The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Jaypee: I was more of celebrity than Lukay

    Jaypee: I was more of celebrity than Lukay

    JAYPEE, one of the 12 Nigerian housemates that participated in the ongoing BBTitans has shared her experience in the house, which is situated in South Africa.

    After her eviction, Jaypee said the Saturday night parties were some of the high moments she enjoyed most in the house.

    “The high for me was the party; I was always referred to as the life of the party even outside the house. Making friends and connecting with people in the house as well as the games, getting into the arena was always a vibe for me and a huge deal.”

    Continuing, she said, “My lows would be the fact that I had to be in the arena every morning for the exercise. I felt isolated many times, also anytime I came close to winning any game and maybe the head of the house challenge and I lost with a narrow margin.

    Jaypee was paired with a South African housemate, Lukay during her stay in the house. On her thoughts about the pairing, Jaypee said she believed she would have stayed longer if she wasn’t paired.

    “I believe that if we were not paired, we would probably have stayed longer in the house. For starters, I will say that I was more of a celebrity than my partner Lukay is, and had more points than he does. So, if I was standing alone, I would have stayed longer in the house. However, I feel the pairing made it easy for other housemates to eliminate the housemates they saw as threats,” she said.

    Jaypee also spoke on her observation of the remaining housemates saying, “If Kanaga jnr continues with his strategy,  manipulativeness and his calculative moves, I think he just might win the show. It’s not like I want him to win the show though. Honestly, I am rooting for Ebubu, he deserves this win because he is a true hustler. So, if he could really get far, it will be amazing to see him win.”

  • Canadian singer urges electorate to rise above financial inducement

    Canadian singer urges electorate to rise above financial inducement

    A Canadian-based singer Dr. Uba Iwunwa-Ndukwe has urged Nigerians to rise above primordial sentiments and financial inducement as they exercise their civic duties in today’s Presidential and National Assembly elections.

    Iwunwa-Ndukwe, a peace ambassador said it would be tragic for the electorates to sell their votes to the same leaders and commit themselves to another four years of suffering.

    In a statement following her recent confirmation as ‘Empress of Africa’, the singer urged Nigerians to cast their votes for the most credible, competent and committed candidate as President Muhammadu Buhari’s successor.

    The statement partly reads, “I feel elated that on February 17, 2023, the Kingdom of David, which has its headquarters in Jerusalem, Israel officially announced me as World Peace and Imperial Royal Diplomat.

    “But, of course, as a Nigerian, my full attention is on what is happening in Nigeria and the crucial election before us. The citizens have suffered so much through the years and are still suffering with the recent naira redesign policy, fuel scarcity, and insecurity worsening the whole situation. “The critical situation Nigerians have found themselves in ahead of the election has presented them with the golden opportunity to choose the right leader who will lead the country out of its socio-economic and political challenges.”

  • MERCY EKE: I got nervous interpreting role of prostitute

    MERCY EKE: I got nervous interpreting role of prostitute

    REALITY TV star Mercy Eke has opened up on her experience while on the set of a film.

    Eke made her acting debut on Netflix’s show, ‘Shanty Town’ featuring several Nollywood tars including Chidi Mokeme, Ini Edo, Nse Ikpe-Etim, Richard Mofe Damijo and Nancy Isime amongst several others.

    Speaking on her acting debut, the first female winner of the BBNaija reality TV show said it was not an easy experience.

    “As an aspiring actor, who has continued to aspire to be a talented practitioner, it was an exciting experience. When I got the script, I read and though I have seen a lot of movies, not many had the quality of the story. Many of the characters are people I have seen in movies when I was young and they influenced my growing up, so when I read the script and what my character was meant to do, I felt this was what I have always wanted to do, this is the time to showcase what I can deliver as an actor. Jackie is the character and the opportunity and I told myself I was not just going to play the role but will embody the character of Jackie. I enjoyed my experience on the set, I was surrounded by great talents, great actors and everybody was just amazing, like a family reunion. Even when I didn’t get my lines or I had difficulties, they would always encourage and help me get it right with constant advice. It was beautiful and I enjoyed it,” she said.

    Continuing, Eke said, “I just said to myself you just have to be Jackie and play Jackie. It was a sweet character, it’s something everybody can relate to in our society today. Everybody can totally relate to Jackie. So when I read the script, I was like it is what I can do. Yeah, let me just go and show my acting skills with Jackie.”

    On the raunchy scenes in the film, she said she was in the character such that she doesn’t see what others are seeing.

    “At that moment, it wasn’t Mercy, it was Jackie and I was in the moment where I didn’t think of what anyone would say or what viewers would say, I was basically in the character and all I was focused on was bringing the character to life, I want people to see that and these are things that happen in real life, so it’s not because there’s a character I am playing for everyone to see, so that was it. In fact, it was after the whole shoot that I returned to Mercy and was wondering oh wow, did I play that? Did it show? And at that time, it was just done and I hope people understand it is acting and make-believe and be sure they would see more of me, not just that,” she said.

  • Titi Dama set to shine with Freedom

    Titi Dama set to shine with Freedom

    TITI Dama is set to serenade fans with a new song entitled ‘Freedom.’

    Renowned for her soprano voice, Dama’s ‘Freedom’ is an emotional song for people who are going through hard times, brutality, abuse and injustice all around the world.

    The multi-talented singer also known for her ability in bringing people together with her music says that her new song is no exception when combined with powerful lyrics, striking melody and production that perfectly complements the message to her global audience.

    Dama, who finds music an effective way to communicate with the masses and convey her thoughts through the lyrics, believes that the new release will continue to bring the message of hope and freedom to the masses.

    She further believes that the song depicts an emotional journey through life’s hardships, but one should always embrace them with strength.

    She says: “This is a message to those who are going through adversity; it’s time to release the negative energy and unleash your inner greatness. Don’t give up!”

  • Inform Folarin Balogun faces uncertain future

    Inform Folarin Balogun faces uncertain future

    FOLARIN Balogun probably didn’t envisage him to be the subject of intensifying interest from a host of top European clubs a year ago, but that’s the exact scenario he finds himself in today.

    Following a number of impressive displays on loan at Stade de Reims where he has become the joint Ligue 1 top scorer alongside Kylian Mbappe and Jonathan David with 15 goals, Balogun is now a wanted man ahead of the summer transfer window, casting some doubt over his Arsenal future.

    Prior to his switch to France, Balogun struggled to stamp down a place in the Arsenal first-team and endured a tough loan spell at Middlesbrough last season, scoring just three goals in 21 appearances. Ready for a new challenge, Balogun previously spoke about the advice he had received from Emile Smith Rowe and Bukayo Saka before emphasising his desire to improve.

    “I speak to Emile and Bukayo a lot,” he said. “They tell me to be patient. They tell me it is not an overnight thing, which it hasn’t been for them. It would be naive for me to think that. You just have to keep practicing, then you see the rewards and when you are ready you will take the opportunity. I know I am not at the level I want to be, but I know the performances I am putting in. I know I am going in the right direction.”

    Speaking to the press a couple of weeks ago, Gunners boss Mikel Arteta expressed his delight over Balogun’s progress and confirmed that a decision over his future would be made at the end of the season.

    “So happy for him,” Arteta began. “He’s a boy with a really clear idea of what he wants to do in his career. Really ambitious, really committed and he’s really brave. We discussed before whether it was the right place to go and other choices that he had. He was so convinced and I’m really happy for him because he deserves what he’s getting.

  • A day of decision in Nigeria

    A day of decision in Nigeria

    ALL eyes are on Nigeria as the electorate goes to the polls today. The die is cast. Four major political parties – the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), and New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) – are slugging it out to occupy the Aso Rock Villa in Abuja.

    The candidates of the four parties – Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Mr. Peter Obi and Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso – are the main contenders.

    Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State, is contesting for the first time, like Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, who has traversed the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the PDP before finally pitching his tent with the LP.

    Unlike Obi and the other major contenders, Asiwaju Tinubu has never left the progressives’ front since he joined politics. From the Action for Democracy (AD), the platform that brought him to office in 1999, he has been expanding the same progressives’ front with every alliance he led. His efforts with those of other frontline progressives birthed the Action Congress (AC) and enlarged into the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) until the erection of today’s APC, which has extensive political structures across the country and beyond.  

    Atiku has contested four times. In the Third Republic, he was an aspirant. In 2007, he ran on the platform of defunct ACN. Later, he retraced his steps to the PDP. Much later, he joined APC and later returned to PDP.

    Kwankwaso has tried his luck once at the APC primary. He had, at various times been a member of defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the aborted Third Republic; later, he joined the PDP before joining the NNPP, his current platform.

    Fourteen other candidates are running on various platforms of mushroom parties that could be said to be warming the register of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). They will lose their deposits and crash long before the more formidable “Big Four”.

    Historically, Nigeria could be described as a two-party state. The strength of the parties and the patterns of alliances have shown that only two parties or coalition of parties usually competes for the presidency.

    It is not clear if the LP will become the third force with the youthful bravado of “Obidients” on the social media, especially.

    Today’s poll is crucial in the march of democracy. It is the seventh presidential poll since 1999. Campaigns have been hectic, tasking, time-consuming, energy-sapping and financially involving. The electioneering has been too elastic, beginning from prepara tions for primaries to the end of campaigns. Candidates have laid their blueprints before Nigerians, scrambling for endorsement. They even went abroad to campaign, although there is no room for Diaspora voting. The candidates are now on the weighing scale. Nigerians will give their verdict before the close of the day.

    The parties and their candidates largely conducted campaigns that were devoid of violence. The culture of verbal attacks was sustained. But, character assassination was not rampant, except on the social media because it is not regulated. Some candidates conducted issue-based campaigns. Some are on the ballot for relevance.

    The fear of postponement fizzled out during the week as INEC began the distribution of sensitive materials. The National Security Adviser (NSA), General Mohammed Babagana Monguno, also doused tension by assuring that the polls will hold.

    Nigeria remains a funny country where schools have to suspend academic activities, markets have to close and movements have to be restricted because of elections. The practice has not shown Africa’s most populous nation as demonstrating sufficient political maturity.

    The last few weeks have been remarkable due to the hardship caused by fuel scarcity and naira crunch. When fuel scarcity gave way, Nigerians still lacked access to the cash to buy petrol. The impact of the pain and anguish may be felt during the elections.

    There are many things to watch out for. More than the previous elections, more Nigerians registered to vote this year. Yet, many also did not collect their permanent voter’s cards (PVCs). More youths registered than before. But only a few clearly know why they will vote. It is not unexpected that many youths will vote through peer pressure or companionship; others will cast their ballots for sentiment, religious, and ethnic reasons.

    Voting wisely is important. It implies voting in anticipation of solutions to unresolved problems – economy, insecurity, power supply, and unemployment.

    Will zoning play a role in the presidential poll? The outcome will tell. In the race are two Northerners and two Southerners: one from the Northwest, another from the Northeast; one from the Southwest, and another from the Southeast.

    President Muhammadu Buhari, while supporting his party and its presidential candidate has, nonetheless, assured the nation of his commitment to credible and transparent polls  This is in keeping with his profile as a man of integrity.

    Threats to peaceful electioneering appeared to have manifested in the Southeast. The killings up to two days ago by unknown gunmen were worrisome.

    This year’s presidential election is a departure from the previous ones. There is no retired soldier on the ballot although it appears retired officers are trying to regroup to exert some influence. The reality is that their influence is declining and fading.

    Today, global attention is focusing on Nigeria. Over 200 monitors and observers have arrived to witness the exercise. They include groups sent by the African Union (AU), ECOWAS and the Commonwealth.

    Electronic voting is still a tall order, despite the use of BVAS and electronic transmission of results.

    Much is expected of the electoral agency, led by Prof. Mahmood Yakubu. He is not lacking in experience. But there are more hurdles for him and the commission to contend with. If the previous elections, which he conducted with progressive improvement, could be used as a yardstick, the world might expect a good outing with some human and technical errors. But, like in the previous polls, this year’s might throw up some complaints but not fundamental issues that might warrant a big damage to the outcome.

    An election is a joint responsibility involving all stakeholders. But the onus is on INEC, the pilot of the elections, to live up to expectations.

    Having recruited and trained its employees and ad hoc workers, the electoral umpire should still be up and doing. It should report for the electoral duty promptly.

    Late arrival of personnel and materials may provide anxiety and tension. Also, INEC workers are expected to be neutral. The BVAS should not be faulty. They should not aid and abet electoral crimes.

    Voters should also be patriotic. They should come out to vote according to their conscience. They should turn up on time and obey all electoral guidelines and regulations. There should be no campaigns at polling units; they have ended two days ago.

    Voters should shun unruly behaviours and cooperate fully with electoral officers. They should vote in a way that will make their votes count and not voided.

    There is also no gain in over-voting. It can only lead to cancellation that will reduce the number of valid votes and cause the affected candidates a loss in the figures for their election.

    Also, voters and electoral workers need to shun electoral fraud today. It has grave consequences. The law forbidding malpractices is in force. Culprits will face the “electoral tribunal”. This is avoidable, if everybody would play the game according to its rules.

    In some cases, electoral battles often shift from the ballot box to the court. Will this year’s poll be different?

  • Waiting for President Bola Tinubu

    Waiting for President Bola Tinubu

    By Odunayo Ogunmola

    IT is not a matter of “if” but a matter of “when.” Asiwaju Bolatito Ahmed Adekunle Akanbi Tinubu is waiting to be crowned in the next few days as the new President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    All indices are pointing to an overwhelming victory for the former Governor of Lagos State who is running on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the February 25 presidential election where majority of Nigerians are expected to give him their mandate.

    Of all the presidential candidates fielded by a total number of eighteen (18) political parties, Tinubu stands shoulder and head above them all in terms of pedigree, experience, connection, sagacity, goodwill, acceptability, grassroots appeal, solid structure, intensity of campaign and highest number of foot soldiers on the field.

    All these have made a Tinubu victory at the 2023 presidential election inevitable. Tinubu will not only win, he will win well and defeat his closest rival by a wide margin. Despite the political landmines of currency crisis and fuel scarcity deliberately placed on his way to undermine him, Tinubu is going to defeat his rivals because of his capacity to think ahead and make a success out of every adversity.

    Anybody thinking that the presidential election will drag to a run-off in today’s setting in Nigeria is living in a delusion of self grandeur. The present political configuration favours the emergence of Tinubu as the President because of key advantages enjoyed by his party. It is not a rocket science that a party that has more Governors, Senators, House of Representatives members, House of Assembly members and other elected and appointed officials always win the Presidency in Nigeria and 2023 will not be different.

    In Nigeria of today, the APC has 21 governors, PDP has 14 and APGA has one. Only 9 PDP governors are committed to the presidential campaign project of Atiku Abubakar whose campaign has been publicly repudiated and deserted by 5 PDP governors. In the National Assembly, the APC has 59 senators, PDP has 40, NNPP has 2 and LP 1. In the House of Representatives, APC has 197 members, PDP has 124, NNPP has 10, LP has 8 while APGA has 5. All these matter in a presidential system and the odds favour Tinubu and APC.

    All these elected and appointed officials will serve as the eyes, the ears and the faces of their party at the grassroots and APC has this advantage more than other parties. It is a mirage for a party that has no structures in every part of Nigeria to believe that it will win a presidential election. It has never happened, it cannot happen and it will not happen, that is a bitter truth regardless of whose ox is gored. A party that does not have agents in all the polling units in Nigeria cannot win the Presidency, that is what today’s politics dictates.

    The above factors will make the victory of Tinubu a fait accompli. His party has the spread, tentacles, human, financial and material resources to make his victory possible. The opposition parties in Nigeria today are too weak, feeble, disjointed and distracted to unseat the APC that is equally fielding an experienced, influential, tested and a seasoned politician who understands the game better than his opponents.

    The major reason why the 2023 presidential election cannot go to run-off is that Tinubu will not only score the highest number of votes, he will also cross the threshold of the constitutional spread of having one-quarter or 25 per cent of votes in two-thirds of states in the federation and FCT to coast home to victory. The only two parties capable of meeting these requirements are the APC and the People’s Democratic Party, PDP. Having the constitutional spread will be a big mountain to climb for the Labour Party, LP.

    Tinubu appears to be the most prepared of all the presidential candidates; he knew where he was going and how he would get there. Since the ban on open campaign was lifted on September 28, 2022, Tinubu has run the most enervating, the most rigorous, the most  gruelling and the most engaging campaign and he remains the only candidate that campaigned the farthest among the presidential candidates. This was preceded by a nationwide consultation to all the states of the federation shortly after he won the APC presidential primary on June 6, 2022.

    It is on record that the APC presidential candidate went round the entire country where he held campaign rallies in 35 states and FCT with the exception of Taraba State where he didn’t hold a rally on account of unresolved issues in the state chapter of his party as at the date he was due to campaign there. 36 rallies, 498, consultations, 18 town hall meetings and endless engagements with stakeholders are a big statement being made by the most serious contender for the nation’s presidential seat.

    It is also on record that in some states like Anambra, Cross River, Kebbi and FCT, Tinubu and APC organized two rallies in one day to drive home the message of Renewed Hope. None of the presidential candidates of other parties campaigned vigorously round the country like Tinubu who has put himself not only on the shopping windows of voters but also in their hearts by taking the pains to visit them in their natural habitats.

    Apart from addressing campaign rallies, what made Tinubu’s campaign tick were town hall meetings with critical sectors of the population. These include business leaders and entrepreneurs, the organized private sector, youth groups, healthcare professionals, labour unions, religious leaders, farmers, livestock dealers, market men and women, stakeholders in mining, agro-processing and creative arts. All these groups laid their cards on the table during the meetings where the candidate further unfolded details of his Renewed Hope agenda and the stakeholders have expectations from the Tinubu Presidency.

    Tinubu remains the only presidential candidate on the side of the masses when the crisis of the controversial, ill-thought-out and ill-timed currency swap policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, was raging like fire. Unlike the presidential candidates of other parties who lost their voices and remained dumb at a time they supposed to defend the people they intended to lead, Asiwaju publicly spoke against the policy and publicly empathised with the people, insisting that the policy came at a wrong time and inflicted pain on the people. Nobody should be surprised when the masses reward Tinubu with their votes at the polls. No party or candidate who kept silent at a critical time should scream blue murder when Tinubu is eventually declared winner because he has further wormed his way into the hearts of the people with this pro-masses gesture.

    Unlike his three other major rivals, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP); Mr. Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Tinubu is the most consistent politician of the lot as he had never defected the progressives fold since he began his political journey. Rather than jumping ship from one party to another, Tinubu grew his party to an election winning platform before masterminding a merger with other smaller parties to turn the APC to an all-conquering political leviathan it has become today.

    Tinubu was one of the heroes of the restoration of democracy in Nigeria as he joined forces with other patriots to fight the military to a standstill and saw to the birth of the Fourth Republic. In fact, he was one of the sponsors of the pro-democracy movement which was the pain in the neck of the military until they were forced to quit governance and return to the barracks where they rightly belong. He has fought many battles in defence of democracy and won for the people.

    Tinubu remains the most relevant politician of this generation. How do I know? Since he left office as the Governor of Lagos State on May 28, 2007, he has continued to remain in public consciousness by using his time, energy and resources to build an opposition party which was regional in outlook to being an arrowhead of an opposition movement that has become a broad based political behemoth that uprooted a hitherto ruling party that had boasted to be in power for at least sixty years.

    You cannot count the number of politicians who were in the Senate together with Tinubu between January 1992 and November 1993 who are still alive and had gone into political oblivion. Out of the State Governors in the class of 1999-2007, Tinubu remains the most popular, the most influential and the most powerful of the lot. Unlike his colleague former governors, he still commands a huge followership till today.

    Tinubu is a political leader with a pan-Nigeria mindset. He has built friendship across the length and breadth of the country over the years and that is why his presidential bid has become the most acceptable political brand in the country despite failed attempts by political detractors to de-market him. He is a cosmopolitan personality who is at home everywhere and nowhere.

    At every part of the country, you will find Tinubu making friends, paying visits, participating in their political, social, religious and cultural activities. He is a friend to the downtrodden, he is a friend of the masses. Anywhere people are in distress, they always find a companion and a helper in Tinubu who is always there for them in their times of need. People who are affected by flood and other natural disasters, markets that got burnt, Tinubu would be there donating millions of Naira to bring them succour. It is only foolhardy for somebody to think that all these people will forget him now that is on the ballot.

    Several times, Tinubu had either visited or made donations to people suffering the pangs of insurgency in the Northeast, victims of flooding in states like Benue, Kogi, among others and victims of market fire in Sokoto and victims of banditry in states like Katsina and Zamfara. Tinubu was there for the people of Owo in Ondo State where he donated millions of Naira to assist victims of church attack by suspected terrorists. Birnin Gwari in Kaduna State, ravaged by banditry, was a no-go area for many politicians for campaign activities but Tinubu visited the place and showed solidarity with the people and assured them of new lease of life when elected President.

    Tinubu’s act of kindness that I personally witnessed and reported as a journalist was the benevolence he showed to the widow of former Military Governor of the old Western Region, Col. Adekunle Fajuyi. The late Mama Eunice Fajuyi was living in a derelict and a dilapidated house in her hometown, Ado Ekiti before her condition was brought to the attention of Asiwaju who promptly built a befitting house for the old woman within three months. The new house which also served as a museum housing the military mementoes of the late Col. Fajuyi was built by Asiwaju in 2009 and it served as a shelter for the old woman before she died in 2013.

    Thousands of students in primary, secondary and tertiary levels had benefited from Tinubu’s milk of human kindness in forms of scholarships, bursaries, endowments, construction of facilities like hostels, lecture theatres, libraries, among others which are all on record. It is only political neophytes that will think that all these will not count in the election of Saturday, February 25.

    The APC presidential standard bearer is a highly detribalized Nigerian. He has no record of discriminating against Nigerians on the basis of their ethnicity, religion, language, culture and other primordial indices. This is a man who is a Muslim but never forced his wife and children, who are practising Christians, to convert to Islam. Tinubu practises religious tolerance in his family and this is an indication that all Nigerians irrespective of their backgrounds will be safe under his presidency.

    It is on record that the government Tinubu ran in Lagos State had indigenes of other states as cabinet members. They came from the North, Southeast, Southsouth and other parts of the Southwest and held positions like Chief of Staff, Commissioners, Special Advisers, Senior Special Assistants, Special Assistants, Chairmen of Commissions, Boards and Agencies. Tinubu presided over a mini-Nigeria during his governorship of Lagos.

    Tinubu is a man that has seen it all with a rich vein of experience cutting across the key sectors. He is blessed with experience in the private sector as a key player in a multinational corporation, Mobil Oil. He has an experience in the public sector as well, he also has experience in both the legislative and executive arms as a Senator and as a Governor. All these had prepared him for the Presidency, the highest office in the land.

    Tinubu pioneered many innovations in governance during his governorship of Lagos State and these are being replicated in almost all the states of the federation. He did these because he is a man of vision, courage, strategic planning and thinking. He was the first Governor to appoint Chief of Staff in 1999 when he appointed Alhaji Lai Mohammed to that position. This has been severally copied by other Governors in Nigeria and the Office of the Chief of Staff to the Governor has come to stay.

    During his tenure in Lagos, Tinubu created a Traffic Management Agency to tackle traffic bottlenecks on major highways and curb excesses of erring drivers. In Nigeria of today, this model has been copied by many states in Nigeria to ensure sanity on their roads and highways. Nobody can dispute this. LASTMA, LAMATA, LAGABUS, LASIMRA, LASEPA, LASEMA, Neighborhood Watch, KAI, and others too numerous to mention, met specific needs of the populace and provided employment for hitherto idle hands under Tinubu’s watch.

    His administration was the first state government to start Economic Summit, what is now known as Treasury Single Account, Lagos State Government under Tinubu’s watch, was the first in Nigeria to pay WAEC fees for all final year secondary school students relieving students and their parents of a big burden, which has been copied by other states of the federation.

    Tinubu was the first Governor to create new councils at the grassroots known as Local Council Development Areas to exist side-by-side with the constitutionally recognized Local Government Councils to bring government nearer to the people, a step that has been copied by other states of the federation. The LCDAs in Lagos served as centres of governance, providing basic needs of the people and generating revenue to assist in governance.

    He pioneered digitalization of tax administration in Lagos State to boost the Internally Generated Revenue, IGR. He met the Lagos IGR at N600 million per month in 1999 and by the time he was leaving office in 2007, Lagos IGR had grown to N7 billion per month. His successors have worked to make it reach N51 billion per month at present.

    This is Asiwaju’s first shot at the Presidency and he is going to win. It will never be a failed project. He didn’t stumble on the idea to run for the highest office in the land, it was a decision he arrived at on the strength of wide consultations with those who believe in his competence, pedigree, experience and acumen. Tinubu had over the years prepared himself to take the reins of leadership in Nigeria but 2023 is the right time for him to offer himself for the leadership of this country.

    On Saturday, February 25, Tinubu has a date with history, he has a date with destiny in which Nigerians, irrespective of their diversities, will go to the polls to elect him as the next President in the nation’s march to consolidate its democracy. Tinubu is the most suitable candidate for that office and it is only a matter of time before a new dawn with Tinubu as the President is birthed.

    •Ogunmola writes from Ado Ekiti.

  • Who wins 2023 presidential election?

    Who wins 2023 presidential election?

    As you read this Nigerians across the country would be filing out of their homes to elect a successor to President Muhammadu Buhari and a new class of National Assembly members.

    Today’s election is the culmination of a grueling six-month journey which began when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) flagged of the campaigns in late September 2022.

    The race has been dominated by ethnicity, religious sentiments, personal attacks and fake news on social media. Many observers have described it as one of the dirtiest campaigns ever with not too much focus of the critical issues facing the populace – like the economy and insecurity.

    Before the parties took a break for end of year festivities, the fundamentals of the race seemed to be locked in, with many people appearing to have made up their minds who they will vote for early. Indeed, some estimates say that percentage of the electorate who are undecided could be as low as five percent.

    In the last few weeks, however, an x-factor was thrown into the mix with the seeming intractable fuel scarcity and the bungled naira swap which has plunged millions of people across the country into unprecedented hardship.

    One week after our initial projections we can report an easing of the fuel situation in key cities like Lagos and Abuja. However, there remains considerable tension and uncertainty over the currency situation. This has been compounded by President Buhari’s announcement that the old N500 and N1,000 notes were no longer legal tender in the country. In his early morning broadcast to the nation on Thursday, February 16, he permitted the old N200 to remain in use till April 10.

    His intervention has been widely condemned as gross disrespect of the Supreme Court which had put on hold the February 10 deadline which the Central Bank had set for retiring the old notes.

    The president’s action rather than douse tension, has sparked more outrage – especially from governors of the ruling party who fear the currency crisis could negatively impact their chances at the polls. Several have defiantly announced that the old bills remain legal tender in their domains until the Supreme Court decides otherwise. Over a dozen are now locked in legal combat with the Federal Government with the apex court set to deliver judgment on the matter on March 3, 2023.

    The air of intrigue has also thickened on the back of charges that the fuel and cash scarcities were deliberately contrived by Fifth Columnists within the corridors of power to create an environment to scuttle the elections and introduced extra-constitutional devices like an Interim Government.

    The government has repeatedly denied this and the fact that polling day has come is confirmation that even if there were plot, they came to nothing. As the day unfolds, the world would assess events and decide whether Buhari has delivered on his promise to organize free, fair and peaceful polls.

    Suffice it to say that every electoral cycle in Nigeria the air if thick with intrigue as schemers trying every trick in the book to either thwart the process, or prevent certain candidates from emerging winners. It’s as if there are elements within the system who have enduring fear of elections.

    Back in 1993, the process was thrown into confusion by a dodgy judicial intervention at the last minute which the military authorities latched on to truncate the process. There have been plenty of instances in the last few months where certain individuals and parties have clogged the courts with frivolous cases – many of which have been tossed out as lacking merit.

    In our reports over the last two Sundays – first on February 12 – our team of editors and correspondents made projections on the likely outcome of the presidential election based on their reporting across the states of the federation. Our findings showed that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and its candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was likely to secure outright wins in the following states: Lagos, Ogun, Osun, Ondo, Ekiti, Oyo, Kwara, Kogi, Niger, Kaduna, Nasarawa, Kebbi, Katsina, Jigawa, Zamfara, Kano, Yobe, Gombe, Borno and Rivers.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is expected to take Adamawa, Taraba, Bayelsa, Delta and Akwa Ibom States.

    Labour Party was projected to with in the following Southeastern states: Abia, Ebonyi, Anambra and Enugu.

    We reported a race too close to call in Sokoto, Bauchi, Plateau, Benue, FCT, Cross River, Edo and Imo.

    One week after on February 19, there had been developments that could result in last minute swings – but not too much. In Benue, Governor Samuel Ortom, came out to endorse Labour’s Peter Obi – setting the stage for a three-cornered battle for votes and confirming our earlier projection of its battleground status.

    Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, who has led the G-5 campaign against PDP candidate, Atiku Abubakar, ruled out any last-minute reconciliation. He also recently warmly welcomed Tinubu who was in Port Harcourt for campaigns.

    Although, he didn’t give much away, it is widely expected that he and his men would back the APC candidate who enjoys cross-party support in the state. His aspiration is also backed by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Accord Party candidates in the state. But it didn’t go unnoticed that former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, was conspicuously absent when his party’s flagbearer came to town. His close allies, however, attended the event. Rivers State PDP have since accused the ex-minister of working for Atiku.

    Rivers has long been a PDP state. It remains to be seen whether it would remain true to type or swing the way Wike wants. Our reporting also indicates that Labour’s Obi enjoys strong support in the urban areas like Port Harcourt. All these factors make the contest very fluid and unpredictable.

    It is for the above reasons that in the February 19 update of our electoral map, we moved the state from the APC column to battleground status. But such is the fluid nature of political developments in the state that emerging evidence suggests that cross party support for Tinubu is firm. We can, again, report that APC would carry the state at the end of today’s polls. The rest of our projections remain as they were for the last two Sundays.

    This report was compiled by Deputy Editor, Emmanuel Oladesu; Managing Editor (Northern Operations), Yusuf Alli; Regional Manager (South-South), Shola O’neil; Mike Odiegwu (Port Harcourt); Fanen Ihyongo (Kano); Uja Emmanuel (Makurdi); AbdulGafar Alabelewe (Kaduna); Sola Shittu (Gombe); and Augustine Okezie (Katsina).

    Others are: Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, Bisi Oladele (Ibadan), Gil Nsa (Calabar); Ogo Anioke (Abakaliki), Damian Duruihuoma (Enugu) and Chris Njoku (Owerri).

    STATES TO WATCH

    RIVERS STATE

    Rivers has always been the stronghold of the PDP and since 1999 no presidential candidate of the party had lost any election in the state. In the last two presidential elections, the PDP won the state by wide margin. In 2015, out of the 1,565, 461 vote cast, APC got 69,238 representing 4.42 per cent votes while the PDP scored 1,487,075 representing 94.99 per cent votes.

    In 2019, the APC tried to increase its momentum in the state and out of the 666,585 votes, the APC secured 150,710 (22.61%) while the PDP, whose candidate scored 473,971 votes (71.10%).

    But such dominance has become a mirage ahead of this year’s presidential election following the worsening feud between the state PDP and its parent party at the national level. While the local party is strong and determined to win all state electoral offices, it had since declared that it would not work for Atiku.

    Wike has insulated the Rivers PDP from the parent party and vowed to deliver another presidential candidate on February 25th instead of Atiku.

    The governor, who leads the G-5 group seeking equity, justice and fairness in PDP, has all structures of the local party in his pocket and has been able to convince them to work for his preferred presidential candidate.

    It has become an open secret that Wike has settled for the APC presidential candidate and communicated his decision to all PDP structures in Rivers. Recently, the Rivers chapter of the PDP Presidential Campaign Council, confirmed that the governor directed all his aides and all party leaders loyal to him to work for Tinubu.

    Wike’s continual highlight of the injustices in the National PDP had compelled many residents to see Atiku as the enemy of Rivers. Sometimes angry Rivers youths are seen removing Atiku-Okowa campaign posters in their domains.

    Some PDP leaders, who revolted against Wike such as Sir Celestine Omehia, Austine Okpara, Lee Maeba, Abiye Sekibo, Prince Uche Secondus and Chinyere Igwe, found it difficult to campaign for Atiku in the state. Most of them relocated from Rivers out of fear of the unknown. A few days ago, Atiku was forced to hold his aborted Rivers ‘rally’ in Abuja at a gathering of his supporters.

    Though the Rivers APC is polarised between pro-Rotimi Amaechi and anti-Amaechi camps, all of them seem to be on the same page for Tinubu because of the decentralised campaign system adopted by the presidential candidate.

    While the state party controlled by Amaechi leads the APC Presidential Campaign Council, the anti-Amaechi camp led by his former Chief of Staff, Tony Okocha, heads the Independent Campaign Council (ICC).

    Though Senator Magnus Abe, a former leader of anti-Amaechi camp in Rivers APC defected to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and became the party’s governorship candidate, he had since adopted Tinubu as his presidential candidate. Abe in all his rallies has been mobilising support for Tinubu.

    In fact, the APC presidential candidate will be the direct beneficiary of the crisis in the PDP. With Wike working for him and almost all the structures of the APC closing their ranks to campaign for him, Tinubu is heading for victory in Rivers.

    For the Labour Party, it has remained a new entrant in the presidential race. In Rivers, no prominent and influential politician has identified publicly with the party. It still lacks enough structures in units, wards and local government areas required to cause serious upset for the two big parties in February presidential poll. It resonates more among the traders of Igbo extraction, who dominate the Rivers city centre.

    The last time a sitting governor of this state broke with his party’s candidate was when Amaechi defected to APC and campaigned against Goodluck Jonathan who came from the South-South zone. He lost heavily.

    This time neither Tinubu, Atiku or Obi come from the South-South zone. But the ex-Vice President is a Northerner seeking to represent another Northerner who would have spent eight years in office. This runs against the covenant entered into by Southern governors at their Asaba summit where they back power rotation.

    It would be interesting to see whether without the Jonathan local boy factor in the mix Wike would succeed where Amaechi failed. Would Rivers voters back him in his longstanding war of attrition with his party’s overlords and successfully execute tactical voting by backing PDP National Assembly candidates and another party’s presidential candidate? All would be clear in a matter of hours.

    KADUNA STATE

    Kaduna used to be a stronghold of the PDP between 1999 and 2015, but all that changed with the Buhari tsunami eight years ago. Under Governor Nasir El-Rufai APC has consolidated its grip on power. In fact, so strong had the party become that four years ago the governor did the unthinkable by picking a same-faith running mate from the southern part of the state.

    He had famously declared that even if he had picked the Pope, voters from that area would still not support him. He would go on to win the election comfortably with the supposed taboo ticket.

    As if tearing a page from his ally’s election manual, Tinubu has also picked a same-faith running mate. It is not surprising therefore to see that the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU) and the Southern Kaduna Leadership Council have endorsed Atiku and Obi as their preferred candidates.

    It remains to be seen whether the politics of religion would change the outcome or fall flat like it did four years ago.

    El-Rufai has also been vociferous in condemning the chaotic naira redesign policy of the Federal Government, claiming that along with fuel scarcity they were designed to hurt the candidates of the ruling party.

    Electoral contests between APC and PDP in Kaduna have always been competitive affairs. Today’s polls would not be different given that some candidates have not been bothered about playing the ethnic and religious cards.

    But the ruling party has the advantage of incumbency and a record of performance in its development programmes. Hopefully, these would tilt the scale its way once again.

    KATSINA STATE

    Since 2015 general elections till date, the APC has been the dominant political party in Katsina State. The PDP and other opposition parties have remained distant second.

    Results of the presidential elections showed that APC not only cleared the polls in the Northwest states, but did extremely well in Katsina – winning by a landslide.

    Breakdown of the percentage scores of the CPC/ APC in the period under the review in Katsina State during the presidential polls is as follows: 2011: CPC (70.9%); 2015: APC (92.83%); and 2019: APC (98.69%).

    The support base of the current APC candidate Tinubu in Katsina is principally anchored by the following: President Muhammadu Buhari, Governor Aminu Bello Masari, Senator Abu Ibrahim, traditional rulers, APC members and leadership in the state, APC governorship candidate Dr. Dikko Radda, Deputy Speaker, Katsina House of Assembly, youth support groups and majority of Katsina citizens.

    The protracted political and legal crisis rocking PDP has undermined the party’s presidential and governorship campaign platforms. Ex-Governor Ibrahim Shema’s camp doesn’t see eye to eye with Senator Lado Danmarke the party’s governorship candidate. The fallout is a divided party and candidates.

    That said, what should have been a walkover for the ruling party in the president’s home state has been complicated the devastation caused to local communities by the banditry scourge.

    Still, it is expected that the APC would have sufficient in its tank to prevail.

    KANO STATE

    In Kano State, only three parties and their presidential candidates attract serious discussions. They are APC, NNPP and PDP. Labour Party is the fourth in terms of visibility but it has no structures in Kano. In this regard, only three presidential candidates: Tinubu, Kwankwaso and Atiku come to mind when making analyses and permutations on who will conquer the soul of the Northwestern state in the presidential election.

    In 2019 presidential election, President Muhammadu Buhari of APC scored 1,464,768 (78.9 per cent) of the total 1, 891,134 valid votes cast to beat the Peoples Democratic Party presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, who polled 391,593 (21.1 per cent).

    In 2019, Kano had 5,391,581 registered voters, out of which 2,006,410 voters were accredited for the presidential election. The result, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), showed that the total votes cast were 1,964,751, out of which 73,617 votes were rejected. Valid votes were 1, 891,134.

    But whereas in 2019 the election was a two-horse race between Buhari and Atiku, three major presidential candidates (Tinubu – APC; Kwankwaso – NNPP; Atiku – PDP) will fight for Kano’s votes this time. The three parties are firmly rooted in the state. Labour Party’s Obi will get some votes.

    As at now, Tinubu of the APC appears to be leading the race in Kano. Only few days ago, Tinubu’s popularity and momentum were clearly shown when he with his running mate Kashim Shettima, APC governors and party chiefs across the country shut down Kano State.

    The mammoth crowd was during ruling the party’s flag off of its North-West presidential rally. The unprecedented crowd, drawn from across the 44 local government areas of the state for the rally, his supporters are contending, signals that victory for the former Lagos governor is assured. There has also been a steady stream of defections into APC in recent times.

    Slugging it out with Tinubu is Kwankwaso who is the NNPP presidential flag bearer. A son and former governor of the state, Kwankwaso is a household name in the state.

    Atiku’s chances of winning Kano are becoming slimmer by the day because of intra-party conflicts and litigations following parallel leadership structures which had troubled the PDP in Kano.

    SOKOTO STATE

    The presidential contest in Sokoto will be a fight-to-the-finish between the APC and PDP. In 2019, APC secured 490,333 to beat PDP which had 351,604. With a population of over four million people, going by past elections results, Sokoto State voting strength is approximately less than a million.

    It is believed that this time around the voting pattern will no doubt change due to level of awareness, sentiments, negative impact of insecurity and poverty, loss of confidence in attitude of politicians, alleged poor representation and non-fulfillment of campaign promises

    Besides, there are indications that most Igbo residents, whose traditional choice has been PDP have pitched tent with LP’s Obi against other candidates. This scenario may lead to a significant departure from voting pattern in the state.

    The arrowheads for the candidates in the caliphate are reaching out to the grassroots to outwit one another. Those for PDP are Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa and Yusuf Suleiman among the local politicians whose voices are reckoned with in the state’s politics.

    On the other side, the APC has its presidential campaign driving force in the state in former Governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, who is believed to be a political enigma endeared to people in the caliphate for his accessibility and listening ears. He has an unmatched political record in the state for over a decade. Wamakko has over time remained a political idol for his generosity. He has been consistent in winning elections. He is supported by the Minister of Police Affairs, Muhammadu Maigari Dingyadi and its gubernatorial candidate and former deputy governor of the state, Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto and Chuso Abdullahi Datijjo.

    As usual it would be a competitive race between APC and PDP.

    GOMBE STATE

    In 2019, APC’s Buhari won the election in Gombe State after polling 403,961 votes out of 580,649 total votes cast in the state.

    Until then, Gombe was a PDP stronghold under former Governor Hassan Dankwambo who had completed two terms in office. He succeeded his godfather, Senator Danjuma Goje, who also spent two terms as governor before leaving office in 2011.

    However, the game changer for the 2019 election in Gombe was no one else but Goje, the senator representing Gombe Central at the National Assembly who decamped to APC and single-handedly toured the 114 wards with the APC candidate, now the governor of the state, Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya.

    The 2019 election was a terrible defeat for PDP as Dankwambo could not even win his senatorial bid for Gombe North as an incumbent.

    However, the question today is can the APC repeat the landslide victory it won in 2019 at the 2023 presidential election?

    Unlike four years ago, the political landscape in the state today is a completely different ball game with three strong parties – APC, PDP and NNPP – and the less visible Labour Party, hustling for the over 1.5 million votes in the state.

    In the ruling APC, Governor Yahaya is consolidating his hold on the state as the leader of the party. Lately, the party had battled with internal strife between him and his former boss and godfather Goje, but it was amicably resolved with the latter receiving his Gombe Central senatorial ticket for the fourth term in the Senate.

    However, unlike 2019, Goje has not been actively involved in party activities in the state giving a semblance that all may still not be well between the governor and his estranged godfather. He was absent with the Tinubu presidential campaign visited the state and hasn’t supported Yahaya’s re-election bid.

    The incumbent governor also has a challenge with the minority in the Billiri area over his handling of the chieftaincy dispute. That sense of grievance could take its toll on the ruling party.

    Nevertheless, APC has remained strong as a party to beat in the state, cashing in on the crisis rocking the main opposition party PDP in the state.

    There may not be a landslide victory for any of the four most visible political parties in Gombe in 2023 presidential election unlike what happened in 2019. Atiku will still enjoy the sympathy of some of the electorate as a Northeast leader, while Tinubu will benefit from the power of incumbency of APC and its structures statewide.

    NNPP will shake the table, but the biggest surprise might come from LP which although has no gubernatorial candidate, nor visible anchorman, yet enjoys a good followership among Christians in the state. It is believed that if religion plays a role in the 2023 presidential election, then the party might put in a respectable performance in Gombe.

    BENUE STATE

    Benue State is likely to be a battleground for votes in the North-Central. It’s fight-to-the finish in the sense that the political actors, who have been on the scene for years are the same, but this time around in different political platforms. It is expected that they would do everything to outwit one another.

    The PDP, which is the ruling party in the state, has nine House of Representatives members out of 11, three senators, 26 House of Assembly members out of 30, 23 Local Government Area chairmen – including elected councillors in the 276 wards in the state.

    On paper, one can easily conclude that PDP will win the 2023 general election at all levels in the state.

    However, the party is in a serious crisis. Things have fallen apart. The biggest threat to its existence before and after the 2023 general elections is the protracted crisis between the G-5 governors and the party’s national chairman, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu. Benue State Governor, Samuel Ortom, is an active member of the rebellious group. Ortom was absent when the Atiku campaign train came to town. Not long ago he came out openly to endorse Obi.

    In spite of the spirited campaign against Buhari in 2019 due to rampant killing of farmers in the state by herdsmen, the APC and PDP ran neck – and – neck. With Ortom and his supporters determined to work against Atiku, APC’s Tinubu may have the upper hand today.

    The party looks good to give the ruling PDP a run for its money in the state. Fr. Hycinth Alia, who is the governorship candidate, is the rave of the moment and is enjoying massive followership .With the enthusiastic backing for him in urban and rural areas, pundits have concluded that PDP is gone and APC is coming in the state.

    EDO STATE

    The ruling party in Edo State is the PDP. But, the other two parties – the APC and the Labour Party (LP) – cannot be dismissed with the wave of hand.

    The three candidates -Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (APC), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar (PDP) and Peter Obi (LP) – are household names in the South-South state.

    Although Atiku’s running mate, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, is governor of the neighbouring state, the geographical continuity has no influence on Edo’s preparation for the exercise.

    There is renewed hostility between the governor and his former godfather. Governor Godwin Obaseki wants to use the election to make a point. Although the APC-led Federal Government of Buhari has never turned the heat on him, he knows that he will be in a more comfortable position if his party controls the centre as from May 29 because the atmosphere will become conducive for succession politics in Edo.

    Obaseki is in his second term and after the general election, attention will shift to governorship poll in his state.

    Similarly, his predecessor and one-time benefactor, Adams Oshiomhole, is working hard so that APC can bounce back. Some of his fanatical followers are members of the House of Assembly who have been deprived enjoying the benefits of the positions they were elected into for four years. The former national chairman, apart from being a trusted ally of Tinubu, is also vying for Senate in his native Edo North District. He has fought many battles in the past. He won some, he lost some. But, next month’s election is a special challenge to him as party leader and candidate.

    Obi, who has hired the LP for the poll, appears to be making waves, particular in the metropolis. He is leaning on the strength of his Igbo kinsmen who are traders in some parts of Edo, youths who are queuing behind him in the social media and some students of tertiary institutions.

    In the 2019 presidential poll, Atiku scored 275,691 votes, defeating Buhari who got 267,691 votes, with a margin of 7,849 votes.

    Between then and now, many issues have been thrown up, which are likely to shape the presidential election.

    In the last two years, Edo, like some other states, have not been having it rosy. The governor is not presiding over a united state. Peace has also eluded some areas due to the activities of kidnappers. The political upheaval, in-fighting in the ruling party, and attacks by the opposition over performance by the government have made the state a near-crisis zone.

    As the foot soldiers of the parties intensify their campaigns for their respective presidential candidates, they are also trying to deal with the burning issues, appropriately and inappropriately.

    Although Obaseki’s defection to PDP boosted its chance of reclaiming the State House of Assembly, it has also divided the party as old party chieftains, led by Chief Daniel Orbih, have consistently alleged marginalisation, exclusion, winner-takes-all attitude and loss of sense of belonging.

    If PDP, which is the ruling party, unites behind Atiku, he will do well in the state. But, judging by the escalation of hostility between Atiku and the G5, the likelihood of truce has evaporated.

    Both factions are active on the campaign field, although they are not combining strengths. The Orbih faction is campaigned for State and National Assembly candidates, without mention of Atiku.

    However, the base of the PDP may also be affected by the presence of Obi of the LP in the race. Many youths and Christian voters who supported Atiku in 2019 may switch to the LP candidate.

    Obi is being studied as the third force in Edo. To analysts, he is likely to spring surprise in some parts of the state, particularly Benin metropolis-Oredo, Egor and Ikoba Okha.

    Also, in Auchi, a melting point which hosts the polytechnic and some commercial centres, the LP candidate may get votes from youths, students and Igbo traders who have spare parts shops in the axis. When Obi stormed Auchi for a rally, the crowd of youths and traders was huge.

    Coincidentally, Oshiomhole was also on campaign train in the area. The crowd was sharply divided. Some stayed with Obi; others followed the former governor.

    But, a source said it is a different ball game in the hinterland, where Obi is a stranger to rural dwellers.

    The former Anambra governor’s constraints, despite his seeming rising profile in some parts of Edo, include lack of formidable structure, absence of strong candidates for legislative seats and lack of synergy among his scattered Obidients.

    APC is led by Oshiomhole. With him are Pastor Osagie Ize -Iyamu, APC governorship candidate in 2020; Oshiomhole’s former deputy, Dr. Pius Odubu, and the state chairman of the party, Colonel Imuse.

    APC National Assembly members are also mobilising party members in their constituencies.

    Unlike the PDP, the party’s rank is comparatively united. Although there is repressed friction between Oshiomhole and Ize-Iyamu, which was a fallout of the last governorship poll, it has not affected the chapter. The chieftains have been campaigning vigorously for Tinubu.

    According to analysts, Edo has a history of identifying with performers, and with Tinubu’s record of performance in Lagos State, many voters in the state, particularly the perceptive ones, will vote for him. He is expected to do well.

    OYO STATE

    In Oyo State, today’s presidential election will be a straight fight between APC’s Tinubu and PDP’s Atiku. Analysts are insisting that the fact that PDP is the ruling party will have very little effect on the performance of the presidential candidates.

    In the two previous presidential elections in the state, the two parties have won on one occasion each. In 2015, Buhari polled 528, 620 votes to defeat Jonathan of PDP who got 303,376 votes. The APC candidate won in 19 local government areas while his PDP counterpart took 15.

    Four years later, Atiku defeated Buhari in the state. He took 18 local government areas while Buhari won in 15. Their total votes reflected a much closer contest with former garnering 366,640 to the latter’s 365,229 votes.

    While the APC won the presidential election convincingly in 2015 with a wide margin as a newly-formed opposition party, the party, now in government, narrowly lost the same state to the opposition PDP in 2019. The development, to some observers, underscores the unpredictable nature of Oyo politics. And this also explains why both the ruling APC and the opposition PDP are not leaving any stone unturned in their quest for victory ahead of the presidential election.

    Oyo is a PDP state but Governor Makinde and his camp are not supporting the presidential aspiration of the party’s candidate. He is with Governor Nyesom Wike and other G5 governors in their opposition to Atiku.

    But Atiku is not without support in the strategic Southwest state. Reliable party sources revealed that he appears to have most of the PDP leaders in the state on his side. Prominent chieftains, including a former Minister of State for Federal Capital Territory, Jumoke Akinjide and a former Minister of Mines and Steel Development, Wole Oyelese, have been campaigning relentlessly for him in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital.

    For the PDP presidential candidate, it is not likely that he will benefit from the incumbency factor as such. With allies and appointees of the state governor unable to openly identify with him and participate in his campaigns, the face-off between Atiku and the G5 governors has definitely taken a toll on the chances of the former Vice President in Oyo State. Unless a miracle happens and Makinde renounces his opposition to him, Atiku will be walking a very tight rope in his quest to win votes in the state.

    ENUGU STATE

    The three leading presidential candidates are Obi of LP, Tinubu of APC and Atiku PDP.

    Enugu’s votes in the past five election circles have been majorly dedicated to PDP, which has enjoyed unrivalled acceptability among the populace. Before now, the presidential contest had always been between two leading political parties.

    However, with the emergence of Obi creating a third option, the tide is changing with the PDP now scrambling to retain its usual share of the votes from the state.

    Though,  there are about 1.6 million voters with PVCs in the state, voter turnout in the previous elections was below 50 per cent, except for the 2011 presidential election, when the state gave former President Goodluck Jonathan nearly 99 percent votes.

    However, with the confidence the people of the state now have reposed in the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), it is believed that voter turnout will improve considerably.

    The former Vice President is a household name among the electorate in Enugu State. However, his albatross is that the people of the state and in deed, the Southeast, who had voted massively for him in the last election, are of the belief that he does not believe in equity, justice and fair play. This, they said, is so because when it was the time for the Southeast to produce the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku and PDP scuttled it.

    For this reason, he lacks foot soldiers who would work and ensure his acceptance by the electorate who are very much familiar with his name.

    It was observed that those who are working with the former vice president, are doing so secretly because of the seemingly dangerous backlash his open campaign would have on the generality of the PDP candidates in other positions.

    According to an inside source in PDP, there is the belief that Atiku is being used to perpetuate the North in power after Buhari leaves office against the rotational North and South convention.

    Again, his battle with the G-5 governors, including the governor of Enugu State, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, does not help matters.

    Our correspondent observed that since the beginning of campaigns last year, no member of the PDP has ever mentioned his name in their numerous campaigns across the state. Worse still, one of the party’s senatorial candidates and former governor, Senator Chimaraoke Nnamani, rather than campaigning for Atiku, has been going about campaigning for the APC presidential candidate, Asiwaju Tinubu.

    He was suspended recently by the PDP national leadership for his troubles.

    Like Atiku, Tinubu is a household name among voters. He is expected to get between 25 to 30 percent of the votes in the Coal City State.  The reason for this is because of his longtime relationship with the power brokers in the state starting from Gbazuagu Nweke Gbazuagu. All the governors that governed Enugu since 1999, are close allies of the Asiwaju’s and are currently rooting for him to be the next president. The current governor Ugwuanyi, it has been learned, equally enjoys a robust personal relationship that has spanned over the years with him.

    Apart from that, the senatorial candidate of the PDP for Enugu East and former governor of the state, Nnamani, has never hidden his position on Tinubu as the presidential candidate whom he and his households will vote for on February 25. Some of his friends, including the son of the former governor of the state, Joseph Onoh, younger brother to Lady Bianca Ojukwu as well as the Speaker of the State House of Assembly.

    Obi is a well-known name among the entire citizens of the state, because he served as the governor of the neighbouring Anambra State for two terms and was also the vice presidential candidate to Atiku in 2019 election.

    He now has cult followership that cuts across the 17 local government areas of the state. Though, he is not being supported by some of the political class in the state, however, no politician dares campaign against him for fear of hostile reaction. In fact, the fear of the LP presidential candidate is the beginning of wisdom in the state.

    With Obi, the presidential election in Enugu is likely to be in mould of that of 2011 where they gave their all to the then President Jonathan. Reasons are that one, they believe this is their turn and Obi is the best they can support.

    Two, they are angry with the PDP for denying them the ticket after decades of consistent loyalty to the party.

    Three, they are even angrier with the APC for years of alleged marginalisation.

    It remains to be seen whether all these factors will translate to an Obi victory or whether the state would remain true to its PDP roots.

    IMO STATE

    The three major political parties – APC, PDP and LP have adopted grassroots mobilisation for their presidential candidates.

    Since 2014, control of the state has swung between APC and PDP – from the days when Rochas Okorocha was governor, to the brief reign of Emeka Ihedioha and now the tenure of Hope Uzodinma.

    It is, therefore, expected that the presidential election would be another face-off between the two biggest parties which have the most develop structures due to their years of being power.

    But this election season, the entrance of Obi and his LP is altering calculations in the Southeast. Whether those scenarios are confirmed come polling day remains in the realm of conjecture. At this point though the expectation is that regional sentiments would attract a lot votes to his cause.

    Still, it is not clear whether it would be enough to deliver Imo to him. What is obvious is that he and PDP’s Atiku who ran on the same ticket in 2019, would be split the votes that once came from their common pool. That weakens the former VP’s cause.

    APC and its candidate Tinubu are expected to much better than in the last two cycles given the advantages of incumbency.

    EBONYI STATE

    Ebonyi State was traditionally being a PDP stronghold till recently.

    In past elections the party has overwhelmingly won the presidential election.

    However, all that changed in 2019 when Governor David Umahi then with the PDP allegedly made a pact with the ruling APC at the centre.

    This led to the APC candidate President Muhammadu Buhari getting over 25 percent of the votes in the state even though the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar and his running mate, Peter Obi won the state convincingly.

    Today the situation is different as Obi is now the candidate to beat in the state.

    This is because he is from the Southeast and the people of the state love him.

    Also, the glamour of having a president of Southeast extraction is working in his favour.

    Even, members of PDP and APC privately campaign for him and have made it clear that they will support Obi for the presidential election while working fr their respective parties for other positions.

    The APC is the only party among the three major parties in the state who are going into the election with a united front while the other two, PDP and LP, are embroiled in leadership and post primary crisis.

    PDP is highly divided after the acrimonious primaries it had where two factions held parallel primaries.

    Several courts cases have been going on arising from the primaries. At a point, INEC delisted the governorship candidate’s name and that of all the National Assembly candidates except one.

    Their names were only restored last week after another court other and this many supporters fear has made it difficult for the party to properly strategise ahead of the elections.

    “The party may not do well in the election due to the court cases and late starting of campaigns”, a highly places source said.

    The source also expressed dismay that the presidential candidate has not done anything to resolve the crisis which has led to the balkanisation of the party in the state.

    However, Mr Ali Odefa, Southeast National Vice Chairman of the party who is from the state disagrees.

    The Labour Party is riding on the organic popularity of its presidential candidate in the state.

    Infighting in the party has also affected its ability to stage a proper campaign. The party does not seem to be planning a local government campaign like the two other parties.

    Two persons are in court contesting governorship ticket, but some of its popular National Assembly are campaigning for Obi. The party is depending on the growing Obidient movement to win the state for Obi.

    Nevertheless, the teeming supporters are said to be actively campaigning for him at the grassroots.

  • TINUBU, ATIKU, OBI, KWANKWASO IN BATTLE TO SUCCEED BUHARI

    TINUBU, ATIKU, OBI, KWANKWASO IN BATTLE TO SUCCEED BUHARI

    • Heavy security nationwide as Nigerians elect president, National Assembly members
    • Arewa Consultative Forum denies endorsing Atiku
    • Naira scarcity may worsen vote buying, Yiaga Africa warns
    • Rivers, Benue, Katsina, Oyo, Kano, other states to watch

    The day is finally here. The day 87.2 million registered voters are scheduled to troop to the 176,846 polling units across the country to pick the man who will take over from President Muhammadu Buhari on May 29.

    Also to be elected today are 109 Senators and 306 members of the House of Representatives.

    Security has been beefed up in all the 774 local government areas while the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) concludes arrangements for the successful conduct of the elections.

    Despite measures by the federal government and some of its agencies to curb the use of money to induce voters, an ally of the PDP presidential candidate was yesterday arrested in Rivers State with $498,100 cash which he said was to be shared to compromise voting.

    Although 18 parties are presenting candidates for the elections, observers believe the winner will emerge from the quartet of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC); Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); Mr. Peter Obi of Labour Party (LP) and Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

    They were the only candidates who made active efforts to woo voters by campaigning in many parts of the country.

     The police and sister agencies have beefed up security across the country to nip in the bud any attempt to disrupt the elections.

    Police Inspector General Usman Baba said 424,106 security personnel would be deployed for election duties today.

    No quasi security personnel will be involved in any way for security assignment, according to him.

    Baba said VIPs would not be allowed to go to their polling units accompanied by armed security men.

    Vehicular and human traffic is being restricted from 12 midnight last night until after voting later today.

    The Lagos State Police Command said yesterday that the restriction will cover waterways and airways.

    It said: “In line with the security architecture emplaced for the 2023 General Elections, human and vehicular movements will be restricted on Saturday, February 25, 2023 between 0000hrs and 1800hrs across all roads, waterways and airways in Lagos State.

    “In the same vein, security aides of public and private individuals, who have already been scaled down in accordance with the Electoral Act 2022, are not allowed to escort their principals to polling units and collation centres armed.

    “Except for essential duty vehicles such as ambulances, fire trucks, patrol vehicles of Federal Government security agencies, the use of sirens at or around polling units and collation centres is totally banned.

    “In line with the Electoral Act 2022, no state-owned security agency is part of election security. Violators will be apprehended and prosecuted. Exempted from the movement restrictions are essential workers, INEC officials and election observers.

    “Meanwhile, members of the public are encouraged to be law-abiding as they exercise their franchise. They are equally urged to promptly contact the police on any of the following numbers to report suspicious persons or activities around them: 08127155132, 08065154338, 08063299264, 08039344870.”

    Air Force deploys air surveillance in Ebonyi

    The Air Force is deploying aircraft for aerial surveillance in Ebonyi State, according to Governor David Umahi.

    Umahi said the decision to this effect was taken at a security council meeting in Abakaliki.

    He said the security agencies are on ground to secure voters, electoral officers and materials for the election.

    “I want Ebonyi people to know that they would be flying low to maintain law and order so you should not entertain any fears,” he said.

    He said the operation was to ensure miscreants do not exploit opportunities to cause breakdown of law and order during the general elections.

    The Governor also remarked that though the activities of Ebubeagu security outfit has been suspended, its replacements, the Neighbourhood Watch and Vigilante Corps, would not participate in election security.

    New naira notes scarcity may increase vote buying, Yiaga Africa warns 

    A civil society organisation, Yiaga Africa, yesterday warned that the untold economic hardship caused by the recent scarcity of new naira notes is capable of encouraging Nigerians to relinquish their votes in exchange for the scarce currency.

    Presenting the group’s preliminary statement on the conduct of the presidential election process in Abuja on Thursday, the organisation’s chairman, Dr Hussaini Abdu, said the economic hardship caused by the naira swap may impact citizens’ participation in the elections.

    “This growing discontent amongst citizens may lead to voter apathy in the form of ‘protest’ which will eventually lead to low voter turnouts.

    “We are also worried that citizens facing these forms of adversities going into the election may be unable to make informed choices at the polls,” he said.

    “The current Naira redesign policy and scarcity of legal tender are aimed to fight vote trading on election day, but the prevailing hardship it has come with may even make it easier for voters to relinquish their votes in exchange for the scarce currency.”

    Executive Director of Yiaga Africa, Samson Itodo, said the organisation will deploy 3,836 observers throughout the country for the presidential election. 

    “This is comprised of 3,014 stationary Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) observers deployed to a random representative statistical sample of 1,507 polling units; 822 roving observers across the 774 LGAs and 36 states; and 8 Working Group members who run real-time election analysis. 

     ”Yiaga Africa will also deploy observers to the LGA and State Results Collation Centres in every state. Our observers will observe the entire election day process from set-up of the polling units through the announcement, posting of the official results and uploading of the polling units to the INEC Result Viewing Portal.

    “The observers will send in periodic reports to the Watching the Vote National Data Centre located in the Transcorp Hilton in Abuja where they will be processed and analysed,” he said.

    ACF denies endorsing Atiku 

    The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) has dismissed as fake media reports that it had endorsed Alhaji Atiku for the presidential election.

    Addressing pressmen in Kano, Chairman of Kano State’s chapter of ACF, Dr. Faruk Umar, said the report of any such endorsement was not true, as it was falsified to blackmail and confuse the voters.

    He affirmed that he had confirmed personally from the national secretariat of ACF and many other elders if there was any change in the neutrality position of the group and all confirmed that the Forum remains committed to its pledge to allow members to vote their conscience. 

    He asked ACF to “disregard the publication and adhere to the position of the National Executive to allow members exercise their rights in choosing their candidates.”

    He noted that the ACF had in Kano, in demonstration of the group neutrality, two months ago interacted with all the gubernatorial candidates from Kano, where they signed an agreement to conduct their election campaigns peacefully.

    He decried recent happenings in the state and appealed to all candidates to keep to their words and conduct themselves peacefully during the election.

    He commended INEC and the security agents for “the adequate arrangements put in place and appeal to voters to give them maximum cooperation.”

    Southeast gears up for elections despite killings, sit-at-home order

    The South East, which has been subjected to severe attacks and threats by hoodlums and pro-Biafra groups over the last two years, seems ready for the elections.

    Residents appear to have heeded calls by Ohanaeze Ndigbo and the Southeast Council of Traditional Rulers to ignore the sit-at-home orders by Biafra agitator Simon Ekpa and come out to cast their votes.

    Ekpa was arrested and quizzed by the Finnish security on Thursday over his incessant threats to disrupt peace in Nigeria.

    Scores of policemen and other security personnel have been killed in attacks by unknown gunmen in the region while INEC and police stations have also been repeatedly attacked.

    However, the people of the region ignored the order and the concomitant violence and went about their businesses on Thursday and Friday and preparing well ahead of the elections.

    A visit to Mayor and Ogbete markets in Enugu showed residents making what looked like last minute transactions.

    Also, in banks, more customers trooped out to make cash withdrawals as POS operators have hiked the amount for withdrawing cash as a customer will have to pay extra N4,000 to be able to get a cash of N10,000

    Our correspondent who monitored developments observed that residents were upbeat about coming out to vote in the election despite the challenges.

    It was learned that most people whose polling units are not in Enugu have travelled home to cast their votes.

    Some of the residents, who spoke to our correspondent in Enugu, said they would go out and vote.

    Security has been beefed up in the Enugu office of INEC.

     The Force Headquarters deployed three Commissioners of Police to Imo State to provide water tight security before, during and after the 2023 elections.

    The newly posted commissioners are CP Banji Ogunrinde, Imo East zone; CP Chris Aimionowane, Imo West Zone and CP Alex Wannang, Imo North.

    The officers who have assumed duties began their work by strategising on the already existing security architecture to provide security in all the nooks and crannies of the state.

  • Poll materials: Court permanently stops INEC, Oluomo-led C’mitte deal

    Poll materials: Court permanently stops INEC, Oluomo-led C’mitte deal

    The Federal High Court sitting in Lagos Friday perpetually restrained the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from engaging the Lagos State Parks Management Committee, led by Alhaji Musiliu Akinsanya, a.k.a. MC Oluomo, for distributing 2023 election materials and personnel. Justice Chukwuejekwu Aneke gave the order while delivering judgment in suit FHC/L/CS/271/2023 filed by three political parties and their gubernatorial candidates in Lagos State.

    The plaintiffs/applicants are the Labour Party (LP), its flag bearer Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), its standard bearer Funsho Doherty; the Boot Party and its guber candidate Wale Olumo, while INEC is the defendant/respondent. The plaintiffs/applicants had sought to stop an INEC/Lagos State Parks Management Committee collaboration on the ground among others, that it violated Sections 26 and 27 of the Electoral Act 2022.

    Others included that the deal would allegedly “give room for election sabotage, manipulation, and rigging in favour of the All Progressives Congress (APC).” The plaintiff sought five reliefs. INEC neither filed a response to the suit, nor was represented by a lawyer, despite being served notice of the suit. On February 20, Justice Aneke granted an interim order restraining INEC from sealing the deal. In his judgment Friday, the judge granted relief five of the plaintiffs.

    Justice Aneke held: “For avoidance of doubt the said relief 5 is hereby set out as follows: “AN ORDER OF PERPETUAL INJUNCTION restraining INEC and/or their privies or any persons acting under their directions from contracting, partnering or appointing Musiliu Akinsanya popularly known as MC Oluomo, Lagos State Parks Management Committee or any of its members and/or drivers by INEC to distribute 2023 election materials and personnels in Lagos State.”