The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

Church executes projects in Lagos

Tent Maker Pastoral Ministry (TMPM) of Region 1, Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries (MFM), Lekki, Lagos has provided various projects to the Itedo Community and its environs.

The humanitarian services, which are part of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) of the church, included the construction of an access road spanning from Freedom Way to Salvation Road in Itedo, grading of internal roads in Itedo and provision of a borehole.

The church has also trained over 50 people free in various skills, as well as given them starter packs.

The skills include fashion designing, bakery, pastries, and barbing to make beneficiaries self-reliant.

Part of the CSR of the church includes free feeding of the people every Sunday, especially the less-privileged, and homeless as well as ‘area boys’ .

Also, TMPM Region 1 gives scholarships to indigent but brilliant students.

It engages in free medical outreaches as well as pay medical bills, including surgeries bills for members of the host communities, especially the downtrodden that are not members of the church.

Regional Overseer and Pastor, MFM TMPM 1, Lekki, Pastor Sola Oladipo, said the services are to fulfil God’s instructions to give to take care of the less-privileged.

Read Also: PwC: Nigeria’s GDP to grow by 4.3%

Oladipo said apart from the Biblical teachings and deliverance programmes, the church embarked on social interventions, and welfare programmes to give hope to hopeless.

The Regional Overseer added that the initiative was part of the church’s broader Explosive Evangelism Initiative (EEI) aimed at winning more souls for Christ through acts of kindness.

He stressed that welfare and community development are central to the mission of MFM.

He commended the General Overseer of MFM, Dr. Daniel Kolawole Olukoya, and his wife, whom he described as philanthropists and have mandated the branches globally to invest in CSR alongside their spiritual activities.

Beneficiaries, residents and community leaders of Itedo thanked God and MFM for the gesture.

January 9, 2026
Police advise on drowning in Oyo

Oyo State Police Command has alerted the public to increased incidents of drowning across the state.

It urged the residents to exercise caution around rivers, streams, dams, swimming pools, and other water-related facilities.

Particularly, it advised churches and religious organisations, particularly those whose worship centres are close to rivers, streams, or other natural water, to take proactive safety measures during religious activities and ensure adequate supervision to prevent accidental drowning.

Read Also: Save Radio Nigeria, Kaduna

Also, it enjoined hotel owners, resort operators, and managers of recreational facilities to employ instructors, lifeguards, and swimming tutors to guide users and prevent drowning, according to a statement by the state Police spokesman, Ayanlade Olayinka, yesterday.

January 9, 2026
‘How Abuja-based lawyer was killed by kidnappers’

Contrary to the belief that the Abuja-based lawyer, Princess Nwamaka Mediatrix Chigbo was killed by ‘one chance’ operators, a family member Dr Maureen Chigbo said the deceased was killed by kidnappers.

Maureen, who is the Publisher of Realnews Magazine/former President of the Guild of Corporate Online Publishers (GOCO), said Princess Chigbo, was killed by still-to-be-identified kidnappers.

She said Nwamaka was on the phone with her sister Anthonia, who briefly interrupted the call to attend to a client. When she reverted, the lawyer’s phone was still on, and Anthonia could hear her sister’s distress cry before the phone went dead.

In a statement, she narrated: “Anthonia alerted her elder sister (Maureen), and other family members, who called the lawyer’s number repeatedly to reach her or her abductors to no avail.

“When a call finally went through, a male voice rained curses in English and Hausa languages, saying: ‘Thunder fire you there, send N3 million or else we will kill her’.” The captors gave no further details and abruptly terminated subsequent calls.

“Nwamaka’s family later tried to contact the Police Public Relations Officer (FCT Police Command) and left a text message on her phone. They were referred to two police complaint numbers.

“The family equally sent a distress text and WhatsApp message to the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), and also contacted the FCT Police Commissioner, who linked them up to the Commander of the Scorpion Squad, in charge of kidnapping in Abuja.

“The Commander later called to inform the family that the police were tracking the kidnappers, who were said to be “in motion and would likely drop the lawyer off once they might have collected the ransom.

“The kidnappers never initiated any calls, and when Nwamaka’s family members reached them through her phone for clarification on how the ransom would be paid, they only heard the lawyer screaming in pain, “I am dying ..save me, please send the money, I am dying,” before the phone finally went dead again.

“The family-maintained contact with the Police Commander throughout Monday night to follow up on the rescue. At 4am on Tuesday, 6th January, when Maureen called the Commander, he expressed surprise that the lawyer had not called or returned home. He then promised to escalate the rescue.”

Read Also: Tinubu applauds NGX N100 trillion milestone, urges Nigerians to invest more at home

“The Commander later called to inform the family that “a lady had been found in a critical condition” and taken to an Abuja specialist hospital. He requested that Nwamaka’s picture be sent for identification. Maureen took a flight from Lagos to Abuja and on reaching the hospital, saw her sister’s lifeless body in the mortuary with bruises, swollen eyes and a cracked skull, all signs of a tortured death”.

Maureen said the Chigbo family had met with the Police authorities, who assured them that the case was under investigation and that the culprits would be apprehended.

She said Nwamaka was an active member and former treasurer of the Nigerian Bar Association, Abuja, member of the International Federation of Women Lawyers (IFWL),

FIDA and Global Association of Female Lawyers (GAFA).

“She was a former President of Catholic Lawyers Association, Abuja.

“An ardent Catholic, Nwamaka authored a book on Infant Jesus, and until death was the vice president of the Infant Jesus Association, and member of the Mother of Perpetual Help Catholic Group among other religious groups.

“The family expresses its gratitude to the Police for their efforts and cooperation so far, and urges the force to ensure that justice is served in Nwamaka’s case.

“The family also wishes to thank Nwamaka’s friends, colleagues and well-wishers for their support and prayers. Her funeral arrangements will be announced as soon as possible,” she added.

January 9, 2026
Nigeria’s economy has improved but ordinary people still feel the pinch: Economist offers some solutions

By Stephen Onyeiwu

Nigerians have been waiting anxiously for the economy to “turn a corner”, following economic reform initiatives undertaken by President Bola Tinubu in 2023. These included removing the country’s fuel subsidy and freeing up its foreign exchange market.

There have been signs of improvement. Key among these are stronger economic growth, and a rise in capital inflows and diaspora remittances. Foreign reserves have risen to the highest level in seven years. Core inflation has declined and the foreign exchange market is less volatile.

But ordinary Nigerians aren’t feeling the benefits. There’s anger and resentment, as evident in the nationwide protest in June 2025 against hunger and insecurity.

How might one explain this mismatch?

The answer lies in living conditions, which have not improved and may well have deteriorated since the economic reforms.

Many Nigerians are still without jobs – the unemployment rate has been estimated at about 30%. But this is an underestimate, considering that millions of under-employed Nigerians in the informal sector are counted as employed.

Because of the lack of jobs, about 93% are engaged in low-income informal sector activities. Public spaces and highways in the country have been taken over by roadside hawkers and other informal sector workers.

Nigerians are also chronically poor and food insecure. According to the World Bank, the number of poor people in Nigeria rose from 81 million in 2019 to 139 million in October 2025. Most have no safety net or means of protection from unforeseen events like illness, natural disasters or loss of jobs.

As an economist who has studied the Nigerian economy for over four decades, I argue that Nigeria needs a radical shift in its economic policy approach. Macroeconomic stability can’t be expected to automatically create jobs and alleviate poverty. Time and again, trickle-down economics has been shown to be a flawed economic philosophy.

It is time for the Tinubu administration to take decisive and unprecedented steps to translate macroeconomic improvements into better living conditions for Nigerians.

Why reforms aren’t feeding through

Most Nigerians have not felt the impact of improvements in macroeconomic performance because of the following:

Economic growth is not robust enough: Growth needs to be 6%-8% a year for at least five years, for most Nigerians to feel the impact of an improved economy. Much of that growth must come from labour-intensive sectors of the economy, particularly manufacturing and agro-processing.

Jobless growth: Employment-intensive sectors of the economy haven’t been affected by the reforms. The manufacturing sector, for instance, remains weak due to the high cost of imported raw materials, poor infrastructure, competition from cheap imported goods, and the high cost of borrowing.

Income stagnation and declines in real purchasing power: The few Nigerians with jobs have found that their income lags behind the rate of inflation. The fact that Nigeria’s inflation rate has fallen does not mean that prices have decreased. It simply means that prices are rising more slowly than they did before. And the minimum wage in Nigeria is one of the lowest in the world.

Non-inclusivity of growth: The gains from macroeconomic stability in Nigeria have not been broadly shared. There are two reasons. First, the main drivers of growth are sectors that are not labour-intensive: oil and gas, financial services, digital services, hospitality, music, art and design. Second, many Nigerians don’t have the skills and competencies to be employed in these sectors.

Perverse sectoral distribution of capital inflows: Although foreign capital has increased, much of it is portfolio investment in bonds, government treasury bills, and the stocks of financial institutions. The opportunities for employment generation are therefore very limited.

Economic challenges that need to be addressed

To translate recent policy reforms into better living standards, more needs to be done.

Job creation: The government should work with the private sector to resuscitate the manufacturing sector and agro-processing. Incentives should be given to foreign and domestic investors to invest in manufacturing and agro-processing. A rejuvenated manufacturing sector will integrate the Nigerian economy into global value chains.

Read Also: Nigeria can earn $10bn yearly from cashew industry, says NCAN

Only about 2% of capital inflows this year is foreign direct investment. The rest is portfolio investment in government bonds and securities, as well as corporate stocks – especially in banking. Portfolio investment does not create jobs. Equity investment in manufacturing, agro-processing and even agriculture is preferable for job creation.

Cash transfers: Reduce the huge cost of running the country and use the savings for cash transfers for vulnerable Nigerians. Only about 8.4 million households (out of a population of 238 million) have received cash transfers of between N25,000 and N75,000. This is grossly inadequate. Giving more people cash would represent a big change for many Nigerians, no matter how small the transfer. Cash transfers that are paid for by a reduction in governance cost will not create inflation but enable Nigerians to invest in economic activities and be productive.

Public works: The government should accelerate the rate of job creation by using direct labour for targeted public works projects. Nigeria has many bad roads and dilapidated public buildings.

Streamline the foreign exchange market: There is still a gap between the official and parallel rates of exchange. There are many black-market foreign currency traders. In a well-functioning foreign exchange market, a sprawling black market should not exist.

Reduce the size of the informal sector: This can be done through the development of the manufacturing sector, which will draw surplus labour from the informal sector.

Economic development should be about people, their well-being and their economic dignity. While stabilising the economy, the government should intentionally put in place mechanisms to ensure that macroeconomic improvements result in better living conditions.

Onyeiwu is professor of Economics & Business, Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, United States. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the “https://theconversation.com/nigerias-economy-has-improved-but-ordinary-people-still-feel-the-pinch-economist-offers-some-solutions-271496”

January 9, 2026
A bouquet for Braithwaite

Oyinkan Braithwaite, the brilliant mind behind the Booker-nominated ‘My Sister the Serial Killer’, has delivered a sophomore novel, ‘Cursed Daughters’. Her new baby packs a punch. It is no surprise it made the Time 100 Books for 2025, the year that has just slipped by.

Braithwaite offers us a novel that deeply explores the complex nature of female rivalry, trauma, superstition and familial obligations. And she does so in prose so sleek that they are a delight to follow. And its many humorous lines add to the book’s addictive qualities.

At the beginning of the book, Monife, the daughter of Bunmi, is buried after her remains are pulled out of the Elegushi beach, where she chose to end it all. Thanks to a curse the Falodun women have battled from generation to generation.

Some hours before the burial, Eniiyi is born and over two decades later, Eniiyi will jump into the same water in order to save a drowning man, when the facility’s gatekeeper’s concern is ensuring there are no witnesses to the calamity.

Eniiyi, Ebun, Monife, Bunmi and Kemi stand at the heart of Braithwaite’s compelling read. Trailing them are their ancestors, dead but not forgotten. They include Feranmi, the beginning of it all, who was cursed because of her husband; Yemisi, who was labelled a witch; Yetunde, who men avoided like a plaque; Tobi, despised by her in-laws; the unstable Afoke; and Fikayo, the one whose health was her undoing.

In this novel that seems to suggest that some ends are beginnings, when Eniiyi emerges from Ebun’s birth canal, there is little doubt that she bears an uncanny resemblance to the deceased. Bunmi, the dead woman’s mother, becomes convinced that her daughter has returned to her through Ebun. From that moment, she dotes on the newborn and names her Motitunde, an identity that cements her belief that the child is her daughter’s replacement.

As Eniiyi grows, she accepts the unusual reality of having two grandmothers and addresses them accordingly, calling one Grandma West and the other Grandma East, in recognition of the wings each occupies in their family home, a home where its daughters have always returned when their men turn against them.

Eniiyi also sees Monife in dreams where the dead gives her the silent treatment until the day she says “not again” through Eniiyi’s voice.

Eniiyi grows up aware that she belongs to a line of women fated never to remain long in their husbands’ homes, bound by a curse said to have been placed on a long-dead matron who stole another woman’s man.

Over 200 pages into the novel, the identity of Eniiyi’s father or the circumstances surrounding her conception are shrouded in secrecy. All we keep hearing is about a guilt we aren’t given details of, a trick that helps drive the plot and sees us following, among other issues, the friction between Bunmi and Ebun over Eniiyi. Because of Bunmi’s attachment to Eniiyi, she invites herself into every decision that has to do with her or unilaterally takes decisions on Eniiyi without bothering to inform the mother and sees absolutely nothing wrong in her actions. As far as she is concerned, they have equal rights to her. After all, she is her daughter’s replica and chooses to change her due date so that she can be born the day the original is interred.

The author shows us individual differences in the way Bunmi and Kemi (Ebun’s mother) handle the curveball life has thrown at them. While Bunmi hopes her ex will return to her and their children, Kemi throws herself at the Lagos society jumping from one benefactor to the other and even when she becomes a grandmother, she refuses to throw in the towel. Instead, she enhances her beauty with Spandex and Wonderbra.

Read Also: ‘Nigeria can earn $10b yearly from cashew industry’

Two major issues dominate the pages of this compelling read: generational curse and reincarnation. Before Eniiyi’s birth, all the Falodun women were concerned about was generational curse; her resemblance to Monife doubles their wahala as it brings in reincarnation and the fears associated with it.

The novel raises posers: Are generational curse and reincarnation real? Are they imagined? Are they just coincidences? Are there clear signs that define them? Braithwaite offers no straight or easy answers. Instead, she gives perspectives and leaves the answers to the reader. She shows us the spiritual angle to these issues, especially how people who claim to know more than the rest of us purport to have the solutions to these challenges; in the long run, money must exchange hands.

Are there answers in the darker spiritual corners of Lagos? Can the pattern be broken? Is liberation possible from family secrets and silent traumas? And do we see results even when cash is doled out to the spiritualists?

In the end, choose to believe whatever you want is the quagmire we are left with in this novel whose plot oscillates between the past and the present. At times, the past is the beginning of the curse; at other times, it is the years before Eniiyi’s birth or when she is a toddler; and the present is mixed, but mostly that period when many in their country feels the leadership’s run thus far has been disappointing.

Aside from the women, two other memorable characters stand out in this novel. The first is Sango, Monife’s loyal dog; the second is the Falodun house, the sprawling old and falling mansion with its east and west wings, that dominates the narrative. Without the house, this would have been an entirely different story, and certainly an incomplete one. The author’s success in making both Sango and, especially, the house so integral to the plot’s development deserves high praise.

My final take: As we wish ourselves happy new year, let’s see family as everything, let’s see family also as nothing. This 2026, family can make you and family can break you. It is a blessing to come from the right kind of family, one which stands with you through thick and thin, through trials and tribulations, through it all. And it is a curse to come from the sort of family that pulls you down.

Happy new year! And thank you for always reading me. I appreciate you. Greatly.

January 9, 2026
Still on Nigeria’s re-designation as ‘country of particular concern’

By Hafiz Bakare

In October 2025, the re-designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) by the Trump administration sparked significant debate regarding its tone and intent.

Nigeria and the United States subsequently found common ground to collaborate on the airstrike which took place on Christmas Day 2025. This collaboration was a direct result of diplomatic engagement that followed significant Nigerian and international reservations about President Donald Trump’s initial communication, which many saw as threatening and misinformed.

The primary reservations regarding President Trump’s communication re-designating Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) on October 31, 2025, focused on its *inappropriate tone, selective framing of the security crisis as purely religious persecution, and a perceived threat to Nigerian sovereignty.

The Nigerian government, led by President Bola Tinubu, strongly refuted the U.S. characterization that Christianity faced an “existential threat,” stating it did not reflect the country’s reality or values. Officials stressed that violence affected citizens of all faiths, including Muslims, and was tied to broader issues like terrorism, resource conflicts, and governance challenges.

Many Nigerians, including ethnic organizations and diplomats, viewed Trump’s subsequent threat of potential U.S. military intervention (“guns-a-blazing”) as an insult to national sovereignty and a dangerous oversimplification that could exacerbate sectarian tensions.

Nigeria’s initial, more assertive diplomatic response was soon replaced with a toned-down version to de-escalate tensions, highlighting internal government deliberation on how to manage the diplomatic friction.

Analysts and some U.S. lawmakers argued that framing Nigeria’s complex security landscape in narrow religious terms was counterproductive and detracted from the wider problem of tackling jihadist violence and widespread insecurity affecting everyone.

Trump’s rhetoric, including threats to enter the country “guns-a-blazing” and instructions to the “Department of War” to prepare for action, was seen as inflammatory and a violation of diplomatic decorum.

Some observers viewed the move as an attempt to appeal to Trump’s domestic religious base in the U.S. rather than a nuanced foreign policy effort.

A visiting bipartisan delegation of U.S. Congress members later clarified that the CPC designation was intended to foster reforms through dialogue and partnership, not military force, dismissing any plans for U.S. troops on the ground.

Experts urged the U.S. to use its leverage to pursue a broader, more nuanced approach to religious freedom that acknowledged Nigeria’s complex, multi-layered crises rather than a single-issue focus.

The two countries did find common ground, leading to a collaborative operation. The U.S. airstrikes on December 25, 2025, targeting ISIS in Sokoto State, were conducted in coordination with and with the approval of Nigerian authorities.

Nigerian Foreign Minister Yusuf Tuggar confirmed that President Tinubu gave the “go ahead” for the operation after discussions with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio. U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) and the Nigerian government officially described it as a “collaborative effort” and “precision strike operation”. Nigeria provided intelligence and strategic coordination, while U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) carried out the kinetic action at the request of the Nigerian government.

While collaboration was confirmed, a slight divergence remained in the public framing. President Trump’s statements emphasized targeting those “persecuting Christians”, while Nigerian officials stressed the operation was about general counterterrorism and ensuring the safety of all innocent civilians, irrespective of religion.

Yes, the initial reservations have been addressed to a reasonable extent through ongoing dialogue and practical security cooperation. The shift from Trump’s initial threats of unilateral military action to a coordinated operation with Nigerian consent indicates successful diplomatic de-escalation.

Following a high-level meeting in Washington, D.C., in November 2025, both nations agreed to a non-binding cooperation framework and the creation of a Joint Working Group to unify their approach to counter-terrorism and civilian protection.

Read Also: Tinubu applauds NGX N100 trillion milestone, urges Nigerians to invest more at home

Since late November 2025, the U.S. has conducted daily intelligence-gathering flights over Nigeria using contractor-operated aircraft to monitor militant movements and support Nigerian tactical operations.

High-level engagement and bipartisan congressional visits have helped clarify the U.S. intent as partnership and capacity-building rather than “punishment” or “invasion”.

The incident has spurred more concrete actions from the Nigerian government, including a declaration of a nationwide security emergency and planned recruitment of more police officers, demonstrating a commitment to addressing security concerns internally.

In November 2025, Nigeria unveiled its National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) Strategic Plan 2025–2030, which prioritizes bilateral cooperation with the U.S. to enhance intelligence analysis and modernize Nigeria’s security architecture.

However, a few Nigerians still have sovereignty concerns despite the collaboration while the fundamental disagreement over whether the violence constitutes “religious persecution” or “regional insecurity” persists, with the U.S. administration and Nigerian government continuing to use different language to describe the same conflict.

Overall, both nations ultimately chose pragmatism, leveraging the moment of diplomatic tension to reinforce their shared interest in counterterrorism, ensuring the bilateral relationship remains a strong, albeit complicated, partnership.

•Bakare is a consultant and a former bank chief executive.

January 9, 2026
Impact of the new CBN cash policy

By Kelvin Gilberts

In a major policy shift, the nation’s apex bank, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), introduced a new set of cash management rules. The policy took effect on January 1.

By the provisions of the policy, the old deposit limits and the frustrating deposit fees have been abolished in a move that makes it possible for bank customers to now deposit any amount of cash at no charge. This is actually a positive change that makes banking more convenient.

In the same direction, the new policy sets a new cumulative weekly cash withdrawal limit of ₦500,000 for individuals and ₦5 million for businesses. Similarly, it demands that withdrawals above those limits would require the payment of excess withdrawal fees (three per cent for individuals, five per cent for businesses)

The policy also places automated teller machine (ATM) withdrawals at ₦100,000 per day and ₦500,000 per week. In the same vein, third-party cheques above ₦100,000 can no longer be cashed over the counter though they can still be deposited into accounts. The CBN, in this new policy, requires banks to report all large withdrawals to it monthly

Other provisions of the policy permit banks to keep 60 per cent of excess withdrawal fees, while CBN takes 40 per cent. The implication is that banks garner profit when customers exceed withdrawal limits.

Also, only government accounts and microfinance institutions are exempt as previous exemptions for embassies, diplomatic missions, and aid donor agencies have been removed

What this entails is that cash withdrawals are now more restricted, and withdrawing above the limits will cost more. However, deposits are now completely free.

It must be understood that this is not the CBN’s first attempt to manage cash usage. The process has been on since 2011 as the apex bank continues to push for a cashless economy through various policies. This new circular, however, supersedes other previous policies and represents its most comprehensive effort yet.

The intention of the policy according to experts, are to reduce the cost of cash management (printing, transporting, and securing physical currency; address security concerns around large cash movements; reduce opportunities for money laundering and encourage adoption of digital payment systems.

It is pertinent to stress that the CBN is not trying to eliminate cash, but it is deliberately making large cash transactions more expensive so as to shift behaviour toward digital alternatives.

For those thinking of playing smart, the limit is cumulative. It doesn’t matter if one withdraws from multiple banks or multiple accounts. The CBN tracks withdrawals per individual across the banking system. The same goes for businesses (corporate accounts).

By the provisions of the policy, ATM withdrawals have their own daily limit (₦100,000 per day), but these withdrawals count toward one’s weekly ₦500,000 total.

What this means is that if one withdraws ₦100,000 from an ATM every day for five days, one may have used one’s entire weekly limit. Any additional cash withdrawal that week, whether from an ATM, POS, or over the counter, will trigger the three per cent excess fee.

The impact of this policy on bank service consumers is dependent on how much one relies on cash.

What is obvious, however, going by the provisions of this policy, is that more people will depend on transfers and digital payments; ATM availability may feel tighter; charges can add up quickly if one relied on frequent cash withdrawals; small businesses that operate mostly in cash will need to adjust; planning becomes more important and large one-time expenses require planning.

So far, the focus has been on restrictions even as a lot remains the same or actually may have improved: Among them include the reality that deposits are now completely free (previously there were deposit limits and fees); bank transfers remain free and unlimited – no restrictions on digital transfers; POS payments remain unaffected – paying merchants via POS doesn’t count toward withdrawal limits; online/mobile banking remains the same – bill payments, subscriptions, and digital transactions are unchanged and cash is still legal tender – you can use it for any transaction; you just face limits on withdrawing large amounts.

Experts are positive that excess withdrawal fees of 3–5 per cent are avoidable if bank customers reduce reliance on physical cash while using bank transfers, POS, or online payments wherever possible; spread their cash withdrawals across weeks; use digital wallets or bank transfers for recurring expenses such as school fees, rent, subscriptions, utility bills, pay these digitally instead of withdrawing cash to pay them. Most schools, landlords, and service providers now accept transfers and keep emergency fund digital. Emergencies often force large, sudden withdrawals, which now attract fees. If your emergency fund is in a savings account or investment that allows quick transfers, you can move money digitally without hitting withdrawal limits.

Read Also: PwC: Nigeria’s GDP to grow by 4.3%

They also advise that suppliers and vendors be paid via transfer; consider splitting payment method. If one needs ₦1 million for a transaction, you might withdraw ₦500,000 (avoiding fees) and arrange a bank transfer for the remaining ₦500,000 just as they must understand that splitting across accounts doesn’t help. The CBN tracks withdrawals per individual across all banks. Withdrawing ₦300,000 from Bank A and ₦300,000 from Bank B in the same week still totals ₦600,000, triggering fees on the ₦100,000 excess.

In the prevailing circumstance, it is advisable to deploy digital financial tools. It helps if one organised spending money digitally: Hold daily funds in digital wallets or savings accounts; plan big expenses; automate cash flow: schedule regular savings to avoid last-minute withdrawals; rely less on ATMs: Keep money accessible digitally without hitting withdrawal caps; build better habits: Nigeria is shifting toward digital finance; adapting early helps avoid inconveniencing charges.

With this new policy, Nigerians have a lot to expect and hope for. For certain, CBN is not trying to ban cash. Cash remains legal tender and will continue to be available. However, the CBN is deliberately making large cash transactions more expensive to encourage digital payments, which are cheaper to manage, more transparent, and harder to use for money laundering. This is part of a global trend toward cashless economies

Furthermore, cash will continue to be available, but controlled: Digital payments will keep growing: They’re the cheaper, easier alternative for most transactions; businesses and individuals who adjust early will avoid unnecessary fees: Those who resist change will pay thousands or even millions in excess withdrawal fees; financial planning will matter more than ever: Tools that help you manage money digitally will become essential: Whether it’s your bank’s mobile app, a digital wallet, or investment platforms, comfort with digital money management is no longer optional.

Nigeria isn’t eliminating cash, but the direction is clear: using large amounts of cash will now come with limits and, often, extra costs.

•Gilberts is a management consultant.

January 9, 2026
De-marketing Nigeria: An unaffordable national invoice

Sir: Nigeria is paying a perception tax it can no longer afford. Even as the state pursues difficult but necessary reforms including tax consolidation, foreign-exchange liberalisation, and subsidy removal, it is bleeding value through a quieter channel: the systematic de-marketing of the country by citizens at home and in the diaspora. This is not a public-relations issue; it is a fiscal, monetary, and national-security risk.

In a world of fragile supply chains and risk-averse capital, national image functions like currency. It shapes risk pricing, borrowing costs, partner confidence, and crisis dynamics. Criticism is essential, but an unfiltered narrative of permanent failure has become Nigeria’s dominant export and its cost is now measurable.

De-marketing Nigeria is not dissent, protest, or accountability; it is the persistent amplification of the country as ungovernable, hopeless, unsafe, or terminal by citizens, elites, and influencers across global digital, media, and professional spaces.

This reputational over-correction, sustained without proportional acknowledgement of reform, variation, or complexity, even amid positive macro signals noted by Moody’s and S&P in 2025, carries penalties in a world where algorithms reward outrage and markets price fear faster than facts.

At home, de-marketing thrives through a feedback loop. Lived experience (real hardship, insecurity, bureaucratic failure) is packaged as proof of total state collapse. Isolated incidents are framed as definitive. Nuance disappears. Global platforms amplify the most extreme representations because they travel faster.

The social cost is not abstract. Persistent negativity corrodes civic patience, weakens reform coalitions, and normalises exit over engagement. Afrobarometer surveys show that over half of Nigerians, and nearly two-thirds of those aged 18–35, have considered emigration, with pessimism about national trajectory rising sharply since 2020. This despair has consequences: declining volunteerism, lower institutional trust, and reduced tolerance for reform adjustment periods.

Nigeria’s diaspora estimated by the United Nations at over 17 million is one of the country’s most strategic assets. According to the World Bank, Nigerians abroad remit over $20 billion annually through official channels, exceeding foreign direct investment and sustaining households while supporting foreign exchange inflows. Yet segments of this same diaspora have become inadvertent de-marketers.

When departure is framed solely as escape from a “burning house,” the signal transmitted is not resilience but terminal decline. Posts discouraging investment, professional forums depicting Nigeria as irredeemable, and de-contextualised viral narratives shape institutional risk perception. While remittances remain vital, diaspora credibility increasingly competes with them, manifesting in heightened scrutiny, visa denials, and compliance burdens documented in international mobility and migration studies affecting Nigerians abroad.

Read Also: Tinubu’s painful reforms prevented Nigeria’s economic collapse — Tunde Lemo

Governments can ignore online noise. Markets cannot. Ratings agencies, development banks, sovereign wealth funds, and multinational boards do not read social media for entertainment; they read it as signal. Persistent narratives of dysfunction feed directly into sovereign risk perception, alongside fiscal data, regardless of nuance.

In today’s geopolitical climate, narrative is security, as countries perceived as unstable face tighter scrutiny in arms procurement, intelligence cooperation, and strategic partnerships, and are treated as potential liabilities rather than anchors.

Stopping de-marketing does not require censorship, propaganda, or image laundering. It requires a shared defence of national credibility rooted in accountability. Transparency must function as strategy, not confession; documenting response and correction rather than endlessly restating harm. Citizens, particularly the diaspora, should be engaged as partners through credible feedback channels, reform tracking, and investment de-risking mechanisms. Reform must be made visible through verifiable indicators, not slogans.

Criticism should sharpen state capacity, not pre-emptively liquidate it. Nigeria is not asking for silence; it is asking for proportion. In a fragile global system, narratives are priced in real time. De-marketing Nigeria may feel righteous, even necessary, but its costs are socialised. The choice is not truth versus loyalty, but truth that builds versus truth that bankrupts the future.

•Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

January 9, 2026
Plea to Makinde and Oba Ladoja on Onido stool crisis

Sir: For nearly two decades, Ido has lived with an uncomfortable contradiction: a town with history, land, and promise, yet without a settled traditional leadership. What should have been a unifying institution has instead become a symbol of confusion, contestation, and stagnation. The lingering crisis over who truly occupies the stool of the Onido of Ido is no longer just a traditional dispute; it is a development emergency.

Ido, a strategic border town between Ibadan and the Ibarapa zone and one of the local government areas within the Ibadan metropolitan structure, ought to be thriving. Its proximity to Ibadan, fertile land, and growing population should place it on a steady path of economic and social growth. Instead, unresolved traditional leadership disputes have slowed progress, scared away investors, and denied the town its fair share of government attention.

Now, at the centre of the problem is a succession crisis that has produced three claimants to the Onido stool. For the people of Ido, this is not merely about titles or prestige. It is about legitimacy, order, and the authority required to attract development and maintain peace. A community cannot move forward when its traditional leadership remains unsettled.

Historically, Ido was headed by a Baale, with recognised ruling houses under the Agura family tree, Akinyemi, Alalade, Dada-Pero, and Okanlawon. The elevation of Baales to Obas during the agitation for the creation of Ibadan State changed the traditional landscape, and Ido was not exempt from the consequences of that transition. Oba Benjamin Ademola Ishola Orobiyi II’s coronation in 1997 as the Onido of Ido was part of this broader restructuring of Ibadanland’s traditional system.

However, what followed exposed the fragility of that transition. His suspension and deposition in 2007, the installation of Tajudeen Adeosun (Akinola Agura), the subsequent legal battles, and the prolonged court processes created a leadership vacuum that has never truly been filled. Each intervention, rather than resolving the issue conclusively, appeared to deepen the fault lines.

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The brief reign and eventual suspension of Oba Tajudeen Akinola Agura, amid allegations of abuse of office and forgery, further eroded public confidence in the traditional institution. Then came Oba Gbolagade Muritala Babalola (Gbadewolu I), whose suspension in 2024 over alleged security concerns, followed by his reinstatement, only added another layer of complexity to an already tangled situation.

Today, the reality is cold: Oba Benjamin Ademola Ishola Orobiyi II, Tajudeen Akinola Agura, and Oba Gbolagade Muritala Babalola are all, in one way or another, laying claim to the Onido stool. For a town yearning for stability, this is an untenable situation.

The danger is not abstract. Traditional institutions still command deep loyalty in many Nigerian communities. When legitimacy is disputed, tensions can easily spill over into conflict. Ido has so far avoided large-scale violence, but history teaches that unresolved traditional crises rarely remain dormant forever.

This is why the appeals to Governor Seyi Makinde, the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Senator Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja, and relevant traditional authorities should not be treated as routine petitions. They are a call to prevent a looming crisis and to restore order to a community that has waited far too long.

Oba Ladoja, in particular, enjoys a reputation for firmness and fairness. Many in Ido believe that his leadership presents a rare opportunity for a decisive and credible resolution. That confidence should not be wasted.

Ultimately, this crisis is a pointer that tradition, when left unresolved, can become a barrier rather than a bridge to development. Ido does not need another temporary fix or political compromise. It needs clarity, finality, and justice, delivered in a way that respects history while securing the town’s future. Until that happens, Ido will remain a town with one stool but too many kings, and a community paying the price for uncertainty.

•Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,<thedreamchaser65@gmail.com>

January 9, 2026
Kano’s unfolding power game

Sir: Kano politics has been thrown into uncertainty following reports that the Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, is planning to defect from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). For years, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso aspired to be Kano’s undisputed political kingmaker. He only succeeded in realizing this ambition by installing his perceived political godson as the current governor of Kano State. His earlier attempts had failed; notably, the current governor is the only candidate Kwankwaso attempted to install twice.

The governor’s recent move to cross over to the ruling party has been strongly opposed by the state party leadership and the NNPP’s national leader, Senator Kwankwaso. This development has triggered internal disagreements within the NNPP, particularly between supporters of the governor and loyalists of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

From a rational political standpoint, the situation reflects a deep and intense struggle—a clear attempt at reclaiming the throne between the Governor of Kano State and the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

By all political indicators, the governor’s effort to reclaim the throne appears aimed at securing absolute control and liberating himself from total submission to the national leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

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Although no official statement has been issued by the governor’s office since reports of the planned defection emerged, the body language of prominent government officials suggests that the plan is already in motion and that it is only a matter of time. So far, only the Speaker of the State Assembly, Yusuf Falgore, has publicly endorsed the governor’s planned defection. Sources also indicate that a significant number of local government chairmen have joined the governor’s defection train.

The Kwankwaso–Abba conflict is, at its core, politics in its truest form—a search for solutions and self-determination. There is a clear distinction between betrayal in politics, the pursuit of solutions, and the quest for independence from total submission.

If Governor Abba succeeds in taking the bulk of NNPP’s structure to APC, it’ll be a major blow to Kwankwaso’s influence. It seems Kwankwaso’s biggest fear is Abba taking the state with him, leaving him with a movement without a state.

No doubt, the planned defection would reshape Kano’s politics significantly- APC regains dominance in Kano, strengthening its position ahead of 2027, while NNPP’s national relevance takes a hit, struggling to recover from losing its only governor. Kwankwasiyya faces a tough test without state power, potentially losing influence. New alliances might emerge as Yusuf’s move triggers political recalibrations across the North.

•Abba Dukawa,Kano

January 9, 2026