Author: The Nation

  • Ozekhome: The heart of the matter 

    Ozekhome: The heart of the matter 

    • By ‘Dele Kabir Hassan

    Nigeria has once again found itself under an unflattering international spotlight, not because of diplomatic missteps or economic turbulence, but because of a deeply troubling legal saga that began in a foreign court and has now returned home demanding institutional reckoning. The case involving Mike Ozekhome, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN) arising from a disputed London property and a scathing judgment by a United Kingdom tribunal, is not merely about one man or one asset. It is about how Nigeria responds when a foreign court lays bare conduct it describes as dishonest and rooted in fabrication, and whether the country’s institutions are prepared to follow the evidence to a logical, lawful and credible conclusion.

    At the heart of the controversy is a residential property at 79 Randall Avenue, London. What might ordinarily have been a routine dispute over ownership instead evolved into a judicial exposé after the UK First-Tier Tribunal (Property Chamber) examined competing claims to the property. Ozekhome’s claim was that the house had been gifted to him in 2021 by an individual identified as Shani Tali. To support this assertion, documents and identity records were placed before the tribunal, including materials meant to establish the donor’s existence, ownership rights and capacity to transfer the property.

    The tribunal, after hearing witnesses and reviewing the documentary trail, rejected the claim in its entirety. In language that attracted immediate attention within international legal circles, the court concluded that the supposed donor did not exist, that the identity relied upon was fictitious, and that the documents presented in support of the ownership claim were fabricated. The tribunal stated unequivocally that it did not accept that the named individual had ever been a real person, nor that such a person could have purchased the property or passed title to anyone else. It went further to describe the entire ownership narrative as one built on deception.

    More damaging still was the tribunal’s reconstruction of the property’s true history. The court found that the house had been acquired in the early 1990s by the late General Jeremiah Useni using a false identity. On that basis, it held that no lawful title ever vested in the fictional donor and that no valid gift could therefore have been made to Ozekhome. His application to be registered as proprietor was cancelled, and the tribunal’s findings were placed firmly on the public record.

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    These were not casual remarks or speculative observations. They were detailed judicial findings reached after contested proceedings in which evidence was tested and credibility assessed. Unsurprisingly, the judgment travelled quickly beyond the confines of the property tribunal, circulating within international asset-recovery, anti-money laundering and legal accountability communities. The prominence of the parties involved, particularly the fact that one was a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, only amplified the attention.

    It was against this background that Nigeria’s Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC< stepped in. Following petitions and a review of the UK proceedings, the ICPC filed criminal charges alleging that Ozekhome knowingly received the London property, created or procured forged Nigerian identity documents in the name of Shani Tali, and used those documents in pursuit of the disputed ownership claim.

    The commission has indicated that its case will rely on documentary exhibits, investigative findings and testimony from officials of the Nigerian Immigration Service.

    Ozekhome, like every defendant, is entitled to the presumption of innocence, and the Nigerian courts will determine his culpability, if any. But what cannot be ignored is that this case did not originate in rumour or political vendetta. It emerged from a foreign judicial process that examined evidence and delivered findings of fact that are now impossible to pretend do not exist.

    This is what has raised the stakes. Nigeria is no longer dealing with a purely domestic allegation that can be quietly buried or allowed to wither through delay. It is dealing with a case in which a foreign court has already concluded that it was presented with forged identities and a false ownership narrative. How Nigeria responds will inevitably be read as a statement about its seriousness as a legal and institutional actor.

    The reputational dimension cannot be overstated. Nigeria has been through similar moments before. The conviction of former Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu in the United Kingdom over organ trafficking was a profound embarrassment, not simply because of the crime, but because it reinforced a damaging global narrative: that powerful Nigerians believe foreign systems can be manipulated without consequence, and that accountability only truly arrives when imposed from outside.

    Each such episode leaves residue. It shapes how Nigerian professionals are perceived, how Nigerian passports and documents are scrutinised, and how Nigerian institutions are trusted or doubted abroad. The Ozekhome case threatens to deepen that damage if it is mishandled.

    The UK tribunal’s findings already suggest a troubling level of audacity: the alleged invention of an identity, the deployment of forged documents, and the pursuit of property rights through misrepresentation. When conduct of that nature is associated with a senior member of the Bar, the implications go well beyond one courtroom.

    For President Bola Tinubu’s administration, this case is an uninvited but unavoidable test. The government has pledged to strengthen institutions, combat corruption and restore confidence in the rule of law. Those commitments are now being measured not by rhetoric but by response. International partners, foreign courts and asset-recovery bodies are watching closely, not out of hostility, but because Nigeria’s reaction will inform future cooperation and trust.

    The ICPC has taken an important first step by filing charges. That step must be allowed to run its full course. Anything less — whether through undue delay, procedural manipulation or quiet abandonment — would speak louder than any official statement. It would suggest that even when dishonesty is judicially exposed abroad, accountability at home remains negotiable.

    This case is not about public humiliation or predetermined outcomes. It is about evidence, due process and institutional credibility. The Nigerian judiciary does not need to echo the UK tribunal; it needs to do its own work thoroughly and transparently. But it must do that work without fear or favour, and without succumbing to the familiar temptation to let difficult cases simply fade from view.

    Nigeria’s reputation is not shaped by slogans or press releases. It is shaped by what the world sees when the country is tested. Right now, Nigerians are watching. The international community is watching. The ICPC and the courts must act with the clear understanding that this case has already crossed Nigeria’s borders, and that how it ends will say much about who we are as a country and how seriously we take the rule of law.

    •Hassan is a public affairs analyst.

  • The Kaduna breach

    The Kaduna breach

    We are living in an era of the coward.

    As we saw recently in Kaduna.

    Guns are no evidence of strength when targets bear no arms.

     A proverb says, a coward is always in the mood to fight when he sees someone he can beat. That is also the definition of a bully.

    The bandit may howl, may tout a gun, may swagger and harumph.

    But he is a tyrant without a heart. So, when they invaded three churches, one a Catholic and the other two Cherubim and Seraphim, they only glorified a faintness of heart.

    Why did they choose to strike in Kaduna? It is tempting to say that it is a violence tinged with or even inspired by ill-will.

    For the past two and half years, the state under its Governor, Uba Sani has steadily steered away the pivotal northwest state from a stereotype of blood and fear.

    So bad was the state under its previous administration that when the then candidate Bola Ahmed Tinubu visited one of the hotbeds of terror, it was not a mere campaign stop. It was like an army division rumbling into Giwa, one of the underbellies of bandits.

    Today, the place, including other areas of the state, including Kajuru where the depraved souls struck, have become neon of quiet after eons of violence. Today, Giwa is pivotal to Kaduna’s good times, with loads of lorries shipping cattle down south every day.

    When the story of the strike happened, it must have jolted even those who maintain peace in the state because it might have ruffled an atmosphere of confidence, of immunity. That can happen when you take peace for granted.

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    Perhaps, without excusing the police authorities, that may have led to the tentative acceptance and affirmation of the Kajuru abductions.

    I recall the same happened in the quiescent era of then governor of example, Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN of Lagos State. Robbers rumbled into town and laid waste a portion of the city. It was a shock even to the elites of security of the state.

    Residents were taken aback, and reminds one of the lines of the Caribbean writer George Lamming, who wrote: “something startled where I thought I was safest.” As they say in security parlance, you only need to be wrong once for disaster to happen. That sort never happened again under Fashola or since.

    Why I suggest that Kaduna kidnapping might have resulted from envy is simple. Kaduna State has served as an island of peace in a turbulent region.

    There are those in the politics of the state and with partisan umbrage over the repeated stories of tranquility in the state.

    They had over the past year been posting narratives to undermine the new trend of security.

    Some of them were reporting the recent abduction not because it was true but as an opportunity to gloat.

    They were not thinking of the children and babies snatched from the belly of their God.

    They were not lamenting the women who had left home with pious songs on their lips and peace for their Sundays. They were not contemplating how that breach had turned an outback village off its balance.

    They did not wonder how fear had paralysed their fellow citizens.

    The coordinated attack on a Sunday makes one wonder if it was not just a mere bandit assault but a sponsored political act of brigandage.

    That might have accounted for why Governor Sani said he was not interested in politics or numbers but the effort to rescue the citizens.

    The target of churches may also raise the spectre as to whether the sponsors wanted to ratchet up an American doubt about government efforts to beat back the bandits and reinforce fantasies about Christian genocide.

    If that is true, then the sponsors, if there were, must be very naïve. It is easy to understand that someone, somewhere does not have peace in their desperate hearts over the rebirth of peace in that land.

    Being an island of peace comes with a price.

    In a recent address at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Governor Sani had stated that some flashes of violence his government has observed came from other states.

    Could that have been the case with the church abductions? It was observed that the churches were located on the border of forests that abut on highways.

    As a writer stated recently, what happened in Kaduna State is a breach, not a norm.

    The media, in a hurry to report the event, has not put in context the calm of the state in the past couple of years, which must have raised questions as to whether it was a breach taking advantage of police and intelligence complacency, or the work of cohorts with political mischief. Or both.

    It indeed is a matter for investigation. In Shakespeare’s great play of plots and intrigues, Julius Caesar, a character says, “There is but one mind in all these men, and it is bent against Caesar.

    If thou beest not immortal, look about you: security gives way to conspiracy.” We cannot ignore the words of the bard. To investigate is to emphasise vigilance. As Joseph Conrad noted in his novel: The Secret Agent, “protection is the first necessity of opulence and luxury.” The first line of protection is to watch from the tower.

    Governor Sani, as a man with a human and civil rights pedigree, understands that security is not the only solution to insecurity. Hence, as the move to release the abductees continue, he scored two major infrastructure goals. One, with unveiling of the Durum – Kuruntumawa road, leading to eclat and jubilation in Makarfi Local  Government Area, a feat the locals say they had not seen in close to a generation.

    Another is the Audi-Kako asphaltic road in Zaria Local Government Area.

    He has also attacked the issue of unemployment with over 2.5 million citizens empowered with cash for investment. He has also established the largest hub for artisans and training in the subcontinent.

    Efforts like these ensure that to improve security means not thinking about it as security alone.

    It is the work of a governor to ensure the communities work together. That sets the foundation. Security forces take over from that.

    The synergy ensures success.

    Hence Sani over the past two years has stressed this cooperation with Abuja. It should continue. Gov Sani has always stressed the idea of inclusion, and one of his latch keys has been religious harmony.

    He is beloved of southern Kaduna today because he has brought them back into the Kaduna commonwealth. One of such symbolisms is the Christmas Carol services. It does not take away his Muslim fidelity. It shows he is at peace with his faith. He is also showing he is governor of all.

    But what is important for now is to bring home the innocents from the clutches of the cowards. That will be in spite of the Shakespeare line that “security is the chief enemy of mortals,” especially partisan mortals.

  • Awujale uproar and other stories

    Awujale uproar and other stories

    The uproar of the Awujale throne reflects a truth we deny in our souls. That we are republicans first. We may love democracy, go to polls, elect our governors and presidents, embrace constitutions and heckle our lawmakers.

    But everything shows that we love our monarchies just as much. The British created the House of Chiefs to defang the kings. They subjected them to civil authorities. The British were pretending to give us democracy without its cardinal tenet: freedom. It reminds one of the quote from Poet Lord Byron on Metternich of Austria: “he had no objection to true liberty except that  it will set them free.”

    Our kings have been without power. That is hard power, apologies to Harvard Professor Joseph Nye. But they have not lost soft power. And at the core of that soft power is honour, which philosopher Montesquieu says is the highest asset of monarchies. That honour is at the core of our spiritual sense of being.

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    That honour is the reason we have seen battles for the thrones not only in Ijebuland but across the country. We are still watching from the ringside the battle for supremacy between the Alafin of Oyo and the Ooni of Ife. Not long ago, the Ibadan traditional throne roiled after former Governor Abiola Ajimobi tweaked the status of lower cadre of rulers. In Benin, the former governor of Edo State, Godwin Obaseki, was in an atavistic battle with the Oba of Benin by trying to upset his supremacy with upstart chiefs.

    The Kano throne continues to excite the nation with the spectre of two emirs and the governor playing a delicate balancing role. The courts are also coy at resolving it.

    All politicians technically are above the kings. They dare not tell their subjects so, or even flex a superior eye. Even presidents will rile them at their own peril. Let us stop pretending that we are republicans. Modernity may be seductive. But our roots are too deep to yield.

  • Nigeria: Why Türkiye

    Nigeria: Why Türkiye

    • By Sunday Dare

    On Monday this week President Bola Ahmed Tinubu departs for a two-day official visit to the Republic of Türkiye. The stated agenda – military cooperation and trade partnership – is precise. But the subtext is broader: Nigeria is recalibrating its partnerships toward countries that combine strategic geography, industrial depth, security capability, and an instinct for pragmatic diplomacy.

    Few nations fit that description as naturally as Türkiye, making this visit not just a sentimental jaunt but a strategic engagement, strengthening our official ties, since Turkey established a diplomatic presence in Nigeria in 1962.

    Türkiye: Where civilisations converge

    Long before modern states, the lands that form present-day Türkiye were the arteries of human civilisation – bordering Mesopotamia, linking ancient empires, and serving as the world’s crossroads between Europe and Asia.

    Today, Türkiye remains the only major power that physically straddles two continents, controlling maritime gateways that connect the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, and the global trade lanes.

    Geography has always been destiny. For Africa – and for Nigeria in particular – Türkiye’s location is not symbolic; it is operational. It is a bridge to Europe, a corridor to the Middle East, and a springboard to Central and Far-East Asia.

    So, Istanbul is not just a city; it is a gateway.  For Nigerian exporters, investors, students, and logistics operators, Istanbul is increasingly the shortest route from Africa to global markets.

    Why Nigeria Is turning to Türkiye

    The President is visiting with the mindset that Nigeria’s reform trajectory – industrialisation, security stabilisation, trade diversification, and technology transfer – requires partners who do not merely sell products, but build systems.

    Türkiye brings four strategic advantages:

    a. Industrial Capability: From construction to defence manufacturing, textiles, energy equipment, and rail systems, Türkiye is one of the most industrialised economies, bridging emerging and developed markets.

    b. Defense and Security Depth: Türkiye has become a global supplier of cost-effective, battle-tested military platforms – from drones and armoured vehicles to surveillance systems. For Nigeria, confronting insurgency, banditry, and transnational crime, this partnership is about capacity, not dependency.

    c. Trade Dynamism: Türkiye is among the world’s leading exporters to Africa. Its model emphasises local production, infrastructure delivery, and joint ventures –  the kind of growth Nigeria now prioritises.

    d. Geopolitical Balance: As a NATO member with strong relations across Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, Türkiye offers Nigeria strategic flexibility – not alignment by ideology, but cooperation by interest.

    A partnership already in motion

    The first Turkish Head of State to visit Nigeria was President Abdullah Gül in 2010. This milestone was followed by the official visits of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to Nigeria in March 2016 and October 2021, reflecting Türkiye’s sustained diplomatic outreach and commitment to deepening bilateral relations with us.

    These engagements were complemented by President Muhammadu Buhari’s official visit to Ankara on 19 October 2017, during the D-8 Summit.

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    Together, these high-level exchanges set the tone for the strategic and forward-looking conversations taking place this weekend as President Tinubu visits.

    So, the Nigeria–Türkiye relationship has already taken tangible shape, far beyond diplomatic pronouncements, across healthcare, education, manufacturing, agriculture, defence, and trade.

    Trade at Scale- Bilateral trade now exceeds USD 1 billion annually, with historical peaks near USD 2.7 billion.  Both governments have set a formal target to expand trade to USD 5 billion.

    In 2024, alone, Turkish exports to Nigeria: ~$721 million,  Nigerian exports to Türkiye: ~$505 million, Nigeria recorded a non-oil trade surplus of N6.1 trillion, signalling diversification aligned with Turkish industrial inputs.

    According to IMF 2026 projections, Nigeria’s 4.4% growth rate compares favourably with the US (2.4%), Germany (1.1%), UK (1.3%).  Nigeria is now in the upper tier of emerging-market growth, achieved through structural correction – not commodity windfalls.

    Strategic Turkish Presence in Nigeria is seen in various Turksih led investments within our homeland.

    •Nizamiye Hospital, Abuja – world-class healthcare facility.

    •Nigerian Tulip International Colleges (NTIC) – multi-state education network.

    •Turkish Eye & Specialist Hospitals – expanding clinical partnership.

    •Hayat Kimya – $200m hygiene manufacturing (Ogun State).

    •Ülker – $50m food processing.

    •Direkçi – $22m agro-livestock investments.

    •ASELSAN – defence electronics office in Nigeria.

    •Türkiye Exporters Assembly missions – 150+ bilateral business engagements.

    •Nigeria–Türkiye Business Council – trade matchmaking and joint investment.

    Atatürk’s legacy, Tinubu’s reform path

    Modern Türkiye was shaped by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, a military strategist who rebuilt a nation through institutional discipline, industrial revival, and modernisation.

    Nigeria, under President Tinubu, is now pursuing a similar arc – reform before relief, structure before sentiment. Exchange-rate realism, fiscal discipline, security sector reform, and trade diversification are not temporary. They are foundational corrections.  Türkiye understands this path because it has walked it.

    The bigger picture

    This visit is not about symbolism. It is about strategic alignment.  Nigeria is positioning itself as a regional manufacturing and logistics hub, and Türkiye is one of the few partners capable of transferring technology, scaling infrastructure, and co-producing security solutions.

    If we are serious about becoming Africa’s gateway to global markets, then partnering with a nation that has spent centuries being the world’s gateway between continents is not a coincidence – it is logic. By President Tinubu departing on this State Visit, the Nigerian leader is not just choosing a country to visit. Nigeria is choosing a corridor to traverse.

    And that corridor runs through Türkiye.

    •Dare is Special Adviser to the President.

  • UK, U.S. leaders talk after Trump’s remarks on NATO’s role in Afghanistan spark outrage

    UK, U.S. leaders talk after Trump’s remarks on NATO’s role in Afghanistan spark outrage

    British Prime Minister Keir Starmer held a call at the weekend with United States President Donald Trump after the president’s remarks about NATO’s role in Afghanistan sparked outrage in the UK.

    Starmer cited British and American soldiers “who fought side by side in Afghanistan,” according to a statement by the UK premier’s office.

    It came after Trump said Thursday that NATO troops stayed “a little off the front lines” during the war in Afghanistan.

    The president’s claim has sparked backlash in the UK, with Starmer calling it “insulting and frankly appalling.”

    But Trump on Saturday praised the UK soldiers on who fought in Afghanistan, calling them “very brave.”

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    “The great and very brave soldiers of the United Kingdom will always be with the United States of America,” he wrote on his social media platform Truth Social.

    During the call, the pair also discussed Ukraine as both agreed on the need to see progress toward a sustainable ceasefire.

    “Whilst diplomatic efforts continue, the Prime Minister reiterated that international partners must continue to support Ukraine in its defence against Putin’s barbaric attacks,” according to the statement.

    Turning to security in the Arctic, the pair pointed out the need for bolstered security, while Starmer highlighted that the issue is an “absolute priority” for his government.

    “The leaders discussed the importance of the UK-U.S. relationship, which continues to stand the test of time,” added the statement.

  • Starmer’s rival Burnham blocked from seeking return to British parliament

    Starmer’s rival Burnham blocked from seeking return to British parliament

    British Labour Party politician Andy Burnham was yesterday blocked from trying to return to parliament, with lawmakers on the left of the party accusing Prime Minister Keir Starmer and his allies of a political move to keep out a potential leadership rival.

    Burnham said he was disappointed at the decision and, while he called for unity in the Labour Party, criticised the way the situation had been handled.

    One of the party’s most high-profile politicians and an elected mayor in the northern English city of Manchester, Burnham said on Saturday he wanted to become Labour’s candidate to replace a lawmaker who resigned on Thursday.

    Labour is trailing in opinion polls to Nigel Farage’s right-wing populist Reform UK ahead of bellwether local elections in May and has so far struggled to deliver on promises of a stronger economy, better public services and tighter borders.

    In a decision likely to bring simmering tension within Labour to a fresh boil, Burnham was refused permission to stand by the party’s National Executive Committee yesterday, losing a vote of senior officers, including Starmer himself, by 8 to 1.

    Blocking Burnham’s candidacy denies him the chance of winning a platform from which he could have formally challenged Starmer, because only members of parliament can trigger a leadership contest.

    “Andy Burnham is doing a great job as Mayor of Greater Manchester,” the Labour Party said in a statement.

    “We believe it is in the best interests of the party to avoid an unnecessary Mayoral election,” the statement added, citing the cost to taxpayers – and Labour’s own campaign funds – of carrying out an election to replace him.

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    Burnham responded in a post on X saying he was disappointed and concerned about how the decision could affect upcoming elections.

    That initial post ended with a call for unity, saying “we are stronger together and let’s stay that way”, but he later added a more barbed comment aimed at the party leadership:

    “The fact that the media was informed of the NEC decision before I was tells you everything you need to know about the way the Labour Party is being run these days.”

    Such is the sensitivity over Starmer’s future that the resignation last week of the lawmaker for Gorton and Denton in northwest England triggered a brief selloff in British government bonds. Investors speculated that Burnham – viewed as favouring looser fiscal policy – could win the seat to rejoin parliament and position himself for a leadership challenge.

    Labour’s popularity has plummeted since a landslide election win in July 2024 and the party is split over the best strategy to restore confidence.

    Left-wing Labour lawmaker John McDonnell posted an open message to Starmer on X after the NEC’s decision: “If you think it strengthens you I tell you it will simply hasten your demise. You could have shown magnanimous leadership but instead it’s cowardice.”

    Burnham criticised Starmer’s leadership last year but said on Saturday he had assured the prime minister he wanted to “support the work of the government, not undermine it”.

    Burnham ran unsuccessfully to become party leader in 2015, when he was beaten by Jeremy Corbyn. He left parliament to become Greater Manchester Mayor in 2017 but has remained an influential figure for some centre-left groups within Labour, particularly those critical of Starmer’s more centrist stance.

  • Uganda opposition leader Bobi Wine says wife hospitalised after being choked by soldiers

    Uganda opposition leader Bobi Wine says wife hospitalised after being choked by soldiers

    Uganda’s opposition leader Bobi Wine said his wife had been taken to hospital after soldiers invaded their residence, partially undressed and choked her.

    Wine, a pop star-turned-politician, was not at the property and is in hiding after he escaped a previous raid on his home last week hours before he was announced as the runner-up in the January 15 presidential election.

    Overnight into Saturday, soldiers forcefully entered the opposition leader’s home in the Magere suburb in Kampala’s north, breaking down doors and beating up staff, Wine said in a post on X.

    Ugandan military spokesperson Chris Magezi could not immediately be reached for comment.

    Four-decade incumbent ruler Yoweri Museveni, 81, was declared winner of the vote with 71.6% against Wine’s 24%. Wine rejected the results, alleging extensive fraud including ballot stuffing.

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    During the raid on the residence, Wine said the soldiers held his wife Barbara Kyagulanyi at gunpoint, asking her to reveal his whereabouts.

    “They grabbed my wife’s phone, forced her to sit down, and ordered her to remove her password. She refused. They strangled her and insulted her,” Wine said.

    “They forcefully removed her blouse and took pictures… my wife was rushed to hospital where she remains admitted.”

    Uganda’s military chief, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who is also Museveni’s son, has demanded that Wine surrender to police or he would be treated as a rebel, and has also issued death threats to him.

    On Friday Kainerugaba also said authorities had killed 30 supporters of Wine’s party National Unity Platform (NUP) and detained 2,000 others. Wine has not been accused of any crime.

    Wine alleges that money, documents and other electronic gadgets were also taken during the raid.

    On Thursday U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed concern over the arrests and violence involving opposition figures and supporters.

    Rights groups and opposition critics have long accused Museveni of using the military to maintain his grip on power. Ruling party officials deny the accusations, and say Museveni’s long rule is due to popular support among the voters.

  • FULL LIST: Top 10 countries requiring $10,000+ proof of funds for student visas

    FULL LIST: Top 10 countries requiring $10,000+ proof of funds for student visas

    Studying abroad offers students the chance to access world-class education, build global skills and gain exposure to diverse cultures that can shape long-term careers.

    Beyond tuition fees, however, prospective international students must also weigh the proof-of-funds requirements enforced by many countries as part of the student visa process.

    These financial thresholds are designed to ensure that students can support themselves  and any accompanying dependants without relying on employment, covering tuition, accommodation, living expenses and travel.

    While some destinations maintain relatively modest requirements, others are defined by high living costs and strict financial benchmarks, ranking them among the most expensive study destinations globally.

    In such countries, visa applicants are often required to demonstrate access to $10,000 or more annually, excluding tuition fees, before approval is granted — a condition that significantly shapes financial planning for housing, feeding, healthcare and transportation.

    The blend of premium education standards and tough financial rules often reflects the advanced infrastructure, strong global rankings and elevated lifestyle expectations associated with these destinations.

    In this guide, we spotlight the top 10 study destinations with the highest proof-of-funds requirements, providing prospective students with a clear picture of the financial commitment involved and helping them plan effectively for a successful study-abroad journey.

    Here is the list of top 10 countries requiring $10,000+ proof of funds for student visas:

    1. South Korea

    International students seeking admission into South Korean universities must present proof of funds of at least $10,000 to secure a D-2 student visa. Applicants are required to show admission to a recognised institution, valid bank statements in the student’s or sponsor’s name, proof of relationship where applicable, a passport with at least six months’ validity, medical clearance and, where requested, a police report. Students may work up to 20 hours weekly after six months. Tuition averages ₩4–10 million annually for undergraduate programmes and ₩5–12 million for postgraduate studies, while living costs range between ₩12–18 million per year.

    2. Japan

    Japan requires international students to demonstrate proof of funds ranging between $7,706 and $10,275 for one year of study. Applicants must submit a valid passport, visa application, Certificate of Eligibility, passport photographs and bank statements covering three to six months. Schools often provide sponsor or guarantor details. Students are permitted to work up to 28 hours weekly with approval, though authorities stress that part-time income should not be relied upon as the primary funding source.

    3. New Zealand

    Prospective students must show $11,779 (NZD 20,000) per year to cover living expenses for tertiary and language studies. For shorter programmes, proof is calculated monthly. Primary and secondary pupils require NZD 17,000 annually. Applicants must also show return travel arrangements or funds to purchase a ticket. Funding may come from personal savings, sponsors or third parties, provided it is verifiable and accessible.

    4. Ireland

    For the 2026 academic year, Ireland mandates proof of at least $11,829 (€10,000) per year, excluding tuition. Short-term courses attract a monthly requirement of €833. Applicants must submit six months’ bank statements, evidence of tuition payment and documentation showing the source of funds. For multi-year programmes, proof must be provided for each additional year.

    5. Netherlands

    International students applying to Dutch universities or higher professional institutions must show proof of $16,050 (€13,569.24) for 12 months. The funds must cover accommodation, feeding, transport and personal expenses. Proof may be provided through personal bank statements, scholarships or sponsor guarantees, all of which must be verifiable for residence permit approval.

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    6. Canada

    Canada requires international students to prove $17,935 (CAD 24,617) for one person to cover living expenses for the first year, excluding tuition and travel. Higher thresholds apply for accompanying family members. Acceptable evidence includes bank statements, Guaranteed Investment Certificates, tuition receipts, scholarships, loans or sponsor letters. Applicants must also demonstrate that funds can be legally transferred to Canada where foreign exchange controls apply.

    7. Australia

    Australia sets its living-cost benchmark at $20,485 (AUD 29,710) annually for a single student, covering basic expenses. Applicants must also prove capacity to pay at least one year’s tuition, which ranges between AUD 20,000 and AUD 55,000 depending on programme and institution. Additional funds are required for dependents and travel, placing the estimated minimum funding for a single undergraduate student above AUD 60,000.

    8. United Kingdom

    UK student visa applicants must show proof covering both tuition and living costs. Living expenses are pegged at $24,862 (£18,348) annually for London-based studies and $19,041 (£14,052) outside London. Tuition requirements are outlined in the Confirmation of Acceptance for Studies. Students resident in the UK for 12 months or more may be exempt from certain financial proofs.

    9. United States

    Prospective F-1 and M-1 students must demonstrate funding sufficient to cover tuition, books, living expenses and travel, typically between $32,000 and $43,000 annually. Proof is required before issuance of Form I-20 and during visa processing. Acceptable documentation includes bank statements, sponsor letters and other verifiable financial records.

    10. Switzerland

    Switzerland mandates proof of $38,195 (CHF 30,000) annually to cover living expenses. Monthly costs average CHF 1,850, excluding tuition, which ranges from CHF 500 to CHF 4,000 per semester depending on the institution. Applicants must show adequate financial capacity to secure a student residence permit, reflecting the country’s high cost of living and premium education standards.

  • Tinubu embarks on state visit to Türkiye to deepen diplomatic, economic ties

    Tinubu embarks on state visit to Türkiye to deepen diplomatic, economic ties

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will tomorrow (Monday) depart Abuja on a state visit to the Republic of Türkiye, as Nigeria steps up diplomatic and economic engagements with key global partners.

    The visit, according to a statement issued on Sunday by Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, is aimed at strengthening the cordial bilateral relations between Nigeria and Türkiye while opening new fronts of cooperation across critical sectors of national development.

    During the visit, President Tinubu is expected to hold strategic political and diplomatic engagements with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, focusing on shared priorities in finance, communication, trade, and investment.

    The discussions will also explore expanded collaboration in security, education, social development, innovation, and aviation.

    Nigeria and Türkiye have maintained close diplomatic ties over the years, underscored by President Erdogan’s official visit to Nigeria from October 19 to 20, 2021.

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    President Tinubu’s visit is expected to build on that foundation and deepen institutional cooperation between both countries.

    A major highlight of the state visit will be the signing of several memoranda of understanding (MoUs) covering areas such as scientific research, energy, technical cooperation, media and communications, military collaboration, and protocol arrangements, among others.

    The visit will also feature a Nigeria–Türkiye business forum, bringing together investors and private sector leaders from both countries to explore mutually beneficial investment opportunities and partnerships.

    Members of President Tinubu’s entourage for the bilateral engagements include the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar; the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN; the Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa (rtd); and the Chairman of the House Committee on Defence, Hon. Jimi Benson.

    Others are the Minister of Women Affairs and Social Development, Hajiya Imaan Suleiman-Ibrahim; Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo; Minister of Culture and Creative Economy, Hannatu Musawa; National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu; and the Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency, Ambassador Mohammed Mohammed.

    President Tinubu is expected to return to the country at the conclusion of the state visit.

  • NMDPRA seeks additional $50bn investments in midstream sector

    NMDPRA seeks additional $50bn investments in midstream sector

    • Tinubu’s subsidy removal paying off, says Mohammed

    The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) has called on the private sector to pump an additional $30bn to $50bn into the midstream petroleum sector.

    The Chief Executive of NMDPRA, Saidu Mohammed, who spoke after concluding his three-day tour of facilities in Rivers State at the weekend, also said President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s bold move of removing petroleum subsidies had rejuvenated the sector.

    Mohammed said, “I said two days ago that the midstream sector alone will require about 30 billion to 50 billion dollars investment. And those investments can only come from the private sector, not the government anymore.

    “So, as an authority, as a regulator, what we will do is to make sure that we lay down the desired enablers for them to operate and attract the investment that Nigeria needs.

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    “But first of all, we have to improve how we do things, and the improvement can be seen here in a world-class facility being operated by Nigerians, and that is the way to go”.

    Mohammed said the authority was impressed to see fully integrated facilities designed, built, operated, and fully funded by Nigerians.

    The Chief Executive, who toured Aradel Holding PLC, lauded the company for meeting the standard, saying the firm’s fully integrated facility was a demonstration that Nigerians could play a big role in the sector.

    Speaking about Aradel’s operation of full Nigerian content, he said: “They have been sending gas to NLNG for about 13 years now. They have also built a refinery of about 11,000 barrels per day. And we have also seen what they have done with the gas in terms of a virtual pipeline, where they are getting compressed natural gas that is taken from here and serves many parts of Nigeria.

    “So, holistically, we look at the energy requirement, and a lot of energy requirements have been met by this single asset here. So what we desire to see is more and more of this kind of assets, and that’s what I keep on saying that the midstream sector is”.

    Mohammed said the country required more refineries to meet not only local demands but also serve the entire African continent, the United States of America, and Europe.

    He said beyond the fuel and the AGO, the companies were expected to convert gas to other valuable products like LPG, adding that the goal was to have the entire petroleum value chain run by Nigerians.

    “Nigeria has enough market for petroleum products, they have enough market for the gas, and we need cleaner and cleaner energy”, he said.

    Mohammed noted that the country was not far away from affordable energy, adding that the goal was to ensure an ample supply of petroleum products.

    He said, “I don’t think Nigerians are very much away from affordable energy, but what we are trying to do is to make sure that an ample supply is there. Ample supply, as basic economics says, the more supply you have, the lower the price it becomes. And that’s where we desire to be.

    “You can see how we demonstrated it on PMS. You can see how prices of PMS have gone from 1,000 something to today, we are getting it at about 800, and what have you. And that is what competition brings.

    “That as long as we are not subsidizing any segment of the uh business, we will get the desired goal. And the desired goal is to make sure that we have an ample supply of whatever commodity it is. Whether it is gas or gasoline at an affordable rate, and the affordable rate can only come through competition”.

    Mohammed observed that President Tinubu’s bold move of removing subsidies has propelled the astronomical growth of the sector.

    He said, “No more subsidy has propelled the private sector to come in. And we will continue to build on that. So, the support of Mr. President and governors and all other government agencies is not in doubt anyway”.

    In his remarks, the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Aradel Holding PLC, Mr Adegbite Falade, said the visit of NMDPRA was the biggest encouragement the firm could get as an operator.

    He said, “As operators, we are not overwhelmed. We see the demand; we see the market, and all we are trying to do is to continue to make those investments that allow us to meet the demand. And the demand is huge. And we have received support from the regulator. We have seen all kinds of support that continues to make our operations grow from one stage to another.

    “It is a great and worthy space for fellow investors and operators to come into. And the more we are, the more we build on the redundancy and the resilience of our energy security as a nation.

    “We are committed to that course. We are looking at our capacity, and we are just projecting to grow it from one level to another. We are not overwhelmed, but we are doing our best to be part of that solution for energy security.”