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  • Asiwaju Tinubu at 69

    Asiwaju Tinubu at 69

    All Progressives Congress (APC) stalwart Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is 69 today. A colloquium will be held today in Kano to mark the ceremony. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the struggles, battles and exploits of the consummate politician, master strategist and statesman, who has remained relevant in national life, 14 years after vacating office as governor of Lagos State.

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu, financial surgeon, astute administrator, pro-democracy activist, Third Republic senator, former Lagos State governor and All Progressives Congress (APC) national leader, has indisputably become the main issue in Nigeria’s politics.

    Fourteen years after leaving the corridors of power as governor, he has remained relevant in national life. As he celebrates his 69th birthday today, the eminent politician is again on the front burner.

    The colloquium being held  in his honour today is a yearly event that had become a powerful tool of political mobilisation, offering the country a veritable opportunity always reflect on the journey so far and make realistic projections for the future.

    The theme of this year’s discourse is: ‘Our common bond, our commonwealth: The imperative of national cohesion for growth and prosperity.’ It underscores the people-oriented ideas, struggles, battles and exploits of the progressive arrowhead, statesman and citizen of the world. It is the 12th edition.

    Tinubu, politically, is a subject of envy. Many politicians want to be like him because he wields enormous influence. Others who cannot match his pedigree have turned themselves into detractors. But, the road to stardom is not paved with roses. How many of them can afford to go through the same furnace?

    His great struggles and exploits underscored the triumph of a dynamic, focused and resilient actor,  who has trekked the thorny path to prominence.

    A great debater, the political leader has always honed his skills of negotiation, consultation, persuasion, and reconciliation. How committed, sagacious, strategic and courageous are his foes?

    Never has he at any time claimed to have a monopoly of knowledge. He is always willing to bow to superior arguments. That is why he usually surrounds himself with egg heads from diverse fields. But, he will never condone intellectual laziness and a line of action devoid of masterful logic.

    What idea does the Asiwaju of Lagos represent? Tinubuism encapsulates the time-tested philosophy of service premised on the evergreen Awoist theme of “Freedom for All, Life More Abundant.’ It is driven by the permanent and non-negotiable devotion to the creed of progressive welfarism in a united federal Nigeria.

    The idea may also chart the way forward for a polity still struggling to resolve the multiple crises of nation-building, conflicts of political participation, an illusion of hope for gainful employment, contradictions in education, insatiable quest for social welfare,  integrated rural development, and thirst for the restoration of sanctity of the ballot box.

    The former governor is a man of many parts, although his political profile has now dwarfed his rich resume as boardroom guru, strategic economic planner and socialite. Anything he touches turns to gold. In private life and governance, his impact is usually felt.

    A great attribute of the colourful politician is his ability to discover and mobilise  talents for development. Among the leaders that have been raised by Tinubu are Vice President Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), former Lagos State Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, Minister of Information Alhaji Lai Mohammed, former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola,  one-time Finance Commissioner Wale Edun, Babatunde Fowler of Federal Inland Revenue Service, and Opeyemi Bamidele, a senator.

    Also, Tinubu has successfully raised a crop of disciples and result-driven successors, Babatunde Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode and Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who have built on the unprecedented, steady and consistent progress in the Centre of Excellence, the foundation of which he laid as the first Fourth Republic Governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007.

    In its tribute to Tinubu, Lagos State APC noted that as the arrowhead of the progressive forces, he successfully mobilised other credible leaders to break the jinx and spearheaded the historic struggle that heralded the enthronement of a progressive government at the centre.

    It is an understatement. The defining moment was 2015 presidential election.  It is to the credit of Tinubu that the Southwest agreed to participate in mainstream politics, leading to a strategic partnership that produced Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as president.

    When the history of the merger or fusion of progressive parties are written, many chapters will be devoted to the contributions of the eminent politician fondly called the ‘Lion of Bourdilion.’ His courage, sagacity, foresight, tolerance,  forbearance and risk-taking are legendary, making the progressive bloc  to accept him as the master thinker and strategist, whose mobilisation prowess and organisational ability heralded the miracle of political change in 2015, continuity and consolidation in 2019.

    Without dispute, Tinubu is still critical to future political permutations. Between now and 2023,  he will be on the front burner. Politically, his hands are full as the silent reconciliator in the ruling party. He is not in government, but his intervention in national affairs will continue to clear the pathway to resolution of critical issues.

    In the post-Bola Ige era, Tinubu has remained the political colossus with a large following. It is because he has been building people to bid for power. Across the six regions, he is perceived as a bridge-builder, rallying point and national asset; always bubbling with innovation, energy, zeal, enthusiasm and optimism.

    He was not born with a silver spoon in his mouth. He only embraced hard work, converting the vicissitudes of life into a challenge. He also understands, not only the language of politics, which, is a great deal of struggle, competition and antagonism, but also the logic of power,  which in his consistent view, is not served a la carte.

    Tinubu’s incisive wit and strategic thinking have always paid off in moments of grave challenges. Although the Federal Government waged war against him as governor, he survived the hurdles. While the political earthquake swept across the Southwest in 2003, Tinubu became was the lone survivor.

    If Tinubu had slept on guard in 2003, Nigeria would have become a one-party state under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But, he resisted the intimidation by former President Olusegun Obasanjo and converted his weak position as an opposition figure to a position of strength. From Lagos, he launched the battle to reclaim the Southwest

    Tinubu can also be counted among the consistent democrats and progressive leaders who have never jumped ship. Having placed his hand on the plough, he has not looked back.

    In the Third Republic, he took the politics of Lagos West District by storm. He became a man to watch when he won the highest votes as a senator in 1991 on the platform of the c Social Democratic Party (SDP), defeating Mrs. Kemi Nelson of the banned National Republican Convention (NRC), who is now his close associate. The bulk of the votes came from the Alimoso sub-zone, which has since been referred to as the ‘Tinubu country.’

    Tinubu shone like a star in the Upper Chamber. He was not a bench warmer. In fact, he stepped down for Dr. Iyorcha Ayu to become Senate President.  But, his senatorial career was not insulated from vicissitudes. The all-civilian National Assembly had a military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, to contend it.

    The transition programme failed as designed by the Evil Genius. Tinubu’s career as a federal legislator was aborted by the Abacha regime, which sacked the elected leadership.

    He returned to the drawing board to strategise for the future. He joined the pro-democracy movement, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), to fight for democracy. By the time civil rule was restored, the symbol of the struggle, Chief Moshood Abiola, had died mysteriously in detention.

    Tinubu was elected governor on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD)in 1999. As governor, he presided over an administration that was a model between 1999 and 2007. The Tinubu years in the Centre of Excellence were remarkable for progress.

    To observers, Tinubu became a key player in national politics, following his success at state and regional levels. For him, charity should begin at home. He had a 24-year development plan for the transformation of Lagos State.

    As governor, he jerked up the internally generated revenue from the N600,000 monthly to billions of naira. Today, Lagos can boast of over N33 billion monthly IGR. The implication is that the state can survive without federal allocation.

    Also, Tinubu fought the infrastructural battle in the city-state. He constructed roads, built hospitals and schools, created opportunities for employment and re-energised the transport sector. He initiated the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) project. The judiciary reforms he introduced were legendary. Tinubu pioneered the payment of NECO and WAEC fees for students.

    The former governor also created additional 37 local councils, based on popular demand. When the allocations to the councils were seized by the Federal Government, his team of experts embarked  a creative financial engineering that made the councils survive the federal onslaught.

    As governor, Tinubu contributed to the debate on the national question as an apostle of true federalism and restructuring. He was also an electoral reforms curator. To him, the sanctity of the ballot box is critical to the survival of democracy.

    Tinubu handed over to Fashola (SAN) in 2007. After the expiration of his two terms of eight-year I 2015, the lawyer-turned politician handed over to Akinwunmi Ambode, an accountant. On May 29, Ambode passed the baton to Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    Tinubu and other compatriot floated the Action Congress (AC) in 2007. The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) reclaimed the Southwest, although the battle shifted from the ballot box to the court.

    However, 2015 was the turning point. Tinubu’s gospel of strength in unity was the magic. Reflecting on the 2015 calculations, one of his associates said he re-invented the theory of the slaughter’s slab to suit the collective aspiration of the opposition.

    In Tinubu’s view, there will be no going back for the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), led by Buhari, and Prince Tony Momoh,  the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), led by Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, the ACN, led by Chief Bisi Akande and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha, if they agreed to merge together into a single party.

    The merger, he explained, would lead to the permanent withdrawal of their certificates by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Tinubu, the acknowledged party financier, provided selfless leadership and the quantum of resources for the novel project.

    He urged his colleagues to take the risk and be optimistic about the future. The struggle heralded President Buhari’s success at the poll and the abortion of PDP’s dream of ruling for the next 60 years.

    In politics and private life, Tinubu is reputed for philanthropy. His abode is a Mecca of sorts. He is a cheerful giver, benefactor, godfather and defender of the oppressed.

    Tinubu holds honorary titles from many towns across the country. He is the Jagaban of Borgu Kingdom, Aare of Ile-Oluji and Aare Ago of Egbaland.

    But, there are many aspects of his life that may not be known, until he opens up in his autobiography. When the autobiography is written, it will inspire future generations.

    Many stakeholders believe that Tinubu still has a lot to contribute to national greatness. Eyes are on him as Nigerians gaze at 2023.

     

  • Worry over Warri

    Worry over Warri

    Hardball

    The Nation on Sunday report of March 28, headlined “Warri Kingdom crisis: The Nation reporter gets death threats,” should really worry The Nation family nationwide.

    Why would a reporter, doing legitimate reportage, and not accused of presenting fiction as fact, be in harm’s way?

    That’s understandable: for life is irreplaceable once lost; and anything concerning a threat to life must never be taken lightly.

    Yet, the real worry should be over Warri.  What faceless “youth”, of a forward-looking city or community would threaten the press, the way Shola O’Neill is reportedly being threatened, covering their numbers and swearing Armageddon, simply because these “youths” don’t like the content of the reporter’s story?

    Okay, when royal personages pass, there is always the conflict of modernity versus tradition.  Modernity wants to break news, in the best tradition of an open and democratic society.

    But tradition insists on own protocols: the king doesn’t die; he only transits to higher realms.  Covering his passage, as that of any of the hoi polloi, could be frowned upon as sacrilege.  That is understood — which is why reports must be filed with due sensitivity to the host people’s tradition and custom, especially here, as it concerns core culture and royal practices.

    But hey, that line is not always respected, by often overzealous reporters.  Why, when Oba Okunade Sijuwade, the late Ooni of Ife passed,  a senior journalist and columnist even went to town with an “Abobaku” (Yoruba for die-with-the-King) fib — a long abandoned custom — claiming such a rite of passage accompanied the late Ooni’s passage.  It did not.  So, these modernity-tradition tension and conflicts abound.

    Still, the reporter would file what (s)he thinks is newsworthy; and the reading publics wouldn’t like every bit of it.  Indeed, the immediate culture public could frown at it all.  But everyone would talk about it, and with adequate feedback and mutual respect, folks would get over it and life goes on.

    Kudos to the elders of the Itsekiri royal court that dutifully called Shola, in polite and civil protest, over segments of the story they didn’t like.  That’s the correct approach: with adequate feedback and mutual respect, everyone gets better informed; and crisis is averted the next time round.

    But the faceless youth threatening life?  Perish the thought!  That’s no way to go.  A society that threatens to take life, just because it can’t face conflicts, which are everyday affairs, is buried in the past.

    Warri, the famous oil-rich city, and the Iteskiri, with their pomp and ceremony, should be way past all that.  There should be no such barbaric worry over Warri.

     

  • The monster next time

    The monster next time

    By Sam Omatseye

    He could not wait. Ibrahim Shamaki’s heart failed him. The government failed him. Time had also failed him. He probably felt he had failed his daughter caught on video under the monstrous, gun-wielding goons who took away 38 other Kaduna students. So, he succumbed.

    The clock ticks like a heart but it has no heart. Shamaki imagined his daughter under the spell of bandits. He probably saw the video many times or only once. Was the girl, viral online and wrapped in silky blue hijab, her face in palpable fear, still alive? No voice contact on phone, no emails or text messages. Was her beauty defiled by the jungle men? Beaten? Raped? Tortured?

    He probably had the answers, or some of it, and he could not live on as witness to the despoliation of his flesh and blood, and offspring he brought in innocence to the world. He waited. Patience united him and his daughter. But, unlike the word of Jesus, patience did not possess his soul. Patience failed. Life is about waiting. We wait for what we give timelines. We wait to finish school, to eat, to heal, to get home, to become fathers and mothers. We never wait to die.

    Most of our goals we think we have control over because time and chance will answer it. “We never live,” crooned French philosopher Voltaire, “we are always in the anticipation of living.” Shamaki gave up hope of any anticipation. He gave up his own ghost. He clocked out.

    Shamaki’s story is Nigeria’s story in the past few years. It is Nigeria’s tragedy, but it is families who mourn. We may pity the families, but real persons like Shamaki shed tears, or die.

    The travail of the Shamakis gives us a peep into the bandit’s house of horrors. These men act in bushes, in cells, or groups. They are forest demons. Each group has its leader. The forests are many, especially in the north and middle belt. They have their own modes of operations. They have no other life. They band, they attack, they work their victims as task masters, they ask for ransom. They also kill, maim and rape. They have carved up their own paradise, their alternative society. They play by their own unwritten constitution. They have, as it were, signed an oath to die as bandits of fortune.

    It may have started as mere criminal forays, as red-blooded boys seeking a livelihood. But it is not like Boko Haram that morphed out of neglect into faith. Yusuf saw the abandoned boys and adopted them into a ragtag republic under heaven. Today, even with Yusuf gone, his flames and fury ravage the northeast and have given fodder to the routine corruption of a bedraggled army brass. A failed government gave birth to an army of pious renegades. But the nation’s organised army is helpless to fight it. Order at the mercy of chaos.

    We may have a bigger monster on our hands than Boko Haram. Sheikh Gumi had described the ongoing banditry as “ethnic.” That is perhaps the first articulation of some form of rhythm among the groups scattered about the country, from north to east, to south-south to southwest.

    We have also observed their obsession with schools and students. If it is not a meeting of minds with Boko Haram, it may be a coincidence of vision. But that is dangerous. In my recent TVC interview with Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal, he warned that we should not close down schools. It may fulfill Boko Haram’s tenet of forbidden education. He converted boarding students to day students, so as not to fall foul of the bush men.

    That is what we should watch out for. These men of the forests may be working as separate entities, as bandits of fortune. But with the state weak, they grow strong, and even more daring as savages. If the military brass cannot work together to stem them, the next step may be the rise of a uniting hero. We have to watch out for the rise of another Yusuf. His second coming may bring down the country. This may become the hero in the forests across the country. They could find such a man even fascinating, like a god. All he needs are two qualities. One, he has to exude the charisma of a brute who flatters their secret hopes of dominance. Two, he may synthesise their dreams into an “idea.” The idea might not be religious or ethnic per se. And it could be either. But the idea only needs to intoxicate. So under this charismatic villain, the leader in Niger State may join with the leader in Kaduna, and the ones lurking in Ekiti or the one in Benue, and we could have more than a rebellion in our hands. We shall have commotion. We may call it so, but they might see it as freedom. They could elevate barbarism into a cause. Racism, Nazism, colonialism or other forms of stylised butchery in human history began by sugarcoating prejudice.

    As Philosopher Isaiah Berlin has noted, one man’s scoundrel is another man’s freedom fighter. Such a charismatic leader may be in the offing. We may be lucky he is not. When the French Revolution was in its deep flames, Philosopher Edmund Burke warned that the rebels were still in tatters but they could be overtaken by one fiery villain. He was right. Napoleon erupted and changed the history of not only France or Europe, but the course of world events.

    This is the time for arms for the army. But, more appropriately, for intelligence. It did not help matters that the National Security Adviser accused the former army chief of missing funds and weapons. The federal government has not explained what happened to the missing funds and whether we have weapons anywhere. A mere presidential denial does not sate the quest for truth.

    In such uncertainty, we are witnessing a failure to tackle this febrile hour. If the man of intelligence is out of sync with the man of arms, how do we coordinate against a potent enemy at the door, in the bushes, in schools? When a defence minister says we should defend ourselves and a sitting governor runs for his dear life, we know that the monster is growing in the cellar. If the NSA was at odds with the army chief, is the breakdown of security a result of large egos? Are deaths and blood flowing from the clash of men in the comfort of their offices?

    In spite of the change of service chiefs, we have no sense, other than bluster, that the war is heading in the right direction. The rise of a charismatic bandit is the monster next time. If we don’t master the moment, the incredible might become inevitable.

    This is hoping that Nigeria does not become like Shamaki the father. May we not collapse when we see the contours of a bush fire.

     

    MERCENARIES, PLEASE

    We have had some call for the use of mercenaries to stop the riot of banditry and killings. The House of Representatives is the biggest voice to wade into the matter. The matador and Borno State Governor, Prof. Zulum has also advanced the idea.

    •Gbajabiamila

    But the House of Reps under Hon Femi Gbajabiamila has said we should consider it. Maybe the top brass of Nigeria’s military is not at home with the idea. We should think more about what will save us than what will pump our egos.

    At the tail end of the Jonathan administration, mercenaries were hired and they accounted for the rollback of the insurgency. In the first year of the Buhari government, Lai Mohammed boasted that they had licked the enemy. But it was not the fruit of our army but Jonathan’s mercenaries. Once the contracts did not continue, the mercenaries left and our army returned us to the cycle of defeats and scandals.

    The executive branch should stop this flirtation with ego. We want success, not pride. We want our territories back, not fat cat generals claiming their official territories in their offices.

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  • Dollar drought: Neither CBN nor Emefiele

    Dollar drought: Neither CBN nor Emefiele

    By Jackson Ugbechie

    There is dollar drought in Nigeria. It has become the biggest challenge for the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, in recent memory. To its credit, the CBN is fully aware of this and its grim implications on the economy and the apex bank has been tinkering with different strategies to shore up dollar reserves and ultimately save the naira.

    Godwin Emefiele, the governor of CBN, obviously has grown more grey hairs trying to contain the dollar scarcity. It’s important that he does so. Any time Nigeria’s forex liquidity is challenged, the economy takes a shellacking. Prices of goods jump; inflation noses up. The primary sector takes a bashing and with that comes operational losses, shuttered factories, downsizing and general economic debility.

    Yet, it could have been worse but for the foresight of Emefiele. In spite of the current forex dilemma, it bears restating that Emefiele had consistently warned the nation of the implication of some of our actions. He even removed over 40 items from the forex-funded list. The items include food stuff, many if not all, that could be produced locally. Food import costs Nigeria about $4.6 billion yearly despite her huge agricultural potential. This is aside other imported materials including textiles for a country that was once an exporter of textile materials and a good producer of cotton. By denying importers of those over 40 items forex, Emefiele made the naira to gain traction in the forex market. But for a moment, just imagine if the CBN governor did not take the proactive action of excluding those items from the forex-funded list.

    The implication is that with the fall in crude oil prices and rising cost of imported refined petroleum products plus the bogey of Covid-19 pandemic, the Nigerian economy would have experienced more recession than it did, and worst of it all, may never have recovered from the 2016 recession.

    Each time Nigeria imports a product, it takes toll on the nation’s external reserve which is chiefly funded by crude oil receipts. We need no soothsayer to tell the nation that Emefiele’s courage to classify about 41 items as ‘not-for-forex funding was the masterstroke that has kept the naira still gasping for breath and the economy still panting. But for his bravery, both the naira and the larger economy would have been buried in the graveyard of the cowries.

    That brave policy by CBN which by hindsight, has encouraged local manufacture and production of the banned items, has also helped to begin the process of addressing the imbalance in trade between Nigeria and the West. It means that Nigeria now imports less from Britain, Asia and the entire West. The result is that Nigerians now consume locally-produced rice, tomato puree, and relies on locally-made toothpicks among others. Little wonder The Economist and some international media spared no words to deprecate CBN and Emefiele. The Economist, for instance, was particularly disingenuous in its argument for the unbanning of the 41 items. But Emefiele stuck to his gun.

    The CBN ought to be lauded for its boldness to moot and implement the policy and for what Nigeria stands to gain from a policy that encourages patronage of home-made products. In the long run, the West and Asia (remember Nigeria imports much of the consumed rice from Thailand) would lose their biggest market in Africa. This explains the baleful treatise by The Economist magazine of UK to discredit the CBN policy, about two years ago.

    So, who really is to blame for Nigeria’s present forex dilemma? Neither the CBN, nor Emefiele. On the contrary, without the strident and consistent intervention of the CBN, it could have been worse.

    Truth be told, Nigerians have themselves to blame for the dollar crisis. Our lifestyles have fuelled a demand and supply disequilibrium. Nigeria’s major source of forex is crude oil. With the dip in price of crude has come a dip in supply of dollar. The Covid-19 pandemic added to the woes. The next major supply for forex comes from Diaspora remittances. Even this has been dealt a heavy blow by the pandemic. Some Nigerians overseas lost their jobs, some were furloughed while yet others suffered wage cuts and losses in their businesses. This aggregated to low remittances.

    Yet while forex supply shrank, there is yet no abatement in our appetite to consume foreign foods and drinks, undertake medical tourism abroad, send our wards and children to overseas schools, and in some cases, as is common among public office holders, stock up dollar in bales and stacks in our homes. This means that supply for forex is leaner than the demand for same. When this happens – due largely to our greed, penchant for exotic lifestyle – we put enormous pressure on the dollar and by extension, weaken the naira.

    Our lifestyle forbids us to build factories, invest in manufacturing or even enhance the quality of our education. Over the years, we have subsidised a lifestyle that is at best wasteful. Only in Nigeria do we buy up full pages in newspapers to felicitate with persons marking their birthdays; to announce death and burial; to congratulate political appointees on their ‘well deserved appointments’. Every occasion is a feast. We are the ones to spray money at parties. These days, we even spray dollar, a showy culture which we have exported offshore. Nigerians in the UK spray Pound Sterling at usually riotous parties; those in Europe the Euro, and those in America stamp on dollar bills in vulgar abuse of the greenback.

    It’s in moments of necessity that innovation finds its true essence. Emefiele has in recent years dug deep to ease the pressure on the naira by making sure that forex supply throughput is increased. The goal is to stabilize the forex market. The recent ‘naira-4-dollar’ policy would help improve currency inflows and external reserve, stabilize the economy and stimulate production.

    The thinking of CBN is that this will reduce the cost in sending remittances and ultimately boost remittance inflows into the country. Already, the policy is paying off. It has led to improved remittances from a weekly average of about $5 million to over $30 million per week. This is smart economics, and it’s all thanks to Emefiele and his team.

    In 2019, the World Bank ranked Nigeria as the 7th largest recipient of remittances in the world which stood at $21 billion at that time behind India, China, Egypt, et al.  PricewaterhouseCoopers, PwC, also projects that Nigeria’s remittance flows could hit $34 billion in 2023. Such optimism is further bolstered by the new naira–4–dollar’ policy. It would mean a further addition to forex supply outside crude oil.

    Emefiele had tinkered with other smart ideas to defend the naira. Recall the currency swap deal introduced in 2018 to mitigate the liquidity challenges faced by Nigerian business people and Chinese manufacturers seeking to buy raw materials from Nigeria. Then, there was the establishment of Investors’ and Exporters’ (I&E) Window which boosted aggregate forex inflow by 45 per cent to $91 billion in 2017 compared to $62.75 billion in 2016.

    Yes, Nigeria is facing a forex crisis, but blame not Emefiele or CBN. Nigerians must moderate their lifestyles to save the naira.

    • Ugbechie writes from Lagos.
  • Obsolete Supreme Court judgments

    Obsolete Supreme Court judgments

    By Emeka Omeihe

    Something of interest to the nation’s jurisprudence emerged from the valedictory speech of retired Supreme Court Justice, Olabode Rhodes-Vivour. Justice Rhodes-Vivour who just retired after the mandatory 70 years of age, had drawn attention to the existence of several outdated Supreme Court judgments he said should no longer be followed.

    He cited the doctrine of ‘precedence or stare decisis’ meaning “stand by your decisions and the decisions of your predecessors, however wrong they are and whatever injustices they inflict”. The retired Justice said “precedents that no longer make sense anymore or are outdated should be laid to rest and never followed”.

    Implicit in this, is the reality that many of the decisions of the nation’s apex court are encumbered by precedents of questionable value. That is really something to worry given the primacy of the judiciary in protecting and safeguarding the rights of citizens from executive and legislative meddlesomeness.

    As fundamental to the overall dispensation of justice the issue is, it remains curious why justices still rely on stale precedents that are no longer of value in the dispensation of justice? Why are they seemingly slaves to moribund rules that end up inflicting injustice on litigants? Is man made for rules or rules made for man?

    It is good a thing the retired justice alerted the public on the incalculable harm undiluted reliance on questionable precedence has wrought on our justice system. Even as his overall aim is to expand the frontiers of jurisprudence, it is somewhat sad Justice Rhodes-Vivour chose his valedictory session to draw attention to this mortal danger. The timing of his advice conveys the impression that either he raised the issue for his successors to handle or just wanted to be heard.

    It appears now a fad for retiring justices to raise weighty and fundamental issues impeding quick and efficient dispensation of justice on the eve of their exit. But the question that crops up each time we are treated to such scenes is why wait till retirement before raising debilitating hiccups in the temple of justice?

    It would have served greater public good for justices to raise such issues and find solutions to them while on the bench. What manner of justice is served when justices stand on wrong decisions and moribund precedents that manifestly inflict injustice on one of the parties? Or, are we contending with the concept of justice espoused in Plato’s Republic by Thrasymachus as the ‘interest of the stronger party’. Maybe also the Marxian perspective that views the judiciary as part of the superstructure that exist to serve the interests of the ruling class can fill in the gap created by this philosophical inquisition.

    The impression one gets is that justices are helpless and slaves to rules. That should not be the situation. They are neither helpless nor slaves to rules unless they chose to be so. There is a whole lot they can do to remedy blind adherence to outdated precedents in cases brought before them. Law and justice are dynamic processes that must constantly adjust to the dictates of the ever-changing environment.

    The danger in outdated precedents is brought closer home by events of the last governorship election petition in Imo State between Hope Uzodinma of the All Progressives’ Congress APC and Emeka Ihedioha of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP. The case had run successfully in favor of Ihedioha at both the tribunal and Court of Appeal. But the Supreme Court upturned all that and declared Uzodinma winner based on its admission of results from the contentious 388 polling units which he claimed were excluded by INEC from the total votes credited to him.

    The court noted that results from the cancelled polling units amounted to 213,295 votes and admitted them as lawful votes. It further directed the addition of the unlawfully cancelled votes it said were due to Uzodinma and declared him winner of the Imo governorship election.

    By the figures INEC released after the election, the total number of accredited voters stood at 823,743 while total valid votes amounted to 714,355. But with the new addition, the total number of valid votes increased to 950, 925.  This amounted to 127,209 votes in excess of accredited voters of 832, 743 indicating a serious arithmetical error.

    That would denote a clear case of over voting which cannot confer electoral advantage on any of the candidates. But the apex court awarded victory to the APC candidate irrespective of the questionable manner the figures were generated, without indicating the scores of other parties to the election. The Supreme Court ruling elevated a candidate who came fourth in that election to the first position. It was one ruling many could not come to terms with till now.

    Based on this error, Ihedioha filed for a review of the apex court’s ruling. He asked the court to reverse its earlier decision based on factual error and to better serve the course of justice.

    The Supreme Court led by the Chief Justice of Nigeria CJN, Tanko Mohammed held that it lacked the powers to sit on appeal on its own judgment. That is the anachronism embedded in the principle of stare decisis which Rhodes-Vivour canvassed as he took a bow from the bench. But the issue is not as difficult as has been presented by the CJN. The apex court is not entirely helpless as it would goad us to believe. It can really reverse itself to mitigate the injustices of its wrong decisions or blind adherence to precedents.

    This fact was eminently canvassed in a minority judgment by Justice Centus Nweze who held the “apex court has the power to overrule itself and has done so in the past. The court has powers to overrule itself and revisit any decision not in accordance with justice”. The jurist said Uzodinma mischievously misled the court into unjust conclusion with the unverified votes credited to him in the disputed 388 polling units without indicating the votes polled by other political parties.

    The decision of the Supreme Court in the Imo governorship election is wrong and “will continue to haunt our (Nigeria’s) electoral jurisprudence for a long time to come” he declared. This is a landmark ruling that rubbished the vexatious notion that the Supreme Court cannot reverse itself. So, there must be other reasons for the controversial judgment than the touted encumbrances of judicial precedence.

    The apex court was on sound ground to reverse itself but it chose the other way for inexplicable reasons. And that judgment has continued to haunt not just jurisprudence but the sanctity of the electoral process as the lynchpin of the democratic option.

    True to prediction, the ruling has continued to reverberate. There is a petition before the Supreme Court arising from its reaffirmation of Uzodinma as the duly elected governor of Imo State. In its ruling in December, 2019 on the APC governorship primary in Imo State, the apex court held that Uche Nwosu was the authentic candidate of the party. But Nwosu eventually ran the election under the platform of Action Alliance, AA. Based on double nomination, the apex court in a post-election petition judgment, nullified Nwosu’s nomination as both the candidate of the APC and AA. That left the APC with no candidate in that election.

    But here we are with Uzodinma holding sway as the governor of Imo State when there is nowhere in the electoral law provision was made for independent candidacy. The suit now before the apex court is to interpret and enforce its ruling on the authentic candidate of the APC in that election. Again, for reasons that remain suspicious, more than six months after the suit was instituted, it is yet to be slated for hearing.

    These are the monsters we create. The problem has little to do with outdated precedents. It revolves around the disposition of our judicial officers to ensure the course of justice is served. They are largely to blame. But this case has shown that justice is yet to be served. The sooner all issues revolving around it are resolved, the better for the integrity of the judicial process.

  • Enugu road to Golgotha

    Enugu road to Golgotha

    By Kayode Robert Idowu

    First, a statement of intent: It is consoling that the Enugu State House of Assembly has shelved parliamentary processing of a highly controversial law, the Gubernatorial Pension Bill, 2021 that scaled first reading by its members recently. Leading members of the state legislature seem to suggest, however, that further groundwork was needed before the proposed law is brought back for re-processing, whereas the bill is thoroughly odious and ought to be discarded outright. Returning that piece of legislation in whatever form is unacceptable and we must insist on it being dumped altogether.

    The Enugu lawmakers had on 12th March ticked off on first reading the bill prescribing life pension for former governors and deputy governors in the state, with bonus provisions for their close dependents. This was despite that the demands the controversial legislation made on the common treasury were so outrageous you would wonder what public interest considerations informed the articulation ab initio. Extravagant pension for ex-office holders is a route to economic Golgotha from which many states of this federation had pulled back, and it is curious what freshly attracted Enugu leaders to seek to tread that path.

    Sponsored by House Majority Leader Ikechukwu Ezeugwu, the proposed law sought to appropriate 300 per cent of a governor’s annual basic salary from the state treasury for sundry benefits he should enjoy after leaving office. Added to a yearly basic pay, a former governor would get free medical services for life, house maintenance allowance, three vehicles to be replaced every four years, and funds for salary plus allowances for a personal assistant on Grade Level 14 as well as five domestic staff. The bill further prescribed “such other gratuity or allowances as may be provided by any other law” other than what was therein stated.

    In the draft law, provisions were also made for a former deputy governor to get 200 percent of his annual basic pay as house allowance, vehicle allowance and yearly salary for three domestic staff. He was also entitled to two vehicles to be replaced every four years and free medical services for life.

    But you haven’t seen the outlandish allowances yet. Besides the ex-governor in person, his wife was entitled to N12million annually for medicals provided she was married to the governor while in office. An ex-deputy governor’s wife was entitled to N6million yearly for same expenditure head. The bill also guaranteed post-humous expenses of an ex-governor and deputy governor, including financial responsibility for their burial. Section Six of the draft law provided inter alia: “Where a former governor or former deputy dies, the state government shall make adequate arrangement and bear the financial responsibility for his burial. It shall also pay a condolence allowance of a sum equivalent to the annual basic salary of the incumbent to the next of kin.”

    That was the general frame of the bill Enugu lawmakers processed through first reading on 12th March and had slated for second reading on 16th March but for public uproar that compelled the draft law being stepped down. Among vocal objectors was the socio-political Save Enugu Group (SEG), which noted that for a country where people work in civil services for over 30 years and struggle to get post-retirement doles, it was repugnant that a governor / deputy governor who served eight years or less would be so copiously provisioned in life and death to the point of being buried at state expense and the next of kin being paid vicarious emoluments thereafter. Others like civil society Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) accused Enugu political leaders of abuse of office, saying rather than sponsor bills that would enhance the access of children in the state to quality education, they were busy taking advantage of their entrusted positions to push laws that would secure them large severance benefits.

    When another group, Concerned Youths in Enugu State, took their protest to the state assembly, House Speaker Edward Ubosi pledged lawmakers’ commitment to work in the interest of the people of the state and not enact laws that would impede collective development. “We are aware of the controversy and mixed reactions being generated by the  pension bill. We shall look critically at the issues raised by members of the public,” he said, adding that stepping down the draft would enable the assembly to scrutinise it and delete unwanted provisions while adding necessary ones. He specified that former governors serving as senators would not benefit from the pension scheme, while spouses of ex-executives would as well not benefit because the Constitution did not recognise them. Earlier, Majority Leader Ezeugwu who sponsored the legislation said assembly members would be guided by views of their constituents in consideration of the bill, adding that a public hearing would be held to allow for citizens’ inputs.

    The whole point to be made, however, is that this proposed legislation isn’t worth all that effort and should just be incinerated. Apologists of the draft law argued that it was a species of the Enugu State Gubernatorial Pension Law, 2007, which it was aimed at repealing and substitute with ‘cost-saving’ amended provisions. But if the provisions in this new draft are remedial, then the old law is overly grotesque and it is high time it was scrapped from the statute books and efforts at tweaking it discarded.

    Actually, scrapping the entire genre of gubernatorial pension law in Enugu is overdue because incumbent State Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi once decried huge pension and gratuity burden that successive administrations had been battling with since the state’s creation, noting that Enugu had the highest pension burden in the Southeast. Speaking at a Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) correspondents’ chapel forum at the state capital in December 2016, Ugwuanyi said: “The effect of pension and gratuities on us are so high and more than any other state in the region, and this arises from the status of the Coal City as the headquarters of the former eastern region. Today, there is no money to meet some of these obligations and many more, but the masses do not want to hear that.” The governor lamented infrastructure deficit in the state, which he acknowledged had some of the worst rural road networks with more than 47 communities largely inaccessible due to absence of link roads, culverts and bridges. He further said the landscape of  some rural communities was so bad that people in those areas do not bury their dead during rainy season.

    It is confounding that a state with such self-confessed challenges harboured a governorship pension deal so prodigal that purported efforts at saving costs by way of an amendment law seem like prodigality on steroids. And that is besides the fact that many states have dumped pensions for former governors – a cost line they considered to be an avoidable drainpipe on the common treasury. Among others, Zamfara used to have a law that provisioned N10million monthly upkeep allowance for an ex-governor, but incumbent Governor Bello Matawalle dumped that law saying no ex-governor was poor considering the perks of office that had been enjoyed, in most cases for eight years. Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu last November submitted a bill to the state House of Assembly for repeal of a 2007 law that prescribed pension for ex-governors and their deputies; he said it was an initiative to “keep the cost of governance low and to signal selflessness in public service.” His Imo counterpart, Governor Hope Uzodinma, abolished pension for former top political office holders because only a privileged few benefitted and some N1.2billion could be saved annually and re-channelled into people-oriented projects.

    Blunt truth is: Enugu people cannot afford pension at any amount for former governors and deputy governors, and the state leadership should just scrap the deal altogether rather than rework legislation in purported cost-saving bid.

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.
  • Fafowora’s 80th milestone

    Fafowora’s 80th milestone

    By Femi Macaulay

    Having a good name means a lot to retired ambassador Dapo Fafowora who turns 80 today. Born in Ilesha, in present-day Osun State, on March 29, 1941, he can be described as a man of knowledge and integrity.

    “Early in life,” Fafowora says in his autobiography, Lest I Forget, published in 2013,  “ I set myself some objectives, of which the most important were my intellectual and moral development. I believe that I have achieved those two objectives. I have also achieved personal success in my public career with which I remain satisfied.”

    An old boy of CMS Grammar School, Lagos (1954 -58), he had joined the Nigerian Diplomatic Service in 1964 after graduating in History from the then University College, Ibadan.  He earned a master’s degree from University of London in 1966, and a doctorate from Trinity College, Oxford University, in 1972.

    He served as Second Secretary, Nigeria High Commission, London, from 1966 to 1968.  He was Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations from 1981 to 1984.

    “I was only 43 years old in March, 1984 when, without any justification whatsoever, I was suddenly and prematurely retired by the Buhari military regime from the Foreign Service, twenty years after I joined it, and some 17 years before I was due to retire statutorily,” Fafowora says in his memoirs.

    Understandably, this unexpected development hurt his sense of personal and professional integrity. Apart from writing about the matter in his memoirs, he further publicised it when he boldly criticised the appointment of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari as Chief of Staff to President Muhammadu Buhari in May 2020.

    In a widely published article, Fafowora had again accused Gambari of treacherously working with others to end his diplomatic career unjustly and prematurely. Gambari was foreign minister at the time.  According to him, “I had done absolutely nothing wrong in my entire career in the diplomatic service… There were many other Yoruba and Southern officers retired who like me had done nothing wrong.

    “Now, the result of these capricious and vengeful retirements that took place under the watch of Gambari is that the fine Foreign Service we had, of which we were all proud, was wantonly destroyed.”

    Fafowora’s insistence on his innocence, and his repeated accusations against Gambari, reflect his sense of personal and professional integrity. It is noteworthy that Gambari has not responded to the damaging allegations.

    With his diplomatic career cut short in unclear circumstances, the career diplomat was left wondering about ruined possibilities. He had a stint in the private sector as Director General of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), which showed his versatility.

    His investiture as a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL) in August 2014 highlighted yet another dimension of his multidimensionality. “Nothing gives me greater pleasure than writing,” he says in his memoirs.

    For more than 25 years, starting from 1991, he was a respected newspaper columnist who focused on Nigerian Diplomacy, Politics and Economics. He retired from column writing when he left The Nation editorial board in January 2018, after 11 years of dedicated service.

    He is the author of  Lord Lugard’s Political Memoranda and the Development of Indirect Rule in Nigeria; A History of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos (1859 – 2009); A Venture of Faith (An Official History of the Cathedral Church of Christ, Lagos (1867 – 2007); and Lest I Forget: Memoirs of a Nigerian Career Diplomat (2013).

    As a public speaker, Fafowora has delivered lectures at University of Ibadan, the then University of Ife, University of Lagos, Lagos State University (convocation), University of Ilorin (convocation), University of Benin, Redeemer’s University, and the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies, at Kuru, in Jos, Plateau State. In 1989, he was invited by the Confederation of British Industries (CBI) in London to speak on the Nigerian industrial sector. Also, he has presented papers on Nigeria’s foreign policy prompted by invitations from the foreign ministry.

    Our paths had first crossed on the editorial board of The Nation.  I got to know Fafowora better when he agreed to deliver the inaugural Herbert Macaulay Gold Lecture in 2017. I coordinated the event. He helped to turn an idea into an event. He chose the topic: “Herbert Macaulay and his relevance to the excellence of Lagos.”  While we prepared for the event, which took place at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja, Lagos, on May 25, 2017, we shared life beyond the boardroom.  It was an unforgettable time. I benefitted immensely from his immense experience. He deepened my understanding of decency and integrity.

    He said in his lecture: “As a professional historian, one of my unfulfilled literary ambitions was to write a full-length biography of Herbert Macaulay. There is, regrettably, none at the moment. This is because I find his public life, career, and politics in Lagos very fascinating. Therefore, I welcome and relish this opportunity and privilege of delivering this inaugural lecture on the life and times of Herbert Macaulay, who is widely regarded and acknowledged as the ‘Father of Nigerian Nationalism.’”

    It is ironic that Fafowora headed a team that was set up to prepare a paper for President Buhari on foreign policy after he won the 2015 presidential election.  This was the same seasoned diplomat who had been prematurely retired under the Buhari military regime.

    Also ironic is the information that Alhaji Ahmed Joda, who headed Buhari’s presidential transition team at the time, involved Gambari in Fafowora’s foreign policy team.  This was the same character accused of playing a leading role in Fafowora’s retirement drama.

    It is a testimony to Fafowora’s diplomatic distinction that he was the first national president of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria (ARCAN) from 2017 to 2019. Under him, the association did a review of the country’s foreign policy to aid the federal government.  He led members of the group when they visited President Buhari in November 2018.

    Interestingly, he has stayed out of partisan politics, although he was Special Adviser on Economic and Industrial Affairs in the Osun State government under Chief Bisi Akande from 2000 to 2003. He was Commissioner for Trade in the government for two years, and acting Commissioner for Finance and Secretary to the State Government at various times within the period. He describes his role as “going there to assist the government as a technocrat.”

    Fafowora’s story shows that there is a need for men of knowledge and integrity in the country’s corridors of power. He may well represent what is missing, at the leadership level, in the country’s pursuit of development.

  • Still on growing separatist agitations

    Still on growing separatist agitations

    By Binzak Azeez

    SIR: The first notable agitation for balkanization of Nigeria began in 1953 during the pre – independence debate between the northern and southern political leaders. The northern elite had sought for secession in an “Eight Point Programme” adopted in Lugard Hall, Kaduna, in response to the aftermath of the southern leaders proposed motion for self-government in 1956. The rejection of this motion was borne out of the northerners’ fear of dominance by their southern counterparts. At that period, it was reported that the former had limited human resources to fill up public offices.

    The secessional controversy was managed till Nigeria attained political independence in 1960. A new outlook beyond mere words was given to secession agenda by Isaac Adaka Boro with his declaration of “Niger Delta Republic” on February 23, 1966. This declaration was enforced with a militia group named “Niger Delta Volunteer Force”. Prior to the declaration, Boro had initially decried the level of underdevelopment and total neglect of the Niger Delta communities and its people respectively despite the oil proceeds’ derivation from the region. It took the Nigerian government almost 12 days before Niger Delta Republic was reannexed into Nigeria through coercion and bloody combat.

    Moreover, the aftermath of the assassination of some prominent northern political leaders in 1966 military coup reignited the demand for secession by Northern Region through “Operation Araba”. The call was subsequently renounced until the mother of all secessions surfaced. All the previous calls for secession were child’s play in comparison with the 1967 sessional demand that eventually led to Nigeria’s civil war which claimed millions of lives and inestimable property. Despite of this failed mission, and the scar the 1967 – 1970 civil war left behind, the clamour for secession have gone unabated.

    The post-civil war clamour began in 1999 with the formation of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB, by Chief Ralph Uwazurike, an Indian trained lawyer. Following the clampdown on MASSOB, the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) was launched in 2010 by a United Kingdom-based lawyer, Benjamin Onwuka. Subsequently, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) formed by Nnamdi Kanu emerged as the new face of secessionist movement. At the moment, the clarion call for “Oduduwa Republic” by some Yoruba elders and youths has entered the secessionist picture.

    If Nigeria’s sovereignty was questionable prior to independence and still remains the same 60 years after the attainment of political independence, the necessity for renegotiating Nigeria’s unity is unavoidable particularly with the rising tension on the perceived northern dominance on other ethnic groups. Any prolonged attempt to downplay the need for renegotiation at this critical period would eventually consume the nation. Gone are the days when the Nigerian government had the monopoly of coercion to silence secessionist movements.

    The chronological record of events that led to 1967 civil war is unfolding. If Nigeria embarks on another war, it will be a pyrrhic victory for all. Therefore, the current tension must be de-escalated. If the popular demand upholds national unity, secession clause should be enshrined in Nigerian constitution as reportedly proposed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Another civil war must be avoided at all cost for the present and future generations!

    • Binzak Azeez, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife.
  • SOS to the minister of works

    SOS to the minister of works

    By Peter Aigbodioh

    SIR: During the dualization of Benin-Okene road coupled with other constructions in the environs, almost all the flood water from Jattu, Afowa and Elele communities in Etsako-West LGA was channeled to Ayua community by the construction company handling the Auchi-Okene segment of the road. It is a known fact that the channeling has caused a lot of damage to the Ayua Community. Several houses have been swept away, the community Catholic Church cemetery eroded and almost exposing caskets. Many residential buildings are partially submerged whenever it pours heavily. The only access road is rendered impassable during and several hours after any rain within the communities mentioned above. Farmlands are destroyed to mention a few.

    Some well-meaning individuals including the Catholic Bishop of Auchi Diocese and the immediate past governor of Edo State, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole had intervened on behalf of the community. When the damage was becoming unbearable, the community cried out by way of protest on the Auchi-Okene highway some couple of years ago after subtle appeal were unattended to by the federal government. Honestly, the federal government responded positively by not only awarding a drainage contract to a reputable multinational construction firm to control the massive flood but also distributed relief materials to the affected members of the community through the relevant federal government agency. The community heaved a sigh of relief by these developments, but it was short-lived. Somehow this relief was cut short by the poor handling of the project of the construction firm.

    The feasibility study jointly carried out by the Federal Ministry of Works engineers and some members of these communities concluded that the enlargement of the canal would begin from Elele community where the water from the three communities meets and wash down to Ayua. Both the dept and the width of the original gutters on Ayua-Jattu road were designed to be increases from the point where the flood water hits the road perpendicularly so as to carry the large volume of water. Thus, all the structures on the right of way the flood were earmarked for destruction and paid for by the federal government beginning with the Catholic Church perimeter fence down to the stream (River Ukemhi) where the water is expected to be emptied.

    However, instead of continuing with these dimensions that cover approximately 800 metres on Ayua-Jattu road excluding Ayua-Elele portion that spans over forest, the contractor mischievously jumped over a good portion of about 400 meters and concluded the last 400 meters of the drainage system. The Catholic Church perimeter fence and some other residential quarters which were paid for by the federal government to pave way for the enlargement of the system are left standing till date. Thus, the water now spreads on the road and over-flowing to the residential quarters on its natural course like a sea because the narrow gutters earlier constructed were left untouched and cannot carry the flood. As a result of the shoddy job by the firm, the intended aims and objectives of awarding the contract are not only truncated but compounded yearly as the volume of water increases progressively.

    Now the water stops midway the distance and finds its way to residential quarters and then to the forest and farmlands. That is, the water does not flow to the steam as intended but continues to cause havoc to the community. In essence, we are back to the status quo ante.

    The community youths sensed the poor execution of the project by the construction firm and were poised to prevent the firm from evacuating their equipment. But the elders of the community prevailed on the youth believing the Federal Ministry of Works officials would not give the contractor a clean bill. Indeed, it is obvious the elders were wrong.

    We passionately appeal to the Minister Babatunde Fashola to kindly re-visit the terms and reference of the contract and ascertain what went wrong. The community is apprehensive because it is at the verge of being washed away by the great flood. We suggest on behalf of the community to either re-direct the flood away from Ayua or recall the contractor to site and complete the project properly. It will be sad to right the wrong after innocent souls would have been lost due to the negligence. A stitch in time saves nine.

    • Peter Aigbodioh, Ayua Community, Edo State.
  • Vision and legacy

    Vision and legacy

    Editorial

    Lagos State just rounded off the funeral rites of Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (LKJ), its first elected governor ( October  1, 1979 – December 31, 1983), with an eye on vision and legacy.

    For vision, Lagos would, in 2022, complete its two on-going mass transit rail projects: the Blue and Red lines.  That is to honour LKJ’s Lagos Metroline Project, a rail transit conceived by the LKJ Lagos government but aborted by the military, after the overthrow of the Second Republic in December 1983.

    For legacy, the state announced the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy, to be fully backed by legislation.  The academy would help germinate LKJ-like service ethos, in younger minds aiming at leadership.  Given the way LKJ hugely impacted his environment, this can only be a boon to the future generation.

    Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and his government must be congratulated for this thoughtful but thoroughly merited honour.  But aside from the excellent twin-policy announcement, the way Lagos went about it bears restating and commending.

    Governor Sanwo-Olu made the announcement at the start of a four-day log of ceremonies, marking 40 days after the late Jakande’s departure.  That is clearly an Islamic tradition.  Yet, wrought into it was a church farewell thanksgiving, to provide a Christian segment, in the LKJ celebration, which was just as well!

    The LKJ service ethos was blind to faith, blind to creed, blind to tribe.  It only saw the people in need of urgent service, which LKJ and co. craved to provide. True and faithful service to humanity is richly rewarding — and LKJ is latest proof.  That is an excellent lesson for the present crop of leaders.

    Besides, the Jakande obsequies are umpteenth pointers to the rest of Nigeria: tribe, faith or creed need not hamper commitment to the people’s welfare; or block the celebration of the truly deserving.  Again here, LKJ and appreciative Lagos show the way.

    That ties back neatly into the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy concept.  Beyond the initial announcement, the details of that wonderful initiative is unknown.

    But it would make eminent sense for the academy to be open to every interested Nigerian — and even international — scholar and young leader, interested in galvanising public resource for mass development, in challenging political environments, where the basics are seldom settled; and policy unanimity almost, always an exception to the rule.

    The Jakande persona and school of thought would have a lot to offer in these areas — how, within four years, it settled on and implemented sweeping people-driven policies, in education, housing, roads, rural development, agriculture and even new towns, high and low: the high brow Banana Island, now haven of the rich, being part of that ground-breaking mix.

    That era would also provide pointers to the gains and loss of consensus, on life-changing projects, in a divisive polity.  Here, the scrapped Lagos Metroline comes into view.

    As Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) governor, LKJ secured the buy-in of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) Federal Government, under President Shehu Shagari, for that rail transit project — a visionary initiative that could have saved Lagos much of its present mass transit hassles.

    Yet, an arrogant military government came, buoyed by its own centralist ethos and a double delusion of imposing unitary thinking over a federal set-up, just cancelled that project, without much ado.  That set back the beneficiary people, for generations to come.

    But, at last, the people’s genuine needs appear to be trumping the arrogance of dogma.  This is why Lagos could even think of completing its Blue and Red rail lines, conceived with much fear under Governor Bola Tinubu, over a possible dog-in-a-manger federal disapproval.

    Today, the imperative to safely move the explosive Lagos population, in their daily shuttles, seems to be crushing the sterile federal rail right-of-way argument, which partly killed the Lagos Metroline.  Now, confrontation is giving way to cooperation; and it’s a win-win situation.

    That not only makes national socio-economic sense, it also further boosts the Lagos culture of project continuity, briefly threatened during the Akinwunmi Ambode years, particularly on the Mile 2- Orile – CMS Blue Line rail corridor, where works came to a virtual halt; and the Lagos Homs housing project was practically abandoned.

    It is good Lagos is expecting to finish its Blue and Red rail lines, in honour of LKJ, for his Lagos Metroline vision.  It’s even better the newfound rail cooperation is coming under the watch of President Muhammadu Buhari, the same retired army general whose military government cancelled the Lagos Metroline.

    It’s a thing of cheer: the triumph of best practices, and the putative triumph of Nigerian federalism.