the members of the state house of assembly in those 16 states.

    By 2014, the narration, messaging, and strategy of the APC were clear. And they had already started getting the attention of Nigerians.

    Currently, we are in January, 2026 about 1 year to the 2027 general elections, but the ADC yet to be clear about the zoning of the Presidency. And the dramatis Personae in the ADC are busy with the “me, me, me” mentality. What will happen to ADC is in its hands. How the ADC leaders  work in the next three to four weeks to come out with a position to show clearly to Nigerians, first of all, that they have the clarity and unanimity of purpose. Secondly, they have alignment of visions and objectives for Nigerians, and then to the messaging. By June 2026, , if in the next two months, the ADC remains indecisive, it may not be a competitive party in the 2027 general elections, and because of that, the crises ‘ of trust and  confidence will ensue with the domino effect that may scatter the political party before it’s foundation and pillars are even firmly in place.

    Sun Tzu, the great military strategist, stated that, “Victorious warriors win first and then go to war, while defeated warriors go to war first and then seek to win”. Therefore, any political party that wants win elections and exist for long, must be prepared to be united, proactive, consistent, consolidated, financially capable, and effective. For instance, in the United States of America, power shifts between the Republican Party ,  Democratic Party, etc . In the United Kingdom, the Conservative Party and the Labor Party, etc.

     My parting words for the opposition political figures; United you stand, divided you fragment your votes and make it easy for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to coast into his second term.  The rhetorical question is, “Will the politicians in the ADC rise above their selfish and/ or parochial interested to actually  do the needful?” Your answers are as good as mine.

  • Lingering poser on Maga kidnap

    Lingering poser on Maga kidnap

    In the early hours of Monday, November 17th, 2025, terrorists struck at Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga in Kebbi State, and herded off 25 pupils into captivity. The abductees have since been rescued. But it isn’t yet a closed matter, because there was a question about the handling of intelligence that remains.

    On the heels of the abductions, Kebbi State Governor Nasir Idris demanded a probe into sudden withdrawal of security operatives from the school shortly before armed men stormed in to kidnap students. Military personnel had been posted at the school on the strength of Intel obtained ahead of the incident. Speaking in Birnin-Kebbi, the governor described the abductions as particularly unfortunate because the state government received prior intelligence and took proactive remedial steps. “When we received intelligence on a possible attack, we summoned a security meeting. The security agencies assured us that all was well and that personnel would be mobilised to the school,” he said, adding: “Military men were deployed, but they later withdrew by 3:00a.m. and by 3:45a.m. the incident happened.”

    Governor Idris, who spoke at separate audiences with Defence Minister of State Bello Matawalle and Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) President Joe Ajaero, said the state wanted thorough investigation into circumstances surrounding the security operatives’ withdrawal. “Who authorised the military to withdraw? How did security personnel pull out at such a critical hour? We have asked the military to investigate and identify who gave the order,” he stated.

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    More than two months after, the spurious security manoeuvre remains unexplained. A faith-based civil society group, Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), lately rehashed the poser, wondering why relevant authorities were yet to make findings from probes into the issue public. MURIC Executive Director, Prof. Ishaq Akintola, in a statement, argued that the governor did his part with the Intel received, just as those who deployed soldiers to the spot. “But somebody somewhere issued a counter-order for withdrawal of soldiers guarding the school.”

    He further stated: “Who could it have been? A fifth columnist within the army? A signals expert among the leadership of the terrorists who succeeded in decoding the military’s signals and subsequently sent a deceitful message to those on guard? By the way, what kind of change of guards ever occur at 3a.m.? If soldiers are to withdraw from guard duty, is it not strange that the departing guards did not wait to see those who would take over from them before leaving? Even ordinary neighbourhood guards know this simple security protocol.”

    Akintola recalled that both Defence Headquarters (DHQ) authorities and the Senate through its committee on security instituted probes into the occurrence. “Nigerians want to know why both DHQ and the Nigerian Senate are yet to make their findings into the mysterious withdrawal public. Nigerians demand transparency in this matter. Heads must roll on this reckless abandonment,” he said inter alia.

    Hardball can’t agree more.

  • Assessing factors driving $51b external reserves target, shaping naira

    Assessing factors driving $51b external reserves target, shaping naira

    Nigeria’s external reserve position is a key indicator of the country’s ability to defend the naira and meet its external obligations. Analysts estimates that at $46 billion, Nigeria’s external reserves presently cover over 12 months imports and could hit $51.04 billion by year end. Factors driving reserves build-up include improved FX inflows, higher oil receipts, increased remittances through official channels and renewed interest from foreign portfolio investors following FX market reforms instituted by the Olayemi Cardoso-led Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). Overall, strong reserves position will continue to bolster exchange rate and promote financial sector stability, reports Assistant Editor COLLINS NWEZE

    Nigeria’s external reserves have crossed the $46 billion mark for the first time in about eight years, highlighting the steady growth the reserve has been recording since 2025. According to the latest data from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the country’s external reserve has increased by about $510 million in 22 days, moving from $45.502 billion on December 31, 2025, to $46.012 billion on January 22, 2026.

    Other industry data shows that Nigeria’s external reserves were last at this level on August 27, 2018, when it stood at $45.9 billion. The reserve build-up signals stronger buffers for import cover and currency stability, reflecting steady inflows and improved foreign exchange management since the forex reforms began, as the country prepares for a general election.

    The CBN data also suggests a notable turnaround from the volatility experienced during the early phase of the new forex regime, with the reserves closing at about $45.5 billion in 2025, having opened the year at roughly $40.8 billion.

    Analysts have expressed optimism that the steady growth of Nigeria’s external reserve for several months will be sustained this year. They said that the various reforms by the government have brought stability and confidence, thereby causing improvement in the country’s external reserves. They, however, noted that while the reserves can be sustained in the short term, sustaining the momentum throughout the election year will depend on discipline on the part of the government.

    Things looking up for naira

    The naira, which currently exchanges at N1,421  to dollar at the official market, exchanges at N1,490 to dollar at the parallel market. President, Association of Bureaux De Change Operators of Nigeria (ABCON), Aminu Gwadabe, said the  naira has remained stable across market for several months, ending years of volatility in the market.

    Additionally, Managing Director of Financial Derivatives Company (FDC), Bismarck Rewane, estimated the fair value of the naira at about N1,257 to the US dollar. Rewane posits that the local currency is undervalued by approximately 11 per cent when assessed using the purchasing power parity (PPP) model. Rewane made the submission during his keynote address at the 2026 Economic Outlook organised by the Association of Corporate Treasurers of Nigeria (ACTN), where he anchored the session and offered a detailed analysis of the structural and cyclical factors influencing Nigeria’s exchange-rate movements.

    He noted that currencies typically converge towards their PPP-implied values over a five-year horizon. According to him, the appropriate exchange rate based on current PPP estimates stands at N1,256.79 to the dollar, reinforcing the view that the naira remains below its fair valuation level.

    What stakeholders are saying

    The founder/Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Public Enterprise (CPPE), Dr Muda Yusuf, hinted at a positive outlook for Nigeria’s external reserves as he does not see anything derailing the forex and fiscal reforms that have brought about stability and improvement in external reserves. Yusuf said, ‘’Well, the outlook for me is positive because I don’t see anything derailing these reforms (forex reform, fuel subsidy etc.). It is these reforms that have brought about stability. And it’s this stability that has inspired confidence. It is the confidence that has allowed the improvement in the reserves. The reserves are not so much coming from oil, though. I don’t have the full breakdown. But my sense is that the reserves are coming from largely outside the oil – FDI, portfolio, diaspora flows, non-oil exports etc. Quite a lot is happening outside traditional sources of forex.

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    ‘’So, those things are anchored on reforms. For as long as that is happening and I don’t see that changing, even with the so-called election year or whatever, I don’t see anything changing that in any drastic way.’’

    Other analysts said the growth in the external reserves can only be sustained in 2026 if the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) avoids excessive FX intervention, fiscal authorities are restrained from spending pressures and the FX reforms are not reversed. They said, ‘’Historically, election cycles in Nigeria tend to introduce policy uncertainty, FX demand pressure, and capital flow reversals. So, while reserves can be sustained in the short term, maintaining this momentum throughout an election year will depend on discipline.

    Future of external reserves

    The CBN had, in its 2026 Macroeconomic Outlook for Nigeria, projected that Nigeria’s external reserve would rise to $51.04 billion in 2026, supported by stronger oil earnings, foreign exchange (FX) market reforms, and improved external inflows. The apex bank said the outlook reflects higher oil revenues, increased bond issuance, sustained diaspora remittances, FX market reforms, and expanded domestic refining capacity. The CBN stated, “The external reserves is projected at US$51.04 billion in 2026, compared with US$45.01 billion in 2025. The external reserves is expected to be boosted by reduced pressure in the FX market based on the anticipated rise in oil earnings, sovereign bond issuance, and diaspora remittance inflow.’’

    The apex bank linked the positive external reserve outlook to expanded domestic refining, notably the Dangote Refinery’s planned capacity increase to 700,000 bpd in 2025 and a longer-term target of 1.4 million bpd. According to the CBN, increased local refining would reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported petroleum products, lowering demand for foreign exchange and easing pressure on external reserves.

    The reforms payoff continues

    The FX reforms, instituted by the Olayemi Cardoso-led CBN, new policies instituted by the Federal Government to boost local production, reduce forex demand pressure, and lessen domestic prices have been instrumental to macroeconomic stability. The expectations are that the apex bank sustains the forex reforms while the fiscal authority strengthens efforts at enhancing FX earnings, especially from gas, oil and non-oil exports.

    CBN Governor explained that the rise in foreign reserve marked a significant rebound in Nigeria’s foreign currency buffers amid ongoing efforts to stabilise the exchange rate and rebuild investor confidence. The reserves spike happened despite relatively stronger CBN market intervention this year and external debt servicing as well as weak oil receipts.  Looking ahead, the analysts expect robust FX liquidity from both foreign and local sources, driven by strong market confidence, to continue supporting naira stability in the near term. They also expect headline inflation to ease further in July, supported by a moderation in both food and core inflation components.

    “Specifically, we anticipate the slowdown in food prices to be supported by improved market supply from early green harvests and the relative stability of the naira, which is expected to reduce pressure on imported food prices. Similarly, core inflation is projected to remain broadly stable, supported by a reduced exchange rate pass-through effect and steady energy prices,” they said.

    Multiple FX sources activated

    The CBN under Cardoso is cultivating multiple FX sources to increase dollar inflows, boost dollar access to manufacturers and retail end users. From moves to improve diaspora remittances through new product development, the granting licenses to new International Money Transfer Operators (IMTOs), implementing a willing buyer-willing seller FX model, and enabling timely access to naira liquidity for IMTOs, the apex bank has simplified dollar-inflow channels for authorised dealers and other players in the value chain.

    The move has led to substantial accretion to the gross FX reserves and supported the stability of the naira. Given that FX inflows to the economy are strategic in achieving monetary and fiscal policy stability, the CBN under Cardoso puts in a lot of efforts in attracting more inflows into the economy. Diaspora remittances to Nigeria, estimated at $23 billion annually remain a reliable source of forex to the domestic economy. There are also other sources and policies that are being explored by the apex bank to keep dollar inflows coming.

    The CBN’s initiatives have supported continued growth in these inflows, aligning with the institution’s objective of doubling formal remittance receipts within a year. The remittances in the economy is expected to increase based on  CBN’s ongoing efforts to bolster public confidence in the foreign exchange market, strengthen a robust and inclusive banking system, and promote price stability, which is essential for sustained economic growth.

    Director of Trading at Verto, Charlie Bird, said dollar liquidity dynamic is now more balanced, with foreign investors and airlines able to repatriate funds. Speaking during Cordros Asset Management seminar titled: “The Naira Playbook”, he said Nigeria is now darling of foreign investors because of improved dollar liquidity in the economy due to positive CBN’s reforms.

    As naira stabilises, import costs to dip

    Import costs have been tipped to drop significantly as the naira continues to gain more ground across markets. Importation costs in Nigeria include various taxes and charges, primarily import duties, VAT, and other levies. These costs are calculated based on the CIF value (Cost, Insurance, and Freight) of the goods, which includes the cost of the goods, insurance, and shipping.

    The cost, insurance and freight (CIF) price is the price of a good delivered at the frontier of the importing country, or the price of a service delivered to a resident before the payment of any import duties or other taxes on imports or trade and transport margins within the country. Changes in exchange rate can significantly impact the cost of imports, as duties and other charges are often calculated based on the prevailing exchange rate.

    Nigeria’s total Imports in 2024 were valued at $40.97 billion, according to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade. Nigeria’s main import partners were: China, Belgium and India. New figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reveal that Nigerian imported food and beverages worth N1.67 trillion ($1 billion) during the first quarter of 2025 (January–March), reflecting a five per cent increase from the N1.59 trillion recorded over the same period in 2024.

    Analysts from Cordros Securities said the naira appreciation helped cushion the impact of the spike in imported fuel prices triggered by tensions in the Middle East. “We expect FX liquidity to remain robust, supported by reduced global pressures and stronger market confidence, which continues to attract inflows from foreign portfolio investors (FPIs). Additionally, a stronger net FX reserve position enhances the CBN’s capacity to intervene when necessary. Barring any unexpected shocks, we anticipate that the naira will remain stable in the near term,” they said.

    While Nigeria is making strides toward fuel self-sufficiency, it still relies on imports, as seen in the reduced import bill for the first quarter. This indicates a decline in fuel imports but not a complete elimination.

  • Five strongest currencies in Africa as of January 2026

    Five strongest currencies in Africa as of January 2026

    The strongest currencies in Africa in 2026 are more than just numbers on a chart, they reflect stable economies, sound monetary policies, and growing investor confidence.

    Several African countries have maintained strong currencies against the U.S. dollar, reflecting various degrees of fiscal discipline, monetary policy effectiveness, and economic structure.

    Currency strength remains a vital indicator of a country’s economic stability and overall financial health.

    According to the Forbes currency calculator, the following are the five strongest African currencies as of January 2026 against the US Dollar.

    1. Tunisia – Tunisian Dinar (TND)

    Exchange Rate: 2.86 TND per USD
    Tunisia continues to lead as the African country with the strongest currency. The Tunisian Dinar’s strength is largely supported by strict exchange control measures and inflation management, even amid ongoing political and economic challenges.

    2. Libya – Libyan Dinar (LYD)

    Exchange Rate: 6.31 LYD per USD
    Despite years of political unrest, the Libyan Dinar remains notably strong. This resilience is primarily due to Libya’s abundant oil reserves, which generate substantial foreign exchange revenue.

    3. Morocco – Moroccan Dirham (MAD)

    Exchange Rate: 9.01 MAD per USD
    The Moroccan Dirham benefits from the country’s stable macroeconomic policies, economic diversification, and prudent monetary governance. Morocco’s growing appeal to foreign investors, especially in the renewable energy sector, also bolsters its currency.

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    4. Ghana – Ghanaian Cedi (GHS)

    Exchange Rate: 10.84 GHS per USD
    While the Ghanaian Cedi has experienced volatility, recent economic reforms and support from the IMF have introduced a measure of stability. Government initiatives to rein in inflation and manage public debt are beginning to yield positive outcomes.

    5. Botswana – Botswana Pula (BWP)

    Exchange Rate: 13.05 BWP per USD
    The Botswana Pula stands out as one of the strongest currencies in Sub-Saharan Africa. Sound governance, effective fiscal policies, and a balanced reliance on diamond exports have helped maintain its strength.

  • President has opened political space for young Nigerians

    President has opened political space for young Nigerians

    A pro-democracy group, the City Boy Movement (CBM), has hailed the growing inclusion of young and non-traditional actors in the country’s political space under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, describing it as a necessary step toward strengthening democracy and securing the nation’s future.

    The Director-General of the movement, Oluwatosin Francis Shoga, stated this in Abuja, while responding to critics, following the entry of business leaders and philanthropists like Obi Cubana into political space.

    He reaffirmed that President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda has sent a signal that youth participation, entrepreneurship, and fresh perspectives are valued.

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     “The inclusiveness of today’s political environment reflects democratic maturity. Nigeria’s future will be built through courage, participation, and unity—not fear of change,’’ he said.

    “Nigeria is at a defining moment in its democratic evolution, where long-standing calls for inclusion, fresh leadership, and new ideas are beginning to take shape.

    “For years, Nigerians, particularly young people, have decried political exclusion, recycled leadership, and limited access to decision-making.

    ‘Today, the increasing participation of young and dynamic Nigerians should not be seen as a threat, but as a renewal of democracy.”

  • Foundation seeks support for autistic children

    Foundation seeks support for autistic children

    The Federal Government, sub-national governments and development partners have been urged to adopt a more strategic and sustained approach to autism to promote the growth, development and empowerment of affected children and enable them to contribute meaningfully to national development.

    President/Trustee, Ferdinand Effah Music Heritage Foundation (FEMHF), Stanley Effah, said intervention was required to prevent thousands of children living with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) from being trapped in a cycle of neglect, exclusion and wasted potential.

    Effah noted that many autistic children possess exceptional talents and inner strengths, but are often unable to fulfil their potential because their parents are often financially and emotionally overwhelmed.

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    He said it was in response to this gap that FEMHF decided to deploy creativity as a strategic advocacy tool, using music, performance and public engagement to drive awareness, acceptance and inclusion of people living with autism across Nigeria.

    According to Effah in a statement, the Foundation’s innovative approach is anchored on the official launch and release of Ferdy’s Band’s first record label music album, A Voice for Autism, slated for April 2, this year, which also serves as a prelude to the Harmony for Autism Music Charity Concert scheduled for the same day.

  • Lawmaker gets kudos

    Lawmaker gets kudos

    For many Nigerians, empowerment programmes have become synonymous with empty promises and political favouritism.

    But for Mr. Eloho Idoro of Emevor, Delta State, a recent intervention facilitated by Jonathan Ukodhiko, the member representing Isoko North/South Federal Constituency, has rewritten that familiar story.

    In a deeply personal testimony shared via Facebook, Idoro recounted how scepticism initially clouded his perception of the business expansion empowerment scheme carried out last year by the federal lawmaker. Like many citizens who have watched similar initiatives come and go, he assumed the programme would ultimately benefit only a privileged few with political connections.

    “I honestly did not believe it would be different,” Idoro admitted. “I thought it was another programme that would end on paper or be shared among party loyalists.”

    Yet, driven by a mix of curiosity and quiet hope, he said he reluctantly prepared a business plan and submitted it for consideration. What followed, according to him, was a process that surprised and impressed him.

    Idoro said his application was shortlisted strictly on merit, without influence or backdoor arrangement. He was subsequently invited for a physical interview, where he defended his proposal before a selection panel — a step he described as rare in grassroots empowerment initiatives.

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    “For the first time, I felt like my idea mattered more than who I knew,” he wrote.

    The beneficiary described the interview process as transparent, professional and fair, noting that applicants were assessed based on the viability of their businesses and their capacity for growth. When he was eventually selected, Idoro said the experience restored his confidence in public service and governance.

    Beyond the financial support, Idoro said the programme sent a powerful message to ordinary citizens — that integrity, hard work and preparation could still open doors.

    He lauded Ukodhiko for what he termed a “people-centred approach” to leadership, noting that the lawmaker’s empowerment model demonstrated that public office could still be used as a platform for genuine development, rather than political patronage.

    “At a time when many have lost faith in leadership, this programme reminded me that hope is not completely lost,” Idoro said.

    His testimony has since sparked conversations online, with many residents of the constituency hailing the lawmaker’s transparent process and calling for similar initiatives across the state and country.

    For Idoro and others like him, the empowerment scheme was more than an intervention — it was a proof that responsive leadership, when practised with sincerity, can still touch lives and restore belief in governance.

    “To the glory of God, I emerged as one of the 18 beneficiaries of the N500,000 empowerment grant, without any form of political influence,” he said.

    Idoro noted that the experience fundamentally changed his perception of governance and leadership, stressing that the process demonstrated that integrity and fairness were still possible in public office.

    “That singular act made me understand that there is still hope for the common man in the corridors of power,” he wrote.

    He described Ukodhiko as a leader who listens to the cries of his people and responds decisively without compromise, commending the lawmaker and his foundation for prioritising genuine empowerment over patronage.

    Expressing his gratitude, Idoro pledged continued support for Ukodhiko’s principles, programmes and vision for the Isoko nation, affirming confidence in his leadership and endorsing his aspiration for re-election in 2027.

    Since assuming office, the lawmaker has been widely acknowledged for initiating empowerment schemes, interventions and constituency projects aimed at improving livelihoods and expanding economic opportunities across Isoko North and South.