The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

Frank Macaulay’s UniLife series

Two weeks ago, the launch of UniLife, an innovative movie series set on a Nigerian campus, dramatically demonstrated Nollywood’s evolution. Produced by Frank Adekunle Macaulay’s 9jaStudio, a movie, TV and acting hub, the series, according to the producers, “follows a group of undergraduates as they navigate societal expectations, friendships, and personal growth. The drama intensifies when a student’s mysterious death triggers an investigation, unravelling hidden truths and testing relationships.” They add that UniLife “highlights the real-life struggles faced by Nigerian youth enrolled at university,” and presents “the highs and lows of Nigerian university life.”

Macaulay’s words: “UniLife dives deep into the real life wahala: peer pressure, cultism, religion, class struggles, the hustle for identity that take place on our campuses.”

On June 1, invited guests watched the first three episodes of the seven-part series on their mobile devices at the studio’s Magodo base in Lagos, in a setting enlivened with music, wining and dining. Mobile devices are central to the studio’s revolutionary approach, which is based on this logic: “For Gen Z, entertainment is on the go; so smart phones and tablets have become their best bet for consuming content, including drama series.”

Using its YouTube channel, the studio aims to “achieve one million views per episode within six months of launch, and build a loyal subscriber base on the 9jaStudio Entertainment YouTube channel.” The target audience comprises 18-25-year-olds as well as individuals interested in Nigerian culture, drama, and entertainment.

Read Also: 2027: Northeast APC declares support for Tinubu/Shettima ticket

In this first season, the studio streams an episode every Thursday. The last episode is scheduled for June 26. Episode Five of UniLife, on June 12, was dedicated to “the memory of the incredible Wale Macaulay (1959 – 2024), who played ‘The Dean’ with such brilliance and was our Acting Coach during Screen Acting Boot Camps,” the studio said. The episodes can still be seen after the first season has ended. Part of the beauty of social media is its archival capacity.

The studio’s Screen Acting Boot Camp (SABC) is another striking revolutionary aspect of the UniLife movie series. Most of the cast members are products of the unique residential training programme, demonstrating the studio’s motto: “Training the stars of tomorrow today.” This underlines its “commitment to providing opportunities for new and emerging talent.”

According to the director of the series, Afolabi Silver, “Working with young actors in UniLife, SABC made it easier for me and for everybody because we trained them, we understood them. It made casting even easier because I saw a little bit of everybody in the characters that they played.”

The actors include Wale Ojo, Lucille Love Oputa, Oladaye Folaranmi, Peculiar Adunni Anthony, Rubelle Diamond, Iyang Victor, Mercy Essien Emmanuela, Prince Ejiroghene Badare, Celia Okechukwu and Promise Agbor.

On the night, there were question-and-answer sessions involving cast members and crew members. These illuminated the making of the series. Cast members shared their experience playing the characters they represented, and crew members gave glimpses into activities behind the scenes.

Macaulay, founder of 9jaStudio and producer of UniLife, said the idea “started with wanting to build a studio, it started with wanting to work with young people because I had worked with young people in the UK and then it grew from there.” Predictably, especially in Nigeria, there were several obstacles on the journey to the launch of the series, he said, adding, “you manage somehow to make it work and that’s something that we are able to do.”

Executive Producer Olatunde ‘ED’ Ayoola, who spoke virtually at the event, told the story of his involvement in the project. He said: “A couple of years ago, Frank Macaulay, my childhood friend, messaged me and said, ‘hey, I’m going to be in Dubai, where I live, attending a film conference. Are you around to catch up?’ And we did. And it was a wonderful catch up with my dear old friend, Frank. And during the course of the conversation, he described to me why he was in Dubai for the conference, what he was trying to do, the idea and dream that he had about making a series called UniLife.

“I don’t know anything about the film industry. But as he described it more and more, it wasn’t only the idea of the UniLife series. He shared with me bits of the script and it looked fantastic and sounded fantastic. I was quite captivated by it. But it was more so what he represented. He described to me the 9jaStudio, all the boot camps, the workshops, and the training.

“It was all about helping people at the very beginning of their journey in their acting careers and supporting them as best as we can to help them achieve their dreams. That’s what got me about this, because I have been looking for avenues to support young Nigerians in their careers.” He decided to support Macaulay’s project.

The writer of the series, Adeniyi Adeniji, said he created the characters based on people he knew in real life. Macaulay said the episodes for the second and third seasons had been written already. This is a strong indication of promising continuity.

Interestingly, after the invitees had watched the first three episodes online, one of them, a lady, remarked that, given the quality of the production and its relatable focus, she expected the studio to achieve the targeted number of views and subscribers quicker than planned.

Macaulay’s linear approach to marketing the series reflects commendable self-belief. He aims to first establish the pull of the series as an irresistible selling point. Indeed, UniLife has the potential to serve as an effective vehicle for products and services targeted particularly at the 18-25-year-old educated demographic group.

The night ended on a bright note. This studio has a lot to contribute to the development of Nollywood. Its emphasis on professionalism and best practices cannot be underemphasised.

June 16, 2025
Corruption and failed refineries

News of the corruption-related investigation of three recently sacked managing directors of Nigeria’s government-owned oil refineries gave an insight into why the facilities remain problematic. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was reported to have arrested the former managing directors and some senior officials of the Port Harcourt Refining Company, Warri Refining and Petrochemical Company, and Kaduna Refining and Petrochemical Company. They allegedly mismanaged funds for the rehabilitation of the facilities, amounting to almost three billion US dollars.

The EFCC was reported to be probing the disbursement of $1,559,239,084.36 to the Port Harcourt refinery, $740,669,600 to the Kaduna refinery, and $656,963,938 to the Warri refinery. The commission said it was “a case of abuse of office and misappropriation of funds.”

Following the removal of fuel subsidy by President Bola Tinubu when he assumed office in May 2023, making the inoperative government-owned local refineries operational was expected to lower the cost of fuel. The high cost of fuel resulting from the removal of fuel subsidy is among the major factors responsible for the cost-of-living crisis in the country. Economic analysts blame the grim situation mainly on naira depreciation, higher food and energy prices and logistical costs, among others.

The alleged mismanagement of funds meant for the rehabilitation of the state-owned refineries has grave implications for the amelioration of the cost-of-living crisis. If the cost of fuel does not reduce significantly, there is unlikely to be a significant softening of the crisis.

There was understandable excitement, especially in Nigerian government circles, following the announced revival of the Port Harcourt and Warri oil refineries, which had been inoperative for years.

In November 2024, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) declared that it had revived the 60,000 barrel-per-day (bpd) Port Harcourt refinery in the Niger Delta. In December 2024, the company said it had resumed some operations at its 125,000 bpd Warri refinery, also located in the Niger Delta, which was shut down in 2015.

The country’s oil problems had been partly blamed on the four inactive state-owned refineries with a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd, including the 110,000 bpd Kaduna plant in the north and another one in Port Harcourt with a capacity of 150,000 bpd.

However, the revived refineries failed to deliver the expected result. The Port Harcourt refinery has been operating below 40 percent of its capacity since its applauded refurbishment while the Warri refinery was shut down less than a month after it resumed operations due to safety issues.

For instance, regarding the non-production of petrol at the Warri refinery, months after the announced completion of its repair, the Delta State Chairman of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), Harry Okenini, was reported saying, “Since the inauguration of the rehabilitated Warri refinery on January 5, 2025, there has been no green light for IPMAN to lift petroleum products from the facility.

“For the past months, there has been no product for marketers here, and we cannot just stay idle, so we decided to source products from the private depots.

“These private depot owners, today they will increase the price; tomorrow they will increase it again. So, the whole thing has caused problems for the business.”

Evidently, the failure of the revived refineries is counter-productive: The oil marketers are faced with high-cost issues as a result of being forced to patronise private depots; and the public bears the brunt of the situation.

Notably, in January, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) put a dampener on the euphoria over the revived refineries, demanding that the then Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of NNPCL, Mele Kyari, should “account for and explain the whereabouts of the alleged missing N825bn and $2.5bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation’ and other oil revenues, as documented in the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation.”

“The Auditor-General fears that the money may be missing,” the group stated. SERAP said the report was published on November 27, 2024. It is unclear why the 2021 annual report was published in 2024.

In a letter to Kyari, dated January 4, 2025, SERAP had raised these issues and urged him “to identify those suspected to be responsible for the disappeared oil money and hand them over to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).”

Read Also: CFUIS opens office in Nigeria, strengthens U.S. immigration support

According to the group, the NNPCL “reportedly failed to account for over N82bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation and repairs.’ The ‘money was deducted from the sale of Crude Oil and Gas between 2020 and 2021.’

Founded in Nigeria in 2004, SERAP is a non-governmental and non-profit organisation that “aims to use human rights law to encourage the government and others to address developmental and human rights challenges such as corruption, poverty, inequality and discrimination.” The group observed that mismanagement of public funds “has undermined Nigeria’s economic development, trapped the majority of Nigerians in poverty, and deprived them of opportunities.” So, it was not only a case of public funds allegedly mismanaged by the NNPCL’s management; it was also about the consequences.

Kyari was the company’s boss in the period covered by the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation. So, he was expected to provide answers to the questions raised. He was appointed Group Managing Director of the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in July 2019. Two years later, in 2021 the NNPC was restructured into a limited liability company. He was the first GCEO of NNPCL.

It remains to be seen if the ongoing probe of former top officials of the company will clarify the state of the government-owned refineries. The Federal Government has been accused of staging the revival of the refineries to deceive the public. Indeed, some observers argue that it was a waste of money trying to rehabilitate the refineries in the first place. The authorities need to address these negative views.

The ongoing corruption-related investigation should be comprehensive and thorough, leaving no room for untouchable suspects.

In April, President Tinubu reconstituted the NNPCL board and appointed Bashir Ojulari as its new GCEO. The reorganisation is expected to be the beginning of a new chapter at the company. The new leadership must ensure that the refineries work. This is critical to easing the country’s unrelenting cost-of-living crisis.

May 12, 2025
Bago’s security absurdities

This account attributed to Wisdom Jonathan, a photographer who had travelled to Niger State for business purposes, demonstrates the negative effect of the state government’s ill-considered security measures.

“When we were coming into Minna, we were stopped at the police checkpoint around Pogo and they told the other two men I was with to remove their caps; they did,” Jonathan narrated to journalists. “One had punk and the other one had dreadlocks. They said they will have to cut their hair as it is now the law. I went to them and told them that we were coming to work in Minna and not living in Minna.”

He said the policemen insisted that they must cut their hair “as they were under the order to cut dreadlocks or unruly hair.” At some point, he said, “they brought out a fan belt and started hitting me with it, saying I was trying to stop them from doing their job. I was trying to be careful to ensure that the men I brought with me for the work returned safely.”

He continued: “They took my colleagues to the bush and told them that they had to pay a fine of N2,000. They gave them their Opay account and one of the men transferred N2,000 to the officer and the other man gave N2,000 cash.”

This incident allegedly happened in the aftermath of security measures unveiled by Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago at a recent high-level security meeting with traditional rulers and security agencies at the Government House, Minna. The governor had said “Angwa Daji and Barki Sale areas should be placed on serious security watch.”

Reports said the governor had condemned the wearing of dreadlocks, saying, “We will have zero tolerance for rascality. Anybody that you find with dreadlocks, arrest, cut the hair, and fine him. Nobody should carry any kind of haircut inside Minna. I have given marching orders to security agencies.”

Predictably, Bago’s reported remarks had triggered public outrage, with critics attacking the apparent criminalisation of dreadlocks. For a governor to publicly condemn a hairstyle is an overreach of their authority and sends a negative message about tolerance, diversity, and individual rights within the state. How someone chooses to wear their hair is generally considered a matter of personal expression and identity.

Read Also: Shettima, Ganduje, APC govs storm Delta Monday to welcome Oborevwori, Okowa, others to APC

Such an official condemnation reinforces negative stereotypes and prejudices associated with dreadlocks, and can encourage discrimination against individuals who wear them. Individuals who wear dreadlocks are not necessarily a danger to society.

Following the negative public reaction, Bago claimed that “people misconstrued our words for people who have dreadlocks,” blaming it on “media propaganda.” He said the target of the policy was “that cult that is becoming a menace in Niger State.” He explained: We don’t have a problem with dreadlocks, but we have a problem with the cult here with dreadlocks. So, if you have dreadlocks and you have business, please come to Niger State.”

The governor missed the point. Targeting individuals with dreadlocks for forced haircuts and fines is unlawful. It does not matter if they are cultists. Jonathan and his partners, despite being in the state for business, were not exempt from this treatment, according to their reported experience.

The police spokesperson in the state was reported saying they “will verify, investigate and ascertain the personnel involved for further necessary action.”

Also, the Niger State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Binta Mamman, explained that the government’s policy “is not a blanket criminalisation of hairstyles, but a preventive measure informed by intelligence and ongoing trends. The aim is to dismantle the formation and spread of these emerging groups before they become deeply rooted in the state.”

According to her, “The government has observed a disturbing trend among some youth groups with a distinct hairstyle that appears to be evolving into a form of group identity or cultism. The defaulters that will be arrested are those who wear certain dreadlocks in front while the back of their heads is shaved. The security agencies know them because they walk in droves.”

It is disturbing that the clarifications by the governor and the commissioner indicate that the state government’s policy on dreadlocks is still in effect. It is puzzling that they don’t seem to realise that such a policy is unlawful.

It is commendable that Governor Bago wants to tackle insecurity in his state. However, some of his ideas, including the one on dreadlocks, are questionable. He also introduced other measures that failed the rationality test.

For instance, he said “Anyone found in possession of any weapon, including knives and sticks, should be treated as an armed robber and if killed, the parents must pay for the bullet before releasing the corpse.” Possession of knives and sticks should not make someone an armed robbery suspect. And killing them without arrest and trial should not be the response.

He also said “Anyone going to seek bail for thugs from a police station should also be arrested. Any Mai-Angwa, Hakimi or Village Heads harbouring thugs should be dethroned and arrested.” Why should anyone trying to bail a thug be arrested? Does this mean that thugs cannot be bailed? Is that lawful?

He declared that “Anyone’s house found within Minna selling any kind of illicit drugs should be demolished and occupants arrested.” What if the house owner is innocent? If the occupants of a house are suspected drug dealers, how does demolishing the house which does not belong to them amount to justice?

It is concerning that these measures are not clear on lawful processes. The governor failed to emphasise the role of law enforcement agents in punishing crime. He seemed to encourage non-state actors to punish crime. That is a dangerous approach to fighting crime.

The lessons include the need for thoughtful and lawful security measures. It is counter-productive to fight crime with unlawful policies. Bago should rethink his ideas on tackling insecurity in the state. He can do so without unproductive drama and sensational moves.

April 28, 2025
The general and shadowy kidnappers

Where are the kidnappers of retired Brig. Gen. Maharazu Tsiga, former Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), who was kidnapped from his Katsina State home on February 5? The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, said nothing about the kidnappers when he reunited Tsiga with his family at the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), Abuja, on April 3. He had spent more than 50 days in captivity before he regained his freedom. He narrated his hellish experience in captivity, saying he endured “beatings.”

Eighteen other kidnap victims were reunited with their families at the event. They included Amb. Gideon Yohanna, former Deputy Chief of Mission to Pretoria, South Africa, who was kidnapped in January, in Kaduna State.

Ribadu said: “We have done a couple of handovers in the past as a result of the work of our armed forces and other security services, we are able to rescue and bring back.

“Now we have done it again. This time, it involves very powerful and important personalities… We are grateful to those who made their rescue possible.”

He added: “These people have been rescued, but those perpetrators of this evil will pay for it, dearly. The work we are doing today is a work in progress. We are not there yet.”

Read Also: Umahi: Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway will withstand flood for 50 years

Was this a hint that the kidnappers had not been captured? If that is the case, why is it so? To say the victims were “rescued” suggests that they were taken from their abductors. If that was the case, what happened to the abductors? A rescue suggests physical action on the part of the rescuers. If the abductors released the captives, possibly after the payment of ransom, that can’t be strictly described as a rescue.

A “Note of Appreciation,” dated April 4, 2025, signed by Brig. Gen. Ismaila Abdullahi (retd), surfaced online. It gave an insight into how Tsiga regained his freedom. Abdullahi said after the abduction, Tsiga’s friends and associates had created “a WhatsApp platform that we named simply “TSIGA.” He stated that the kidnappers had demanded N400 million as ransom.

“We decided to solicit donations on our TSIGA PLATFORM. The response was overwhelming. On this platform, we had over 300 members,” he said, adding, “I feel fulfilled as our collective efforts have finally yielded a very positive outcome.”

Does this mean that Tsiga was released after his kidnappers had collected ransom? This contradicts the official narrative that he was rescued by security agents.

When the authorities are silent about kidnappers in kidnap cases in which kidnappees regain their freedom after the intervention of security agencies, it suggests that the kidnappers are free and may well strike again. That’s dangerous.

It is disturbing that kidnappings not only continue in the country but are also on the rise. More than 3, 600 people were kidnapped in Nigeria last year, according to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data figures; this was described as “the most ever” recorded.

More than 2,000 people were reported kidnapped across 24 states of the country between January and July 2024, according to SUNDAY PUNCH. The newspaper’s research focused on reports of kidnapping published in four Nigerian newspapers in the period, namely The PUNCH, The Guardian, The Nation, and Vanguard.

The research showed alarming figures of kidnap victims in the seven-month period: 193 people in January, 101 in February, 543 in March, 112 in April, 977 in May, 97 in June, and 117 in July, totalling 2,140. Among these were 280 pupils and teachers kidnapped by bandits from Government Secondary School and LEA Primary School, Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March; and about 500 people abducted by bandits from 50 villages in Zamfara State, in May.

Also, the research showed that the families of 62 kidnap victims paid N389 million as ransom to kidnappers for the release of their relatives in the period. The cases of ransom payment included N60 million paid to kidnappers for the release of five sisters abducted from their house in Abuja, in January; and N50 million paid to kidnappers in May before the Paramount Ruler of the Mbo Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State, Ogwong Okon Abang, regained his freedom.

Notably, in August 2024, the kidnap story of 20 medical students made the headlines. They were kidnapped by gunmen in Benue State, on their way to a conference, and freed after more than a week in captivity. The authorities said no ransom was paid for their release.

The range of kidnap victims indicates that those involved in kidnapping for ransom are no respecter of persons. The gravity of the problem prompted a law in 2021 that controversially prescribed at least a 15-year imprisonment for paying a ransom to free someone who has been kidnapped. The law also made the crime of abduction punishable by death in cases where victims die.

Last year, the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, inaugurated officers of the new Special Intervention Squad, saying it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes that have sown discord and fear across various regions.”

The creation of the 169-man squad to fight kidnapping and banditry further underscored the country’s security crisis, and also suggested that the authorities were taking the issue more seriously. However, it was unclear how the new security squad will operate, and whether its operations will make a difference.

Egbetokun said the officers had been trained for “advanced tactical operations, intelligence gathering, crisis negotiation, and community engagement,” among others, and described their work as a “critical national assignment.” They were trained for seven weeks in Lagos and the Police Mobile Force Training College, Ende Hills, Nasarawa State.

The scale of the country’s security crisis, which includes kidnapping and banditry, demands more than establishing a new ad hoc squad of less than 200 officers. In August 2023, Egbetokun was reported saying the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) “requires an additional 190,000 personnel to be at par with the United Nations (UN) recommendation,” adding that inadequate manpower had resulted in “low police presence.” The UN-recommended ratio is one police officer to about 450 citizens.

There is no doubt that the country needs to increase its police personnel, particularly in the context of a complicated security crisis. Nigeria is critically under-policed, which is bad for security as well as law and order.

Ultimately, there are more questions than answers on the Tsiga kidnapping incident and its resolution. Who will answer the questions?

April 7, 2025
Nwosu’s heroic status

In its wisdom, the Senate concluded that Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, the late former chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), did not deserve more than the observance of a minute of silence by members of the upper chamber of the National Assembly. He died in America on October 24, 2024, and was buried in his hometown, Ajalli, Anambra State, on March 28. He was 83.

On the eve of his burial, the Senate rejected, by an unclear voice vote, a motion to immortalise him by naming the headquarters of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Abuja, after him.

Senator Eyinnaya Abaribe (representing Abia South), who presented the motion, praised Nwosu’s “courageous defence of democratic electoral process during the 1993 presidential election,” and “his unwavering stand as an umpire.” He argued that Nwosu “laid a landmark foundation” for the present INEC. He also requested the Federal Government to give him a posthumous national honour.

Senators who opposed the motion, and apparently carried the day, argued that Nwosu could not be described as a hero because he failed to declare the full results of the 1993 presidential election. They claimed that he lacked courage when it mattered.

Interestingly, the House of Representatives is not on the same page with the Senate on the question of Nwosu’s heroism. In July 2024, about three months before his death, the House, recognising his contributions to the country’s political development, had urged the Federal Government to “immortalise” him “when he is still alive by conferring on him a national honour” and naming the headquarters of INEC after him. He was described as a “hero of our democracy.” The House had passed the resolution following the adoption of a motion jointly sponsored by Peter Ifeanyi Uzokwe and Nnabuife Chinwe Clara.

There is no denying the fact that as the then NEC chairman, he heroically conducted Nigeria’s historic June 12, 1993 presidential election, which is acclaimed as the “freest and fairest” in the country’s political history.

He was NEC boss from 1989 to 1993 and introduced ‘Option A4,’ an open ballot system of voting that required voters to openly queue in front of the picture of their candidate in an election. This innovation reflected his expertise as a former professor of Political Science at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

What might have happened if he had lacked the courage to disregard an anomalous court order against the holding of the poll remains a matter of speculation. President Bola Tinubu, in a posthumous tribute, notably described him as “a bold and courageous administrator as well as a patriot and national asset.” There is no doubt that he was a champion of democracy who played a significant role in momentous events which, in his words, “marked a turning point in Nigeria’s tortuous journey towards a democratic polity.” His death highlighted the twists and turns of the country’s democratic experience.

In his 2008 book, ‘Laying the Foundation for Nigeria’s Democracy: My Account of June 12, 1993, Presidential Election and its Annulment,’ Nwosu said the military authorities had wanted him to “postpone the election at least for one week.” He also said they accused him of conducting “a presidential election the court prohibited” and “helped to cause… confusion.”

A group ironically known as Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) had encouraged the continuity of military rule under Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, who had designed a convoluted and deceptive programme to restore democracy. As the country looked forward animatedly to democratic governance after eight years under Babangida, the ABN, alleging corruption, dramatically obtained a mysterious high court injunction stopping the election two days before the event. The court order was reported to have been issued at night.

However, Nwosu ensured that the election was held as scheduled, stating that the court lacked authority to stop it. The contest was between M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC).

Three days after the poll, in the middle of the collation of the votes, the ABN dramatically obtained another court injunction to halt the counting and verification. The electoral body, this time, bowed to the court order in the face of intimidation by the military authorities, and suspended the announcement of the election results the following day.

By this time, however, NEC had begun announcing the election results. Of the 6.6 million votes that had been announced, Abiola had received 4.3 million and Tofa 2.3 million. The final result was later leaked and revealed that Abiola had won by a 58 percent majority.

The Babangida regime subsequently annulled the election, triggering street protests, particularly in Abiola’s Southwest base, that led to the reported killing of more than 100 people by security forces. Nwosu went into exile. The annulment of the election led to the emergence of two other military regimes before democracy was restored in 1999 and the death of Abiola in military detention.

Nwosu was an unlikely hero, considering the circumstances that led to his appointment as NEC chairman. He had served in the government of a former military governor of old Anambra State. He was chosen to head the NEC following the resignation of his predecessor and former mentor, Prof. Eme Awa, after a disagreement with Babangida. Indeed, he disappointed those who had thought he would be a yes-man.

Read Read Also: ‘Nigerians, other Africans have a lotto learn from UAE real estate market’

He left a legacy of innovative thinking and heroism in the pursuit of democracy. In 2018, he was reported saying, “the democratic system of governance is the best, especially for a multi-ethnic nation like ours,” adding that “expanding the frontiers of democracy will provide economic, social and developmental benefits that will certainly make Nigeria a great nation not only in Africa but across the world.”

It is noteworthy that Babangida, during the launch of his autobiography, ‘A Journey in Service,’ in February, said “there was no doubt that MKO Abiola won the June 12 election,” claiming that military officers led by Sani Abacha, his chief of defence staff who later became military head of state, annulled the June 12 election “without his permission.” In the 420-page memoir, he acknowledged that the 1993 presidential election was “credible, free and fair.”

Those who deny Nwosu’s heroism because he was eventually overwhelmed by the military dictatorship are unrealistic. His place is undeniable in the hierarchy of heroism concerning the 1993 presidential election.

March 31, 2025
Ogoni cleanup close-up

It is said that it is easier to destroy than to build or rebuild. This context underscores the actions of the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) aimed at rebuilding Ogoni, Rivers State, an environment devastated by oil industry operations.

Oil was discovered in commercial quantity in Ogoniland in 1958. Today, it comprises four local government areas, Khana, Gokana, Tai and Eleme, and includes 261 communities. Ironically, the discovery of oil in the place, which made it a source of wealth for Nigeria, also brought tragic consequences. For instance, between 1976 and 1991, a period of 15 years, nearly 3,000 separate oil spills polluted Ogoniland, negatively impacting farming and fishing as well as the health of the locals.

Indeed, the issue of environmental degradation and its damaging effects inspired the formation of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), in 1990. The organisation, led by writer and environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, raised public awareness of the dark side of oil exploration and production in the country; and its potent campaign helped to force Shell to suspend production in Ogoniland in 1993.

Two years later, Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni human rights activists were executed under Nigeria’s military government, which accused them of the murder of four fellow Ogonis over differences regarding the appropriate approach to the fight against the destruction of their environment.

Notably, in 2008, two massive oil spills happened in the Bodo community, and Shell attributed them to defects in the Trans-Niger Pipeline. In the first case, the leak lasted about four weeks.

Read Also: Generalist-Professional controversy in the Civil Service: Reform options for Nigeria

In 2009, the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), prompted by the Nigerian government, launched a scientific investigation into the impact of contamination from oil across the Ogoni region. UNEP, in 2011, published a report showing that pollution from over 50 years of oil operations in the region had “penetrated further and deeper than many may have supposed.”

According to UNEP, its team, over a 14-month period, “examined more than 200 locations, surveyed 122 kilometres of pipeline rights of way, reviewed more than 5,000 medical records and engaged over 23,000 people at local community meetings.” Also, detailed soil and groundwater contamination investigations were conducted at 69 sites, and more than 4,000 samples were analysed, including water taken from 142 groundwater monitoring wells drilled specifically for the study and soil extracted from 780 boreholes.

It said the findings were “alarming both in terms of human health protection and environmental protection.” For instance, in one community, at Nisisioken Ogale, in western Ogoniland, the report said families were drinking water from wells contaminated with benzene – a known carcinogen – at levels over 900 times above World Health Organisation (WHO) guidelines.

UNEP concluded that “The environmental restoration of Ogoniland could prove to be the world’s most wide-ranging and long-term oil cleanup exercise ever undertaken if contaminated drinking water, land, creeks and important ecosystems such as mangroves are to be brought back to full, productive health.”

This gave birth to the Ogoni Cleanup, launched by the Nigerian government in 2016. HYPREP, which operates under the Federal Ministry of Environment, has the mandate to “remediate hydrocarbon impacted communities and restore livelihoods in Ogoniland,” based on the 2011 UNEP report on Ogoni Environmental Assessment. HYREP was established in 2012 and commenced operations in Ogoniland in 2016.

My participation in a tour of remediation projects addressing the negative impact of oil operations in Ogoniland was an eye-opening experience. The tour, organised by Media Voices for Accountability (MVA), involved seasoned journalists and supported a narrative change. Headed by Dr Dakuku Peterside, MVA works to “promote transparency, accountability and dialogue in public affairs.” There was strong evidence of HYPREP’s focused improvement of impacted communities as well as its commitment to sustainable development in the targeted areas.

The beauty of HYPREP is its value additions beyond UNEP’S recommendations. For instance, we visited the Kporghor/Gio and Barako water schemes, which boast modern water treatment facilities that provide potable water to communities. We also visited the 100-bed Ogoni specialist hospital and the 40-bed Buan cottage hospital, which are nearing completion.

The high point of the tour was the visit to the grand and ambitious Centre of Excellence for Environmental Restoration (CEER), which is in the last phase of completion. It stands on 28 hectares of land. Designed as an international research centre for environmental issues, it is a statement on continuity of environmental intervention. It is created “to promote learning and benefit other communities impacted by oil contamination in the Niger Delta and elsewhere in the world.”

These project sites, seen on the first day of the tour, on March 10, provided valuable insights into HYPREP’s impressive and commendable efforts.

On the second day of the tour, an adventure-filled boat ride to see the results of the mangrove restoration project earned HYPREP more praise. At the Bomu site, in Gokana Local Government Area, it was a delight to see “juvenile mangroves” growing in restored areas. This was an instance of success. The cleanup objective at this site, which is to allow the reintroduction of mangrove, had been achieved. In a symbolic demonstration of support for the cause, the group of visiting journalists participated in a mangrove planting session.

The stench of contamination was unmistakable at the Kpor site, one of the 34 shoreline remediation sites across five communities in Gokana.    Evidence of the devastating effect of oil spillage and leakage could be seen at the shoreline at Goi. The water was unrecognisable. Vegetation had disappeared. Biodiversity was destroyed. Remediation workers struggled to clean up impacted areas, working with machines, shovels and water hoses. It was a dark picture.

Soil and groundwater treatment schemes at Ajeokpori, Ogale, Eleme Local Government Area, told a similar story of contamination resulting from oil operations in Ogoniland. Mountains of excavated soil and vast pits punctuated the site. The removal of contaminants and restoration of the soil is to ensure revegetation. This had been achieved at the Obolo Ebubu site, among others. The visiting journalists saw evidence of soil remediation at this site.

The UNEP report recommended a $1billion Environmental Restoration Fund for Ogoniland or Ogoni Restoration Fund (ORF) to be co-funded by the Federal Government, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Ltd and the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) Ltd Joint Venture. The initial capital injection is to cover the first five years of the clean-up project. According to the report, contaminated land areas in Ogoniland can be cleaned up within five years, while the restoration of heavily-impacted mangrove stands and swamplands will take up to 30 years.

HYPREP should be backed to sustain the ongoing remediation efforts. The tour showed that the organisation is living up to its responsibility and is on course regarding its mission in Ogoniland: ‘Remediating the environment and restoring livelihood.’

HYPREP Project Coordinator Prof. Nenibarini Zabbey described the project as “the first of its kind in this part of the world,” adding that it is “work in progress.” During his interaction with the visitors at the organisation’s corporate office in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, he observed that “When the public is not properly informed, they will be misinformed and misled.” That was the essence of the tour.

March 24, 2025
Akpabio’s ‘harassment’ headache

It is striking that Senate President Godswill Akpabio, 62, a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), is at the centre of another case of alleged sexual harassment. In 2020, he had faced the same accusation. He was then Minister of Niger Delta Affairs. The accuser was a former acting managing director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Joy Nunieh.

Their fight happened in the public square. That was the boxing ring. The spectators were members of the attentive public. There was no referee to determine what was fair or foul. There was no predetermined number of rounds. So, the fight could go on for as long as the pugilists could keep going and keep the fight going.

Nunieh had been sacked in February 2020 for alleged insubordination. Their fight happened mid-year, in the middle of a corruption-related legislative investigation and forensic audit of the commission.

There was a dramatic exchange of punches. Akpabio threw the first punch. He said of Nunieh: “I wish she would go to a hospital, see a doctor and then get some injections and relax. I am not saying something is wrong with her, I am saying something is wrong with her temperament. You don’t need to ask me, you can ask about four other husbands she married.”

Nunieh hit back. After pointing out that Akpabio was wrong about her love life, she stung him, saying: “Why did he not tell Nigerians that I slapped him in his guest house at Apo? I am the only woman that slapped Akpabio. He thought he could come up on me. He tried to harass me sexually.

“I slapped him. He tried to come on me. I am an Ogoni woman and nobody jokes with us. I showed Akpabio that Rivers women do not tolerate nonsense.”

The slap claim became the talk of the town. Akpabio threatened to sue Nunieh for defamation, denying her allegation of sexual harassment, which he described as “false, malicious, and libelous.”

Then the fight fizzled out. It wasn’t clear why the pugilists stopped punching. While it lasted, it was an attention-grabbing, high-profile public fight in which they not only fought dirty but also displayed that raw killer instinct characteristic of pugilism.

Five years later, Akpabio found himself in the same situation. This time, the fight is likely to be messier and longer. Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, 45, a member of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) representing Kogi Central, accused him of sexual harassment in an interview with Arise Television on February 28, following a war of words between them regarding the sitting arrangement in the Senate chamber.

Read Also: Traditional institutions key to Nigeria’s health sector reforms – Minister

Akpoti-Uduaghan’s narrative: “It all started on the 8th of December, 2023, which was a day before his birthday and my birthday. We are birthday mates. We were all in Akwa Ibom, because he had a big fanfare in the stadium, myself, my husband, and a few of his close friends, we went to Akwa Ibom.

“At first, we were at Ikot Ekpene, his house in Ikot Ekpene, then we all moved to his house in Uyo, which was about 8 p.m., and he held my hand, and said he wanted to show me around his house. My husband was walking behind us, just three of us, walking around from room to room.

“He showed me the beautiful interior. This was done by this, by that… look how beautiful it is, and then I noticed that he hastened his pace while still holding my hand. My husband was behind, still on his phone, but he was catching up whenever he could. And then he got to this particular sitting room, and he said, ‘do you like my house?’ I said, of course, sir.

“Every room, beautiful, nice interior, quality taste. He said, ‘now that you’re a senator, I’m going to create time for us to come spend quality moments here. You will enjoy it.’ At that point, I just pulled away, and I was like, I don’t really understand what exactly that meant.”

She continued: “I thought that was going to be the end. But then in February, I wanted to move a motion for the investigation on the ills of a corrupt practice in Ajaokuta Steel Company. I listed that motion five times. It was the sixth time that it was listed on the order paper that it was approved.

“Many senators can testify to that. Each time the motion is listed, just before he takes it, he will say, oh, Senator Natasha, we can’t take this motion because the board of the Senate does not accommodate it. Or he will speak on others and then let it drag…

“So, he kept on doing that. I went to him in his office and I said, senate president, you know how important this Ajaokuta Steel Company is to me. You know how important it is to my people and to Nigerians. I’ve noticed that you have stepped down this motion. As a matter of fact, a number of senators told me, go and see him and plead with him so that he will take it. I was like, sir, please, why can’t you take this motion? It’s very important. It’s been listed. Then it was listed a third time and stepped down. He then said, Natasha, I’m the chief presiding officer of the Senate. You can enjoy a whole lot if you take care of me.

“At that point, I said, sir, I’ll pretend that I didn’t hear this. He said, well, the ball is in your court.”

In Akpabio’s corner is his wife, Ekaette, who has filed a fundamental rights suit at the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court, claiming that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s accusation had caused her husband and children “emotional and psychological abuse.” She wants the court to order her to tender a public apology, which will be published in two national newspapers. She also wants N350bn in exemplary, punitive, aggravated and general damages, as well as a perpetual injunction barring the senator from making any further defamatory remarks against her family’s reputation.

Chief Emmanuel Uduaghan, Natasha’s husband, said his wife “confided” in him “about her interactions with the senate president.” In a letter to Akpabio’s wife, the Kogi senator, through her lawyer, said: “We will suggest that you leave the defence of the allegations for the senate president to maintain your sanity and that of your family.” She claimed to have “concrete evidence” to substantiate her allegations.

The drama raises significant questions about possible abuse of power, possible undermining of women’s legislative representation, and possible manipulation of truth, among others. It remains to be seen if there will ultimately be clarity regarding what happened or did not happen between the accused and the accuser.

March 3, 2025
Kanu’s stop-start trial

A viral video captured the intensity of the conflict between Biafra separatist champion Nnamdi Kanu and Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court in Abuja. “I do not recognise this court’s authority over me,” Kanu declared forcefully in court, on February 10. “I only honoured the hearing notice out of respect for the rule of law. The Chief Judge’s decision to return my case to Justice Nyako is unacceptable.”

The conflict is sustained by both sides: the detained leader of the proscribed separatist group, Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), and the Nigerian judiciary. Kanu, in September 2024, had requested Justice Nyako to recuse herself from his trial, citing a lack of confidence in her handling of the case. Consequently, the judge had forwarded the case file to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice John Tsoho, for reassignment.

However, Justice Tsoho seemingly complicated the matter by returning the case to Justice Nyako, on the grounds that she was best suited to continue handling the trial. Notably, he observed that two other judges were previously recused from the case. He directed that if at the next hearing of the case, Kanu still insists on recusing Justice Nyako, he must file a written motion on Notice, with an affidavit, stating all the grounds for requesting the recusal, for her review and determination, then she can make her decision. Justice Nyako’s earlier recusal was based on an oral application by Kanu and his lawyer.

Why didn’t she ask for a written request before deciding to recuse herself from the trial in the first place? Does her withdrawal following an oral application make it any less binding? Interestingly, after explaining at the resumed hearing that the chief judge had rejected her recusal, she directed Kanu’s counsel to submit a formal written application if they wished to insist on her withdrawal. She adjourned the matter indefinitely.

There are unavoidable questions: Following a written request for her recusal, could she reverse the decision she made based on an oral request? Wouldn’t such a reversal be suspicious? Can the chief judge compel another judge to continue the trial?

While Justice Nyako’s familiarity with the case dates back to its beginning, this is not a compelling reason to keep her on the case in the face of Kanu’s objection. To stretch the argument, if Justice Nyako was unable to continue the case because of incapacitation, for instance, the chief judge would have had to choose another judge for the trial. Perhaps her conscious recusal should have been allowed to stand, particularly because it helped to project her detachment.

Kanu himself must be aware that there is a limit to demanding a judge’s recusal. How many judges could he reject, even if allowed, before being ridiculed? His conduct suggests that he believes he has the right to decide which judge should try him. Indeed, his letter to the authorities, dated January 30, 2025, seeking that his case be moved to the Southeast, ahead of the continuation of his trial in February, demonstrated his unrealistic sense of entitlement. He needs to be reminded that he is facing a trial, and he is not in charge.

He wrote: “Since Justice Nyako’s recusal is binding, she no longer has jurisdiction over my case. Given that no other judge in the Abuja division is willing to take it, the only viable option is to transfer the matter to any division of the Federal High Court in the South-East, particularly since the alleged offences have an impact in the South-East (not Abuja). This gives the South-East divisions superior jurisdiction compared to Abuja.” Is it possible that he believes he would receive a favourable judgment   in the Southeast?

Read Also: Kanu rejects judge again, court adjourns case indefinitely

He was first arrested in October 2015 and granted bail in April 2017 in the course of his trial for “alleged offences of conspiracy to commit acts of treasonable felony and other related offences.”

He fled the country in September 2017 following “Operation Python Dance,” a military exercise in the Southeast during which “rampaging soldiers” allegedly invaded his house in Afara-Ukwu Ibeku, Umuahia, Abia State.

He had reappeared in Israel a year later, in October 2018. He had grabbed the headlines yet again with a tweet in January 2019, saying, “I am back in the UK to continue our excellent work to liberate #Biafra from the pit of darkness, Nigeria.”

He was re-arrested in Kenya and brought back to Nigeria in June 2021, about four years after he mysteriously disappeared from the country.

His group is known for using terroristic methods in its fight for an independent “Biafra land” made up of Nigeria’s five Southeast states, and parts of the South-south geo-political zone. In 2020, IPOB illegally launched its Eastern Security Network (ESN), which it described as “a vigilance group.”

But there are signs that IPOB has become a Frankenstein monster beyond the control of those who created it. This makes the group more dangerous. For instance, at some point, when Finland-based Biafra campaigner Simon Ekpa entered the picture there was strong evidence of divisions within the group as zealous enforcers ignored Kanu’s disclaimer, and violently implemented Ekpa’s controversial order that Southeast residents should stay at home from December 9 to 14, 2022.

It is ironic that some campaigners for Kanu’s release see him as a solution to insecurity in the Southeast. On February 5, some days before the resumed court hearing, members of the House of Representatives Committee on South East Development Commission (SEDC) called for his release. The committee’s chairman, Chris Nkwonta, at its inaugural meeting was reported saying his release would be “a step towards lasting peace and development in the Southeast.” Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu, at the same event, also said his release “will ensure more security for our people and spring up development that this SEDC is going to bring.”

These campaigners and others want him to be released without concluding his trial. Some have called the approach “a political solution.” The solution must be justice-based.

From all indications, insecurity in the Southeast is mainly due to IPOB’s activities, and it would require a reformed Kanu to reform the group. The question of leadership and control of the group is critical. Ekpa’s activities showed that it should not be taken for granted that Kanu is in charge. So, it is uncertain that Kanu’s release will help to put an end to insecurity in the region. Ultimately, the authorities must demonstrate capacity to uphold law and order in the Southeast.

Kanu remains lawfully detained, contrary to his oft-repeated claim that his detention is unlawful. The Supreme Court had reversed his acquittal and the order for his release by the Court of Appeal. But his trial is taking too long.

February 17, 2025
Evans’ metamorphosis

Three years after big-time kidnapper Chukwudimeme Onwuamadike, alias Evans, was jailed for life, he claims to be reformed. His lawyer, Emefo Etudo, on January 30, told the Lagos State High Court in Ikeja, in the course of another case involving Evans: “My client is now a repentant person. He was a young man consumed by crime but he is now remorseful.”

He also said: “Presently, he is a 200-level student at the National Open University of Nigeria. In fact, he made A1 in all his papers in NECO while in prison. All this was made possible through a scholarship given to him by the Federal Government.”

It would be interesting to know what Evans is studying in university, and why. But his lawyer did not provide such information.

He told Justice Adenike Coker: “We have asked the Lagos State Government to give him the opportunity to go around schools in the state to talk to youths about the dangers of crime.”

This new picture of the convict conflicted with charges of murder, attempt to murder and conspiracy to commit kidnapping, which Evans and his co-defendant were facing. The prosecution alleged that on or about August 27, 2013, at about 10 pm, along 3rd Avenue, FESTAC Town, Lagos, Evans and Joseph Emeka killed one Peter Nweke. They were also accused of killing one Chijioke Ngozi, on the same day. They pleaded not guilty. Both men have applied to the Lagos State government for a plea bargain, their counsel told the court.

Read Also: Dar Es Salaam declaration and Tinubu’s quest to give Nigerian stable electricity

Outside the court, the lawyer had reinforced his argument regarding the reformation of Evans, telling journalists he “is now a changed man. He has been transformed.” He attributed the transformation to “the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) and the Federal Government which gave him a scholarship to study and become a better person.”

Evans is serving two jail terms. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in February 2022, for the kidnap of Donatus Dunu, CEO of Maydon Pharmaceuticals Ltd., Lagos. He was also sentenced to 21 years in prison, in September 2022, for kidnapping a businessman, Slyvanus Ahamonu, and collecting $420,000 as ransom from his family. In both cases, he was tried in Lagos. He was reported to be “standing trial in two other kidnapping cases.”

A native of Umudun, Nnewi, Anambra State, he was arrested in June 2017, in his classy home at Magodo, Lagos, about three weeks after the announcement of N30m bounty by the police, for information that could lead to his arrest. He had been on the wanted list of the police in three states, Edo, Anambra and Lagos, for over four years; and police interest in him was renewed by his alleged involvement in Dunu’s kidnap. The police described him as “the most brilliant, richest and craftiest kidnapper in the country’s history.”

At the time, the police said Evans had two mansions in upscale Magodo GRA Phase II, Lagos, worth about N300m. He was also said to have “two houses in the highbrow area of Accra, Ghana, among many other properties, such as exotic cars, expensive watches, jewellery he bought from ransom.” It was reported that the police recovered AK47 and AK49 rifles, double-barreled long guns, and magazines with ammunition from his gang. This showed the threat they posed to society.

After his arrest, he told the story of how he started kidnapping, which added flavour to the thriller: “I was into auto spare parts importation but lost all my money (over N25m) when Customs seized my goods. From there, I relocated to South Africa, where I started peddling drugs. But along the line, my business partner shot me and passed me off as dead. I recuperated, returned to Nigeria and decided to start kidnapping rich men for ransom.”

Within 10 years, he had acquired a reputation as a high-profile kidnapper. His victims included Chief Raymond Okoye, who was kidnapped in 2015 and detained for two months until his relatives raised $1m; a trader, Uche Okoroafor, who was kidnapped in 2015 and held captive for three months until his family paid $1m; another businessman, Elias Ukachukwu, who was kidnapped in November 2015, and paid $1m ransom. In Ukachukwu’s case, the kidnappers refused to release him after collecting the initial ransom. They demanded another $1m, alleging that the victim’s relatives were rude to them. He stayed in their den for several months and it was unclear how and when he regained freedom. Francis Umeh, an auto parts dealer, was kidnapped in July 2016 at Ago Palace Way, Okota, Lagos. He was caged for two months and paid an undisclosed sum in dollars.

Dunu’s kidnap led to the arrest of Evans. He was kidnapped in February 2017 in the Ilupeju area of Lagos. The victim was kept in a house at New Igando, Lagos, for 88 days. He eventually escaped and gave the police information which led to the arrest of Evans and others. In court, the prosecution said Evans and five others, armed with guns and other weapons, had captured Dunu, detained him and collected a ransom of 223,000 euros for his release.

Justice Hakeem Oshodi, who sentenced him to life imprisonment, observed that he was “seen laughing even when he was told that he must be a rich kidnapper,” adding, “He showed no remorse in the dock and tried to lie his way out of the crimes despite the video evidence.”

Three years later, Evans wants the public to believe that he is a different man. This is likely to be difficult, and will perhaps be seen as a contrivance, considering the scary scale of his involvement in kidnapping before his arrest, trial and conviction. Jailed for life, he has spent only three years in prison. Given the nature of his crime, is this period long enough as punishment, and does his alleged transformation justify a reconsideration of the sentence?

Kidnapping for ransom is a serious problem in the country, and the authorities must avoid sending an encouraging signal. For instance, more than 2,000 people were reported kidnapped across 24 states of the country between January and July 2024, according to SUNDAY PUNCH. The newspaper’s research focused on reports of kidnapping published in four Nigerian newspapers in the period, namely The PUNCH, The Guardian, The Nation, and Vanguard. Also, the research showed that the families of 62 kidnap victims paid N389m as ransom to kidnappers for the release of their relatives in the period.

In August 2024, the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, notably inaugurated a special intervention squad, saying it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes…”

The country is facing a kidnapping crisis. The authorities must take action to stop kidnapping.

February 10, 2025
Orisa in the spotlight

It must be noted that there was Orisa World Congress, organised by Orisaworld, which was founded in 1981 by Prof. Wande Abimbola, a retired academic and Yoruba culture exponent, before the annual World Orisa Congress planned by the National Institute for Cultural Orientation (NICO).

Orisaworld was described as “an organisation of practitioners and scholars of Orisa tradition, religion and culture.” The group was said to promote “culture, education and peace in a world where Orisa tradition and culture plays a central role in the day-to-day lives of over 100 million people,” and had “individual and institutional members from over 50 countries.” Its aim was “to revitalise and rejuvenate Orisa culture and all its traditions.”

Yoruba religion is also known as Orisa tradition or Orisa way of life. A multitude of gods or orisa makes up the Yoruba pantheon, with Ifa as the oracular mouthpiece of Olodumare, the Almighty in Yoruba religion. Abimbola described Ifa as “the heart and soul of the culture and philosophy of the Yoruba people.” In 2005, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) added the Ifa Divination system to its list of “Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity.”

When NICO’s CEO, Biodun Ajiboye, announced the agency’s plan to organise the World Orisa Congress in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Diaspora Commission at a press conference in Abuja, on January 23, it evoked memories of Orisa World Congress.

However, it can be said that the institute failed the creativity test. Its project could have been given a dissimilar name to make the brand distinctly different from Orisa World Congress.

Ajiboye said the agency, intended “to tap into the vast treasure of … 500 million people of Orisa descent from Cuba, Trinidad and Tobago, Brazil, and other Caribbean countries,” and “tap into the huge revenue stream of almost one million visitors annually on a sustainable basis,” which would translate into “increasing the GDP astronomically, and establish global creativity, innovation, and progress, create sustenance of traditional rituals, sacred practices, traditional craftsmanship, oral traditions, and festive events.”

Read Also: Five Nigerian artistes to watch out for in 2025

According to him, the project “is estimated to generate $5-6bn with Nigeria playing host to over one million visitors,” and “the Diaspora in the United States of America, Cuba, Trinidad and Tobago, Brazil, and other Caribbean countries are ready with materials and human resources for this project.”

I attended the five-day 10th Orisa World Congress held in July 2013 at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Osun State, which attracted devotees of Yoruba religion as well as scholars and researchers across the globe. It was a festival of culture and ideas that not only reflected a rich heritage but also explored the place of indigenous faith and its challenges in a world of diversity and multiplicity of religions.

The 10th edition of Orisa World Congress in Ile-Ife, with the theme “Culture and Global Peace,” was the fourth in the ancient town, starting from the first one in 1981. Six others had been held in Brazil, USA, Trinidad and Tobago, and Cuba. Abimbola had announced that future congresses would be held in Nigeria, and that the next one would take place in 2016 in Ile-Ife. More than a decade after the 2013 edition, it remains to be seen when the next one will actually take place.

Ile-Ife, which is regarded as “the source” and cultural capital of the Yoruba race, was an appropriate setting for a focus on the challenges facing the Orisa way of life. The World Ifa Temple is situated at Oketase, Ile-Ife. The variegated gathering, which included participants from USA, Brazil, Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico, demonstrated the appeal of the Yoruba religion beyond its local provenance, and brought instructive international perspectives. An all-male family of four from Cuba, a Chinese couple who lived in Venezuela and a densely bearded white American were among the alluring sights.

Who would have thought Orisa tradition could be relevant to the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, in which two pressure cooker bombs killed three and injured 264? A woman who lived in Boston, Clemencia Lee, an American of Columbian origin initiated into the religion 10 years earlier, said being a devotee of Yoruba gods saved her and members of her family. She told me in an interview: “It was definitely the Orisa that watched over us to not be there and right where the bomb was.” She had attended the congress with her husband, Tony Van Der Meer, an American academic of Suriname-Dutch origin and Orisa devotee, and her second daughter who was also an initiate with a Yoruba name, Adetutu.

Stimulating discussions on various issues of interest in the context of Yoruba religion and culture took place at Oduduwa Hall and Institute of Cultural Studies on the campus, with wide-ranging topics including Ifa, Education and Culture; Youth Rights, Elder Rights: Generational Integration; Poverty Eradication; Youth, Education and Spiritual Development; Globalisation and Cultural Identity; and Nollywood versus Hollywood: Images of Orisa in Movies. It was a reflection of the times that the subject of homosexuality came up, and many were curious about the position of the religion on this controversial question. After a lively debate, it was Abimbola who had the last word. He said: “We cannot say exactly how Ifa views this. There is no need for us to get involved in this controversy.”

In July 2023, a notable collision of faiths in Ilorin, Kwara State, yet again raised questions about the state of secularism in Nigeria. The Emir of Ilorin had banned a planned three-day Yoruba traditional festival by a Yoruba priestess, scheduled for July 22 to July 24, 2023 in Ilorin. The emir’s spokesperson had said: “Our culture is Islamic-based, so we don’t promote idolatry at all.” The development forced the priestess to cancel the festival.

Nobelist and famed defender of freedoms Wole Soyinka, in a response to the drama, issued a statement titled “Isese festival: An open letter to Sulu Gambari.’’ “It is conduct like this that has bred Boko Haram, ISIS, ISWAP and other religious malformations that currently plague this nation… with their virulent brand of Islam,” he said.

“The issue,” he stressed, “is peaceful cohabitation, respect for other worldviews, their celebrations, their values and humanity. The issue is the acceptance of the multiple facets of human enlightenment.’’

Apart from the cultural tourism and money-making objectives, NICO’s World Orisa Congress should be used to promote inter-faith harmony in the pursuit of peace for social progress.

February 3, 2025