Author: The Nation

  • May 29 handover sacrosanct, say Southwest pensioners

    May 29 handover sacrosanct, say Southwest pensioners

    The Southwest zone of the Nigeria Union of Pensioners (NUP) has said the May 29 inauguration date of President-elect, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, remained sacrosanct.

    It warned those pushing for a postponement of the handover date, or an interim administration, not to plunge the country into a constitutional crisis.

    The Southwest pensioners however appealed to Tinubu to come up with policies that would improve their living standard, as demonstrated by outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Speaking after its zonal meeting in Akure, spokesman of the union, Comrade Olusegun Abatan, said the judiciary should be allowed to do justice to the election petitions before it.

    Abatan, who noted that pensioners enjoyed good welfare packages enjoyed under President Buhari, said: “Of all presidents, Muhammadu Buhari has been the most pensioner-friendly in terms of addressing our issues and keeping to the constitutional provision that anytime workers’ salaries are increased, pension is also increased, we thank him for that.

    “We are also using this opportunity to appeal to the incoming President, Bola Tinubu, to please take the steps that will make him pensioner- friendly president also, and improve on what President Buhari has done for us. We want him to be good to pensioners as he takes the mantle of leadership on May 29.”

  • Diezani seeks vacation of bench warrant

    Diezani seeks vacation of bench warrant

    Former Minister of Petroleum Resources Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke has prayed a Federal High Court in Abuja to set aside the bench warrant issued against her on July 24, 2020.

    Mrs. Alison-Madueke, in a motion on notice brought by her counsel, Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN), before Justice Mobolaji Olajuwon, sought court order extending the time within which she could seek leave to apply for the order discharging the bench warrant.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that Alison-Madueke served as minister between 2010 and 2015 in the President Goodluck Jonathan government.

    The ex-minister also urged the court to strike out her name as ‘a defendant in charge number FHC/ABJ/CR/208/2018, between the Federal Republic of Nigeria V. Diezani Alison Madueke, pending before this honourable court’.

    The motion had Mrs. Alison-Madueke as sole defendant/applicant. It was brought pursuant to Sections 36 (1) and (8), 35 of the 1999 Constitution (as altered); Section 1, 113, 114, 382 (4 and 5) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015; and under the inherent powers of the court as preserved by Section 6(6A) of the 1999 Constitution.

    NAN reports that the Federal Government, through the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), had, in an ex-parte motion, sought a bench warrant against Mrs. Alison-Madueke.

    Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu, who granted the order on July 24, 2020, after EFCC lawyer moved the motion, directed that Mrs. Alison-Madueke be arrested by local or international police anywhere she was sighted within or outside the country.

    The development followed the inability of the EFCC to extradite her back to the country from the United Kingdom (UK) where she resides to stand the money laundering trial preferred against her.

    The case was, however, reassigned to Justice Olajuwon following the transfer of Ojukwu to the Calabar division of the court in 2021.

    But the ex-minister, in a five-ground attached with the motion, said the bench warrant was issued without jurisdiction, and ought to be set aside ex debito justitiae. She argued that it was issued in breach of her right to fair hearing as guaranteed by Section 36 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as altered).

    She argued that she had neither been served with the charge sheet and proof of evidence in charge number: FHC/ABJ/CR/208/2018, nor was there any other summons howsoever and whatsoever in respect of the criminal charge pending against her before the court.

    Mrs. Alison-Madueke submitted that the court was misled into issuing the bench warrant against her based on suppression or non-disclosure of material facts.

  • I had no secret deal with Christians, PDP, says Sule

    I had no secret deal with Christians, PDP, says Sule

    Nasarawa State Governor Abdullahi Sule has debunked  entering into a secret deal with Christians and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to win his re-election.

    According to him, the people of Nasarawa rose above religious sentiments to vote him for a second term.

    Sule made the clarification in a statement by his Chief Press Secretary, Ibrahim Adra.

    The statement reads: “It is pertinent to state that Governor Sule did not, at any time before or during the 2023 polls, enter into any agreement or ‘secret deal’ with individuals or groups.

    “It is therefore necessary to put the issues in their right perspective as was intended when the governor interacted with some senior editors of newspapers in Abuja. It is worth reiterating that Governor Sule did not enter any deal with Christians, traditional rulers and PDP ahead of the March 18 governorship election, as was portrayed by a newspaper.

    “The fact is that certain prominent Christians, as well as supporters of the PDP, voted for Governor Sule essentially because of their belief and trust in his leadership qualities, despite the religious sentiments brought to bear.

    “The intended message inherent in the governor’s remarks is that the people rose above religious sentiments to vote for him. Achieving this feat required no deal, secret or open, as the people have seen, touched and felt the impact of the Governor Sule administration in the last four years. The deal, if any, is that Governor Sule has delivered on his mandate and the people evidently rewarded him with another term of four years as governor.”

  • Five million for COVID-19 recovery programme

    Five million for COVID-19 recovery programme

    The Federal Government is targeting five million people to benefit from its COVID-19 economic recovery program.

    The Minister of State Finance, Budget and National Planning, Clement Agba, stated this during a ministerial Town Meeting on Nigeria’s COVID-19 Action Recovery and Economic Stimulus (NG-CARES) Programme for Stakeholders in Borno and Yobe states.

    According to him, the government would not relent in delivering services and the dividends of democracy to the people until the last breath of the administration.

    Agba, who was represented by the National Coordinator, NG-CARES Programme, Abdulkarim Obaje, explained that the meeting would be held in nine centres across the country, with the aim of evaluating and reviewing the program for efficiency.

    He said: “We are targeting five million beneficiaries, and our expectations are that we should be able to reach more than that. The fact that we are holding this meeting shows that this government has a strong commitment to eradicate poverty. It will be sustained, and the incoming government will be adequately briefed.

    “This program will continue to be supported by the World Bank. It is in the process of being extended by another 12 months until June 2024. We would not rest on our oars in reaching out to Nigerians. The Buhari-led administration will continue to strive and deliver development to Nigerians even if it has only a few second to hand over to the next administration.

    “Our ultimate goal is to ensure that this credit is used efficiently to improve the livelihoods of the poor and vulnerable Nigerians following the guideline and procedures.”

    Chairman of the Federal CARES Technical Committee, Aso Vapkoraye, represented by Atiku Abubakar Musa, assured the people that resources were being channeled appropriately to achieve the objective of reducing poverty in the country.

    He noted that the Federal Government, through the program, disbursed a one-off recoverable advance of N35.3 billion to the 36 states and the FCT in March 2022 and, less than one year after, they have produced results valued at N77.2 billion, impacting over two million direct beneficiaries.

    Vapkoraye called on stakeholders to ensure all necessary information and documents are verified for a smooth take off.

  • JAMB debunks multiple rescheduling candidate for UTME

    JAMB debunks multiple rescheduling candidate for UTME

    The Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has described allegations of multiple scheduling for the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), by a candidate, as false. It urged the public to always verify claims before making conclusions.

    JAMB’s spokesperson Fabian Benjamin, after monitoring the rescheduled examination last Friday in Ibadan, Oyo State, said the Tiktok video made by Yahaya Suleiman Aminat accusing the board was misleading.

    According to him, Aminat registered for the examination in Abuja, but relocated to Ibadan without notifying JAMB through the change of location option on its portal. This, he said, was in addition to her earlier request to sit for the examination in Abuja, adding that all information in the video are not the true reflection of what transpired.

    Benjamin said: “Not all messages on social media are actually the true position of things. Nigerians should always verify messages on social media, and not just swallow it hook, line and sinker.

    “There is no way a candidate will be in Ibadan, want to take the exam in Ibadan, and we will push the candidate to Abuja. We are also parents and there is no way this candidate would have been scheduled to write this exam repeatedly the way it is being alleged.

    “So, I came all the way from Abuja so that Nigerians will know that this is not us. We try, as much as possible, to make things easy for these candidates, that is why we made it possible for each candidate to pick his or her examination towns, wherever is convenient. If you are in Ibadan and you want to write your examination in Kano, fine.

    “Just as the candidate herself rightly said, she chose to write the exam in Abuja but relocated to Ibadan, which is not part of our problem, but when she relocated she didn’t even inform us. So, by our standard or procedure, she ought to have sat for the exam in Abuja. But what we have done for her is not what we do. We don’t make it possible for candidate to write exam wherever they feel like, but we did this because we want to get her and make sure she puts the record straight because whatever is in the public is not part of what we do. Our operational procedure does not depict us in that way.”

    The spokesperson also said investigation indicated many discrepancies in the form Aminat filled, while she and her sister also share the same phone number to receive messages from the Board.

    “There are two fundamental issues we want to establish – did she pick Ibadan when she filled her form, and JAMB pushed her to Abuja to write the examination, or she picked Abuja to write her exam. The second one is – was she rescheduled to write this exam and then rescheduled again? These are the fundamental issues.

    “When we send her messages, we discovered that it goes to another candidate. Who is this candidate? We want to know the identity?” Fabian added.

    Meanwhile the social media influencer who took up Aminat’s case and called out JAMB on the social media, Saheed Oladele, has apologised to the Board. He also appreciated the body for allowing the candidate write her examination in Ibadan.

    Aminat also apologised to JAMB for the embarrassment her action caused it, and thanked the commission for allowing her to write the examination in Ibadan.

  • Ex-ambassador sues bank over missing N1b jewelries

    Ex-ambassador sues bank over missing N1b jewelries

    Former Nigerian Ambassador to Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, Justina Eze, has sued a bank for the disappearance of her jewelries from the bank’s vault.

    Ambassador Eze, in the court filings, demanded that the bank account for the jewelries she deposited in its vault about 24 years ago, and paying service charges.

    Eze, in a suit before Justice Chinyere Ajogwu of the Enugu State High Court, through her lawyer, Chief Olusola Oke (SAN), said after her appointment in 1999 by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, she purchased a safe deposit box for her generous collection of gold, diamond, coral beads and other materials, gave one of her daughters, Dr. Chinwe Eze-Boulhassane, to take to the banks’s branch in Enugu. Eze-Boulhassane was a customer of the bank.

    Every month, the bank deducted an agreed sum from her account as service charge.

    She prayed the court to give an order to compel the bank to produce the safe deposit box containing her jewelries worth over N1 billion.

    Chinwe Eze-Boulhassane, last week, brought documents in support of the deposit to court for her testimony. She was led in evidence by Chief Oke. After listening to her evidence, the bank asked for an adjournment.

    Justice Ajogwu adjourned the matter till 10 May for cross-examination of the main witness.

  • PSC approves salary payment for 2021/2022 police recruits

    PSC approves salary payment for 2021/2022 police recruits

    The Police Service Commission (PSC) has approved salary payments for the 2021/2022 recruits who have since passed out of the Police Colleges and working without pay in the last six months.

    PSC Chairman Dr. Solomon Arase, a former Inspector General of Police (IG), said the Commission’s decision was reached in the interest of national security anchored on the need to amicably resolve the lingering issues of recruitment between the Commission and the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) which has forced hardship on the Constables.

    He added that the Commission’s prompt response also followed outcries and appeals from Nigerians that the 2021/2022 Police recruits, who are yet to be enrolled into the Federal Government’s Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS), and who had not received salaries six months after graduation.

    Read Also: PSC dismisses three police officers, demotes five

    A statement yesterday by the PSC Head of Press and Public Relations, Ikechukwu Ani, reads: “The Commission’s approval for the enrollment of 1,007 recruited personnel into the Nigeria Police Force in the 2021/2022 recruitment exercise, into the IPPIS payment platform for salaries and other emoluments, has been conveyed to the Accountant-General of the Federation.

    “The Commission requested for prompt and favourable response in activating and emplacing the necessary processes and procedures at ensuring that these police officers are immediately captured on the required payment platform and paid accordingly.”

  • ‘I was shocked Al-Makura lost senatorial election’ says  Almakura

    ‘I was shocked Al-Makura lost senatorial election’ says Almakura

    Former Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu said he was shocked to hear that former Nasarawa State Governor Tanko Al-Makura lost his election bid to the Senate.

    He spoke at the weekend in Lafia, during the ninth annual Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial lecture organised and the the Nasarawa State government.

    Host Governor Abdullahi Sule, Simon Lalong (Plateau); Senators Tanko Al-Makura, Abdullahi Adamu and former Governors Murtala Nyaku (Adamawa) and Idris Abubakar (Kogi) were among the dignitaries who attended the event.

    Aliyu, who is chairman of the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation, said Almakura as governor from 2011 to 2019, ‘opened up the state by building infrastructures which have stood the test of time’.

    He said: “Al-Makura did well as governor, and so I was surprised when I heard he was defeated in the senatorial election, but I quickly remembered my case. He has already joined our group as former governors of Nigeria. Sometimes, God allow certain things to happen to protect us.”

  • Soludo, El-Rufai to speak on repositioning economy

    Soludo, El-Rufai to speak on repositioning economy

    Anambra State Governor Charles Soludo and his Kaduna State counterpart Nasir El-Rufai will, tomorrow, headline a high-level policy deliberation on pathways to creating a robust and resilient economic future for Nigeria.

    The governors will serve as panelists at a policy conversation in Abuja, which is jointly organised by the Africa Programme of the US-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Abuja-based Agora Policy.

    Billed to attract the best of Nigeria’s economic, political, academic and policy elite, the event will focus on ‘How Nigeria can build a Post-Oil Economic Future’.

    Other confirmed panelists are former CEO of Access Bank Aigboje Imoukhuede; World Bank’s Country Director for Nigeria Dr. Shubham Chaudhuri and Director of the Carnegie Africa Programme, Dr. Zainab Usman.

    Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, established in 1910, is one of the oldest and most respected think tanks in the world. It was ranked as the number one think tank on the 2020 Global Go-To Think Tank Index published by the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Programme of the University of Pennsylvania, United States.

    Agora Policy is a nascent Nigerian think tank committed to generating evidence-based and practical solutions to Nigeria’s urgent challenges. It was founded by Waziri Adio, immediate past Executive Secretary of the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) and one of Nigeria’s leading columnists.

    The event will also feature the presentation and an exposition on the policy implications of Dr. Usman’s book titled ‘Economic Diversification in Nigeria: The Politics of Building a Post-Oil Economy’.

    Beyond their positions as governors, Soludo and El-Rufai will share insights from their diverse backgrounds in the economic and governance policy arena in Nigeria — Soludo, as a professor of economics, former Chief Economic Adviser to the President, and former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN); and El-Rufai as former Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), a member of the Economic Management Team (EMT) and a member of the Policy Implementation Committee under General Abdulsalami Abubakar.

    Other speakers will also bring to bear their rich and varied backgrounds in the private sector, international development, policy advisory, and research. Aig-Imoukhuede, founder of the African Initiative for Governance (AIF), will explore the imperatives of collaboration between the public and private sector; Dr. Shubham Chaudhuri, also a former professor of Economics at Columbia University, New York, will identify lessons from countries with similar size and challenges as Nigeria; and Dr. Zainab Usman will draw from her academic research, her work as the pioneer director of the Carnegie Africa Program, and her stint working on different countries at the World Bank.

  • APC: A party in need of change

    APC: A party in need of change

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) has been in existence for 10 years during which it has transmuted from opposition to the governing party. But, despite its success story, the party still leaves much to be desired in terms of quality leadership. GBADE OGUNWALE
    reports.

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) is an amalgam of four different political parties that in February 2013, merged for the purpose of defeating the erstwhile ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The legacy parties – the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and a faction of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) had subsumed their identities under the banner of the APC. The APC changed the face and texture of the country’s political landscape within two years of its formation when it defeated the erstwhile ruling PDP in the 2015 presidential election. The APC, with its array of tested political gladiators, had taken the political stage like a ravaging storm, ending the PDP’s 16-year sojourn at the Presidency. The rare electoral feat of 2015 has come to signify the dominance of the APC in the political space, which has been sustained and consolidated with victories in three consecutive electoral circles to date.

    The party was able to maintain some semblance of stability at the formative stage under its interim national chairman, Chief Bisi Akande who was of the ANC stock. Akande however, stepped down in May 2014 when the position of national chairman was zoned to the South-South geopolitical zone. A former Edo State Governor, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun emerged as the first substantive national chairman in June of the same year, a position he held till June 2018. Odigie-Oyegun was succeeded by another former Edo State Governor, Mr Adams Oshiomhole. But, Oshiomhole’s four-year tenure was truncated midway in March 2020 through a contrived legal process orchestrated by forces bent on hijacking the party structure at the national level. In the confusion that ensued following Oshiomhole’s ouster, the then APC Deputy National Secretary, Victor Giadom had declared himself as the acting national chairman. But it was apparent that Giadom’s undefined tenure was only a stopgap measure. President Muhammadu Buhari sacked Giadom along with the entire National Working Committee (NWC) of the party by fiat in June 2020.

    This led to the appointment of the Yobe State Governor, Mai Mala Buni as APC caretaker chairman for a period of six months. Buni was given the mandate to organise a national convention to elect a new set of NWC members to run the affairs of the party for four years. He was expected to have discharged his mandate by December 2020 and return to his duty post in Yobe. However, through manipulation, inspired by crass opportunism, Buni succeeded in extending his tenure till March 2022 before he was forced out of office willy-nilly. It was under Buni’s watch that a wave of instability swept through the APC, disjointing the entire party structure at the national level. Critics of the erstwhile caretaker chairman claimed to have seen through his clandestine moves to rig himself into the party’s 2023 joint presidential ticket. His insistence on being the one to lead the APC’s presidential nomination process for the 2023 general election had lent some credence to the accusation. Following Buni’s ouster, Senator Abdullahi Adamu became national chairman in late March 2022. Adamu’s tenure, also, has been uninspiring. He is widely perceived to have picked the gauntlet that Buni left behind. There has been a deluge of complaints among party chieftains over the party chairman’s exclusionist leadership style. Some of the party chieftains have accused Adamu of having come on board with a mindset of truncating the ambitions of some real and imaginary political foes within the party. There were speculations that his choice as national chairman was indeed meant to checkmate the political advancement of certain APC leaders and possibly, to abort their aspirations. Adamu started exhibiting that trait shortly after Asiwaju Bola Tinubu made his now-famous Emilokan Declaration at a public function in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital in June 2022. Apparently having seen through the mire of conspiracy against his aspiration, Tinubu had publicly voiced his displeasure at a gang up by some interests in the APC. Their aim was to edge him out of the race for the 2023 presidential ticket. In the Abeokuta episode, the former Lagos State Governor had reminded his traducers of the roles he played in getting Buhari elected president in 2015, after three failed attempts by the Daura-born retired Army General in 2003, 2007 and 2011 election circles. Video clips of that event went viral, feeding the creativity of skit makers who churned out a series of melodious re-mix of the declaration on social media. But in a swift reaction to Tinubu’s outburst, APC chair Adamu had, at a media briefing in Abuja, threatened that Tinubu would be punished for “disrespecting” President Buhari. The APC chairman had said: “It is amazing how a fellow APC person would make that kind of comment in that kind of circumstance about the President. We take exception to this. It has shown that he (Tinubu) does not show any appreciable level of respect for the office of Mr President.”

    “Therefore, we want to make it public that we are saddened by what we saw in the video, in that reportage and we condemn it in the strongest of terms. We do hope that he would never say that kind of thing again, particularly of the APC extraction to make such kinds of comments”. But Tinubu stated that the declaration was a statement of fact already known to the general public. He succeeded in getting his message across Adamu’s protestations notwithstanding. The heat died down after a while.

    But, the APC chairman was not yet done with his attempts to abort Tinubu’s presidential aspiration. Barely 48 hours before the June 8, 2022, APC presidential primary election, Adamu had announced to members of the party’s NWC during a meeting, that President Buhari had endorsed the Senate President, Ahmad Lawan as the party’s consensus presidential candidate. However, Adamu could not secure the buy-in of most of his fellow NWC members who, undoubtedly, were suspicious of his intent. Obviously, in cahoots with some unseen hands in the Buhari presidency, Adamu did not give up on the scheme to frustrate Tinubu’s quest for the APC ticket. Long before that, the unseen cabal, with whom the APC chairman was believed to be aligned, had projected former President Goodluck Jonathan and serving Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Godwin Emefiele as possible APC presidential candidate.

    Jonathan and Emefiele were being drafted to contest for the ticket and both men had obtained the N100 million worth of presidential nomination forms through proxies. But while Jonathan was being discrete about his ambition to fly the APC flag, Emefiele threw caution to the wind by embarking on the purchase of campaign vehicles and other paraphernalia in preparation for the contest. Party sources said Jonathan, who paid President Buhari several visits to during the period, eventually opted out when he failed to get the President’s endorsement as APC’s consensus candidate. Emefiele, on the other hand, had intensified the wild goose chase to the point of approaching a High Court in his native Delta State to seek legal backing for his aspiration. What curtailed his inordinate ambition was President Buhari’s directive asking public officeholders seeking to contest for elective positions to resign their appointments before joining the race. Emefiele’s provocative audacity will go down in history as an absurdity never witnessed before in the country’s entire political history since independence. And like Jonathan, Emefiele also had to chicken out when he was asked to choose between holding on to his job as CBN governor and quitting to join the race for the presidential ticket. Lawan, however, had continued to crest in the storm created by Adamu amidst strident agitation for the APC presidential ticket to be zoned to the southern part of the country. The joker finally came from the league of APC northern governors. In a deft move, the governors, after a strategic meeting in Abuja, announced that the party’s presidential ticket must go the south. Rising from the meeting, the governors had appealed to all their compatriots from the North jostling for the presidential ticket to withdraw from the race. The Jigawa State Governor, Abubakar Badaru, was the first to heed the call by withdrawing from the contest. But his Kogi State counterpart, Yahaya Bello who was also an aspirant in the race, insisted on contesting. Bello and Lawan were the only northerners among the 13 aspirants that eventually contested for the ticket. Tinubu won the ticket. Abdullahi Adamu and his backers would have succeeded in foisting a Faustian bargain on the APC if Lawan or any other aspirant from the North had emerged as the party’s candidate.

    A defective structure

    The APC was able to maintain some semblance of a functional political party from 2014 to 2018 under Odigie-Oyegun, and from 2018 up to June 2020 under Oshiomhole. During the period, President Buhari, as the leader of the party, had remained aloof. This allowed the party to function under the watch of the two erstwhile chairmen. However, the party started losing direction in June 2020 following the appointment of Buni as caretaker chairman. Under Buhari’s watch, Buni managed to manipulate the system to extend his original six-month tenure to 21 months. At the time Buni was removed as caretaker chairman in March 2022, he had plunged the party into a much deeper internal crisis. He failed to execute his original mandate of organising a national convention to elect a new set of national officers to run the affairs of the party. Instead, the ex-caretaker chairman steered the party on the path of disintegration before the APC governors intervened. Piqued by Buni’s shenanigans, the governors, somehow, succeeded in prevailing on President Buhari to show the Yobe governor the exit door.

    Enter Abdullahi Adamu, who was the senator representing the Nasarawa West senatorial district at the time he emerged as APC national chairman in March 2022. And like Buni who he succeeded, Adamu also has been uninspiring and overtly divisive in the running of the affairs of the party. Under his watch, the APC has continued to grapple with a crisis of confidence at the national level. Instead of providing the required leadership, Adamu has more often, been second-guessing President Buhari on key party decisions. There have been accusations of running a one-man show against the chairman by some members of the NWC that he leads. For instance, the APC National Vice Chairman (Northwest), Dr. Salihu Lukman, had on a number of occasions, criticised Adamu’s leadership style. Lukman had restated the call for the removal from office of the chairman in a recent media interview. According to him, Adamu, who is also a Muslim, must be replaced with a new chairman who must be a Christian. He made the call in view of the Muslim-Muslim ticket of the incoming APC presidency of Asiwaju Tinubu and Kashim Shettima. Lukman had also stressed the urgent need for a reform of the APC leadership at the national level, a task that may be left for the incoming administration to undertake.

    A call for reforms

    There is a need for a far-reaching reorganisation of the APC that Buhari will be leaving behind in the next few weeks. For instance, the party has no Board of Trustees (BoT) in place 10 years after its formation. Even though the role of the BoT is advisory, the board is regarded as the conscience of a given political party. ere is a need for a far-reaching reorganisation of the APC that Buhari will be leaving behind in the next few weeks. For instance, the party has no Board of Trustees (BoT) in place 10 years after its formation. Even though the role of the BoT is advisory, the board is regarded as the conscience of a given political party. Ideally, membership of the board usually includes past and serving presidents and vice presidents, past and serving national chairmen of the party, past and serving deputy national chairmen and national secretaries, past and serving presidents of the Senate and their deputies, past and serving speakers and their deputies. They also include serving and past chairmen of the party’s Governors Forum, founding members among other prominent elders of the party drawn from the six geopolitical zones and the Federal Capital Territory. The BoT plays a stabilising role in times of crisis and it guides the party on morality and other sundry issues. Similarly, the APC has no defined National Caucus whose membership and functions are also similar to those of the BoT. It’s the APC Governors Forum that has been playing these critical roles thus far.

    Buhari as APC leader

    Under Buhari’s watch, the APC is largely being run by the whims. The party has not been having any input in policy formulation and appointments into critical public sector establishments. President Buhari has continued to rely on a coterie of friends, associates and cronies in taking key decisions that ordinarily required input from the leadership of the party. In a few instances where the party got involved in such key decisions, the APC leaders who are supposed to guide the President often choose to advance their personal agenda instead. The manner in which the recent currency redesign policy was introduced, showed the lack of coordination and absence of consociation between the President and the leadership of the APC. In a functional democratic setting, the President would have consulted with the leadership of his party for guidance and advice. Many believe that if there was such consultation, perhaps the party would have advised the President against the policy. The timing of the policy was inauspicious given the fact that it was an election period. Predictably, the policy miscarried and did incalculable harm to the economy. Many businesses, especially in the informal sector, have yet to recover from the shock triggered by the disruption in business activities. The obnoxious currency swap policy also recorded human casualties across the nation. The hardship experienced by Nigerians on account of the ill-timed policy exposed the ruling party to widespread public resentment. But it seemed the backlash was of little concern to the initiators and executors of the policy. This has left observers in doubt as to the commitment of the President and the APC national chairman to the party’s 2023 presidential campaign. President Buhari and Chairman Adamu were observed to have been swinging from ambivalence to prevarication through their utterances and body language at different points during the campaign. But the doggedness of the party’s presidential candidate and the commitment of the APC governors saved the day. The incoming administration has a lot of work to do on the APC that Buhari will be leaving behind after his exit on May 29. Those running the affairs of the party appear to have reduced it to a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) designed to achieve their individual political ambitions. The APC must undergo a surgical operation if the party must overcome its numerous leadership and structural challenges. The hardship experienced by Nigerians on account of the ill-timed policy exposed the ruling party to widespread public resentment. But it seemed the backlash was of little concern to the initiators and executors of the policy. This has left observers in doubt as to the commitment of the President and the APC national chairman to the party’s 2023 presidential campaign. President Buhari and Chairman Adamu were observed to have been swinging from ambivalence to prevarication through their utterances and body language at different points during the campaign. But the doggedness of the party’s presidential candidate and the commitment of the APC governors saved the day. The incoming administration has a lot of work to do on the APC that Buhari will be leaving behind after his exit on May 29. Those running the affairs of the party appear to have reduced it to a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) designed to achieve their individual political ambitions. The APC must undergo a surgical operation if the party must overcome its numerous leadership and structural challenges.