The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Questions for Kyari

    Questions for Kyari

    There has been understandable excitement, especially in Nigerian government circles, about the reported revival of the state-owned Port Harcourt and Warri oil refineries, which had been inoperative for years.

     In November 2024, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) announced that it had revived the 60,000 barrel-per-day (bpd) Port Harcourt refinery in the Niger Delta. Last month, the company said it had resumed some operations at its 125,000 bpd Warri refinery, also located in the Niger Delta, which was shut down in 2015.  Its Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO), Mele Kyari, said: “This plant is running. We have not completed 100 percent.”

    The country’s oil problems had been partly blamed on the four inactive state-owned refineries with a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd, including the 110,000 bpd Kaduna plant in the north and another one in Port Harcourt with a capacity of 150,000 bpd.

    However, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) put a dampener on the euphoria over the revived refineries, demanding that Kyari should “account for and explain the whereabouts of the alleged missing N825bn and $2.5bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation’ and other oil revenues, as documented in the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation.”

    “The Auditor-General fears that the money may be missing,” the group stated. SERAP said the report was published on November 27, 2024. It is unclear why the 2021 annual report was published in 2024. 

    In a letter to Kyari, dated January 4, 2025, SERAP raised these issues and urged him “to identify those suspected to be responsible for the disappeared oil money and hand them over to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).”

    The list detailing the allegedly missing money is noteworthy. According to the group, the NNPCL “reportedly failed to account for over N82bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation and repairs.’ The ‘money was deducted from the sale of Crude Oil and Gas between 2020 and 2021.’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N343bn ‘being proceeds from domestic crude sales.’ The ‘money, meant for pipeline maintenance and management costs, was unilaterally deducted from the gross domestic crude sales.’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N83bn ‘being miscellaneous income from the NNPC joint venture operations from 2016 to 2020.’ The ‘money was withdrawn from the CBN/NNPC sinking fund account (a suspense account).’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N204bn ‘being unjustified deductions from the oil royalties for 2021.’ The ‘money was due to the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) now Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC).’

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    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N3.7bn ‘being money purportedly paid to a Company as a shortfall on sales of MT cargo of PMS.’”

    Other details: “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N28bn ‘being outstanding bridging allowance from NNPC retail for 2021.’

    “The NNPCL failed to account for over N13.5bn ‘being outstanding bridging allowance claims from three major oil marketers in 2021.’

     “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N15bn ‘being outstanding revenues from debts owed by twenty-six marketers for 2021.’

    “The NNPCL reportedly failed to account for over $29.6m ‘being outstanding royalties payable to the Department of Petroleum Resources CBN account.’

    “The NNPCL failed to collect over $2bn ‘being outstanding oil royalties from oil companies for 2021,’ and failed to collect over N48bn ‘also being outstanding oil royalties from oil companies.’”

    SERAP said: “The grim allegations by the Auditor-General suggest a grave violation of the public trust and the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, national anti-corruption laws, and the country’s international obligations.”

    The group was reported to have sent copies of the letter to President Bola Tinubu; Chief of Staff to the President Femi Gbajabiamila; Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi; Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) Chairman Musa Aliyu; Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman Olanipekun Olukoyede; and the Chairpersons of the Public Accounts Committees of both the Senate and the House of Representatives.

    SERAP noted that “Section 15(5) of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 (as amended) requires public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power.” It also observed that the Auditor-General “has for many years documented reports of disappearance of public funds from the NNPC. Nigerians continue to bear the brunt of these missing public funds meant for refinery rehabilitation.”

    Founded in Nigeria in 2004, the non-governmental and non-profit organisation “aims to use human rights law to encourage the government and others to address developmental and human rights challenges such as corruption, poverty, inequality and discrimination.”

    SERAP has drawn attention to weighty matters. This is not only a case of public funds allegedly mismanaged by the NNPCL’s management; it is also about the consequences. The group observed that mismanagement of public funds “has undermined Nigeria’s economic development, trapped the majority of Nigerians in poverty, and deprived them of opportunities.” The excitement about the revived refineries must not distract the anti-corruption agencies from investigating these allegations.

    Interestingly, Kyari boasted that NNPCL’s “transactional account is very transparent which is published on yearly basis,” making it “the only company in Nigeria noted for that and also the highest tax payer in the country as well as highest payer of royalty and dividends to shareholders as a commercial national oil company.”  He said the company remitted N10tn to the federation account as at September, 2024. He painted this impressive picture on January 15 during his presentation on revenue generation and performance by NNPCL in 2024 and projection for 2025 to the National Assembly Joint Committee on Finance, in Abuja. But the picture is out of sync with the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation.

    He was appointed Group Managing Director of the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in July 2019. Two years later, in 2021 the NNPC was restructured into a limited liability company. He is the first GCEO of NNPCL. He was the company’s boss in the period covered by the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation. So, he is expected to provide answers to the questions raised.

    A geologist, in October 2022 he received the Nigerian national honour, Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR), under former president Muhammadu Buhari. At the time, he said the award “brought fulfillment and elevates expectations from my country for more sacrifice.”

    In view of the damaging allegations of corruption against NNPCL, Kyari is expected to not only address the accusations but also clear his name.

  • EFCC’s house cleaning matters

    EFCC’s house cleaning matters

    It was an inevitable effort to carry out internal cleansing at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Despite some recent notable anti-corruption actions against external targets, the agency faced serious questions concerning its internal system. There was a need to provide answers to the questions.

    Dramatically, it started the year with an announcement of housecleaning. “In its quest to enforce integrity and rid its fold of fraudulent elements, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission dismissed 27 officers from its workforce in 2024,” its spokesperson said, adding, “Their dismissal, following the recommendation of the Staff Disciplinary Committee of the EFCC, was ratified by the Executive Chairman, Ola Olukoyede.” The agency also said it was investigating “a trending $400,000 claim of a yet-to-be-identified supposed staff of the EFCC against a Sectional Head.”

    A group, Journalists Against Corruption, noted that it was “the first time” the commission had sacked 27 members of staff “in one fell swoop for fraudulent activities and misconduct.” The agency was established in 2002.

    In a related development some days after the agency announced the multiple dismissals, its spokesperson said in a statement: “Ten officers of the Lagos Zonal Command of the EFCC are currently being detained in connection with the investigation of some missing operational items involving them.” He said these officers were arrested on the directive of Olukoyede and “are being questioned over the theft of items they could not account for.”  Their detention, he added, was “part of ongoing efforts” to rid the commission of corrupt practices.  According to the statement, “Investigators are making significant progress, and those found guilty will be subjected to internal disciplinary processes.”

     There is no question that the commission has an image problem. Indeed, in his 2024 New Year address to the agency’s personnel, Olukoyede had observed that “Public opinions about the conduct of some of our investigators are adverse. The craze and quest for gratification, bribes and other compromises by some of our investigators are becoming too embarrassing and this must not continue.” He added that the image of the commission was “too important” to be put on the line by any corrupt officer.

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    When President Bola Tinubu appointed Olukoyede as EFCC helmsman in October 2023, the administration described his role as an “important national assignment” towards “a newly invigorated war on corruption.” The administration said he “is a lawyer with over twenty-two (22) years of experience as a regulatory compliance consultant and specialist in fraud management and corporate intelligence. He has extensive experience in the operations of the EFCC, having previously served as Chief of Staff to the Executive Chairman (2016-2018) and Secretary to the Commission (2018-2023).”

    Olukoyede inherited “no fewer than 25 high-profile corruption cases involving former governors, ministers and senators,” according to an investigative report published in October 2023. The cases involve “not less than N772.2bn and another $2.2bn, alleged to have gone missing through money laundering, fund diversion and misappropriation,” the report said. Some of the cases seem interminable.

    The immediate past chairman of the agency, Abdulrasheed Bawa, had eventually resigned after the Tinubu administration suspended him “to allow for proper investigation into his conduct while in office.” The Federal Government said there were “weighty allegations of abuse of office levelled against him.”

    Notably, former governor of Zamfara State Bello Matawalle not only made damning allegations against Bawa but also claimed to have damaging evidence. “He requested a bribe of $2 million from me and I have evidence of this,” he said.

    Also, in 2023 anti-corruption crusaders in the country led by the chairman, Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership (CACOL), Debo Adeniran, had alleged that, under Bawa, some of the commission’s officials simply negotiated with suspects, and engaged in corrupt bargaining for self-enrichment. 

    The anti-corruption activists had criticised the EFCC under the previous chairman, saying most of the convictions claimed by the agency involved online fraudsters, and that high-profile political players were treated as sacred cows. They also alleged that “Some of the commission’s officials simply negotiate with suspects, get assets and cash retrieved and do plea bargains. This opens limitless opportunities for corrupt bargaining and self-enrichment by the operatives of EFCC.”

    They added: “We are also aware that in December 2022, the Bawa-led EFCC announced its plan to sell forfeited properties. It also announced later in January that about 12 bids were made for those properties and, later, that six of those bids were successful.

    “No details of this were made public, either to know successful bids or rejected ones. This was a ploy, in our opinion, to make the processes less transparent and, therefore, facilitate corrupt mismanagement of the proceeds or ensure that only their corrupt allies got the opportunity to purchase the assets at giveaway prices. The processes were rendered opaque and that’s very suspicious.”

    They called for a thorough investigation by “a technical Commission of Inquiry,” which would “dig into the modus operandi of EFCC investigations in the last three years by thoroughly analysing records of arrests, investigations, outcomes and final closure of each incident and individual suspects and how the matters were eventually dispensed with.”

    The anti-corruption crusaders also said “all seized assets need to be forensically audited with a view to recovering all assets re-looted or auctioned in suspicious circumstances.”

    The extent of Olukoyede’s housecleaning since he became EFCC boss is unknown. It is also unclear how much attention he paid to the allegations against the agency under his predecessor.

    Strikingly, the agency made the headlines in December 2024 when it announced the largest single-asset recovery in its history, a vast estate comprising 753 duplexes and other apartments located on Plot 109 Cadastral Zone C09, Lokogoma District, Abuja. A court in Abuja issued an order of final forfeiture concerning the estate, which the agency described as a “record-breaking recovery” and “a landmark forfeiture.”

    However, the agency’s failure to name the owner of the estate raised questions about its approach. Its effort to give the impression that identifying the owner of the estate is difficult, and will take some time, called into question its investigative methods.  When will the agency name the owner of the estate and follow up with prosecution? That’s when this unprecedented single-asset recovery will look like or be seen as an anti-corruption achievement.

    It is counter-productive for the country to have an anti-corruption agency that lacks credibility.  Ultimately, in its actions against internal or external targets, the EFCC must prioritise credibility. 

  • Pain of the year: Inflation

    Pain of the year: Inflation

    All through the year inflation raged relentlessly. Many Nigerians struggled to cope with this reality. Sadly, there seems to be no end in sight.

    In the last three months, for instance, figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) indicated that the cost-of-living crisis in the country continued to worsen. Month-on-month food inflation rate, for instance, increased in September, notably affecting prices of staples such as rice, maize, beans, and yams. There were also significant price increases in housing rentals, transport, and medical services.

     Again, according to the agency, the inflation rate rose to 33.8 percent in October from 32.70 percent recorded in September. At the time, the Statistician General of the Federation, Prince Adeyemi Adeniran, said in a statement that the highest increases were recorded in the prices of “Bus Journey within the city, Journey by motorcycle, Bus journey intercity, etc. (under Passenger Transport by Road Class), Rents (Actual and Imputed Rentals for Housing Class), Meal at a local Restaurant (Accommodation Service Class), and hair cut service, woman hairbrush, women’s hairdressing, etc. (Hairdressing salons & personal grooming establishments Class).”

    Yet again, a report by the bureau said inflation increased in November. The food inflation rate in November 2024, for instance, was higher than the rate recorded in October 2024, the agency said, attributing the rise to “the rate of increase in the average prices of Mudfish, Catfish Dried, Dried Fish Sardine, etc. (Fish Class), Rice, Yam Flour, Millet Whole grain, Corn flour, etc. (Bread and Cereals Class), Agric Egg, Powdered Milk, Fresh Milk, etc. (Milk, cheese and eggs Class) and Dried Beef, Goat Meat, Frozen Chicken, etc. (Meat Class).”

    The alarmingly deteriorating cost-of-living crisis in the country is a bad advertisement for the Federal Government’s reforms. The government’s repetitive argument that the reforms negatively impacting Nigerians are a necessary means to a positive end can’t make sense to people who are unable to breathe because of the cost of living.  The increasing prices of goods and services reported by the NBS continue to suggest that the reforms may well be counter-productive.  The people want falling prices, not prices that are rising and rising. 

    Responding to the NBS report, the Director of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Dr Muda Yusuf, was reported saying, “The reality is that the dynamics driving inflation are yet to be effectively subdued.” He observed that these factors include “the depreciating exchange rate, surging fuel price, rising transportation costs, logistics and supply chain challenges, high energy cost, climate change including resultant incidents of flooding, insecurity in farming communities and structural bottlenecks to production.”

    Taming inflation demands tackling these challenges, which are mainly the consequences of reforms introduced by the Tinubu administration.  The World Bank said the reforms were crucial for the country’s long-term stability. “Turning back or opposing the reforms would only make things worse,” said Ndiame Diop, World Bank country director for Nigeria, at the launch of the Nigeria Development Update (NDU) report in Abuja.

    Predictably, the World Bank’s position drew public criticism in a country struggling with a crushing cost-of-living crisis. However, Diop added that the ongoing reforms “must be accompanied by reforms enabling the private sector to create more and better jobs. With targeted support to youth and women.” This was a way of saying that the hard results of the Federal Government’s reforms can be softened.

    At the Distinguished Personality Lecture organised by the National Institute for Security Studies (NISS) in Abuja, in October, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, a former governor of Edo State, noted that Nigerian workers were poorer now, despite the increased minimum wage.  “Inflation severely impacts purchasing power, making it difficult for workers to maintain a decent standard of living,” he observed.

    An interesting development underlined the reality that the minimum wage boost is not only cosmetic but also ineffectual. Sensationally, Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago made the headlines after announcing that the state would in November not only begin paying a minimum wage of N80,000 to its workers, which is N10,000 more than the stipulated new national minimum wage, but also aim to “eventually achieve a minimum wage of one million naira.” This can be interpreted as a subtle admission of the inadequacy of the new wage.

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    Was the governor serious? Did he expect the public to take him and his words seriously?  Governor Bago of the All Progressives Congress (APC) is 50 and became governor in 2023. He was a member of the House of Representatives from 2011 to 2023.  He may be dreaming of a second term which would take him to 2031. So, he may have time to reach the point of possibly paying one million naira as minimum wage in his state. But he sounded like a politician saying what he thinks the people want to hear.

    Fifteen states adjusted the fixed minimum wage upward, possibly to give the impression that their governments are worker-friendly.  They include Lagos and Rivers (N85,000); Bayelsa, Niger, Enugu, and Akwa Ibom (N80,000).  Others are: Delta and Ogun (N77,000), Ebonyi and Kebbi (N75,000), Ondo (N73,000), Kogi and Kaduna (N72,000), Gombe and Kano (N71,000). But the variations are tokenistic.  Evidently, the new national minimum wage is not a living wage in the country’s current circumstances. Nigerian workers in the public and private sectors deserve what some describe as a ‘living minimum wage.’

    The Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, had declared that “The two critical reforms on market-based pricing of Premium Motor Spirit and foreign exchange are now at the stage of results delivery.”  At an interactive session with the Senate Committee on Finance, he was reported saying, “These two pillars of the economic reforms… have taken positive shape,” adding, “I think we need to commend Nigerians for staying the course to this stage of getting benefits.”

    Many Nigerians who are still struggling with the cost-of-living crisis will not agree with the minister that the country is at the stage of benefitting from the economic reforms. The minister’s assertion is not supported by the increasing prices of goods and services reported by the NBS. When inflation is deflated, the authorities will not need words to communicate that better times have arrived.

    When President Bola Tinubu presented the 2025 Appropriation Bill to the National Assembly, he optimistically declared that the government would reduce inflation to 15 percent next year. Also, in his first media chat on December 23, he explained how his administration will bring down inflation from 34.6 percent. Nigerians can’t wait to see this happen.

  • Seeking justice for Oyekanmi

    Seeking justice for Oyekanmi

    More than a year after the tragic murder of Taiwo Oyekanmi, 51, an accountant and former Director of Finance and Accounts in the office of Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun, the immediate past Ogun State Commissioner of Police, Abiodun Alamutu, lamented that his failure to solve the murder was his “only regret” in the state. He was appointed as Commissioner of Police for the state in July 2023. Alamutu, who expressed his regret to journalists, retired on December 9, after a 32-year career in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF).

    He was quoted as saying, “The only regret I have in this state is that up till now, we have not been able to arrest the person who shot the finance director.

    “That’s the only regret I have and it still boils down to what we are saying, no information, no clues. It took us to so many places, it took us even to Ibadan. That is the only regret I have.”

    Oyekanmi was fatally shot by unidentified armed robbers in Abeokuta, Ogun State, four days after he celebrated his birthday. Inevitably, the tragedy triggered several questions, particularly whether it could have been prevented.

    At the time, Alamutu, said Oyekanmi was in “a homemade bullion van” with a driver and one other person, and they were returning to their office from a Fidelity Bank branch where they had gone to withdraw money when the armed robbery happened on November 29, 2023. “They were supposed to have a police escort, but for certain reasons, the person (policeman) was permitted to travel to attend to some issues,” he stated.

    According to another version, the mobile police officer, Inspector Rasheed Adegbite, who was supposed to be with the bullion van, had travelled to Igbo-Ora in Oyo State the previous day, without permission. The police said he had been arrested for investigation.

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    It was unclear what the police chief meant by “a homemade bullion van,” but the description suggested that the vehicle was not a standard purpose-built bullion van. Indeed, the victim’s elder brother observed in a reported interview: “Will you call what my brother was in a bullion van or contraption? There was no risk assessment whatsoever.”

    Alamutu said the armed robbers’ vehicle had blocked the bullion van, and “five occupants of the vehicle came down, shot at the director and from their vehicle, they brought out a sledgehammer to force the receptacle where the money was kept open and they left with the money.”

    Oyekanmi, the only fatality, was said to have withdrawn N97.335m from Fidelity Bank and N15m from Sterling Bank. The bullion van was said to be carrying N112.335m at the time of the attack.

    Why did he withdraw such a sum? Why was their vehicle transporting such a sum?  In these days of increasingly cashless transactions, why was there such an apparently overriding need for cash? 

    The police suspected the robbery was “an in-house (thing)” because the robbers knew they would need a sledgehammer to break the receptacle where the money was kept. “They must have had information that he was going to take a large amount of money from the bank,” Alamutu said.

    According to him, the driver claimed to have trailed the robbers’ vehicle up to a point “where he lost sight of them.” It was after this that he took the shot director to a hospital.  This was a strange narrative. What was the point of chasing the attackers unprotected? Normally, he should have tried to save the director’s life first.  

    The armed robbery exposed poor security arrangements. It was curious that the absent police escort was not replaced with another guard, leaving those in the bullion van without protection.

    Apart from this, it was puzzling that there was only one guard attached to the bullion van, who happened to be unavailable on the day. If he was available, or if someone else had replaced him, would one guard have been able to protect the occupants of the bullion van from the said five attackers?  Such an approach to security was questionable and condemnable.

     Governor Abiodun described Oyekanmi as “a dedicated, truthful, and diligent official,” adding, “It is indeed a colossal loss for our administration.”  The governor directed the immediate payment of his gratuity, and also instructed the Ministry of Housing to provide his wife and children with one of the affordable houses built by his administration. He told the widow: “Your children, the state will be taking over the responsibility of their education.” However, it can be said that the administration did not do enough to protect him, and possibly prevent the tragedy.

    The Ogun State government announced a reward of N50m for any information that could lead to the arrest of the killers. But there has been no official update on the case since then. None from the state government; none from the police. Are the armed robbers who killed Oyekanmi going to get away with armed robbery and murder?   

    Alamutu said: “My successor will continue from where we stopped because it is important we get the culprits and God will assist my successor.”

    The Police Service Commission (PSC) has approved the posting of Olanrewaju Ogunlowo as the new Commissioner of Police for Ogun State. It remains to be seen if he will be able to solve the Oyekanmi murder. He is expected to review the investigation of the murder and ensure that it does not end up as an unsolved murder.   

  • Slippery saboteurs

    Slippery saboteurs

    Two striking incidents in November further highlighted corruption in Nigeria’s oil sector and the ironic implication of state actors in crude oil theft. 

    Chief Government Ekpemupolo, alias Tompolo, Chairman, Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited (TSSNL), a private security firm engaged by the Federal Government to secure oil assets, accused the Nigerian Navy of sabotaging the country’s fight against crude oil theft.

    Investigative journalist and founder of Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) Fisayo Soyombo, who was arrested at an illegal oil bunkering site in Port Harcourt and detained by the Nigerian Army while conducting an undercover investigation, alleged that “known illegal oil bunkerers were bribing different people with various security formations.”

    Allegations of collaboration between members of the country’s security forces and oil thieves are not new. These recent repetitions of the old allegations not only reinforced the narrative but also underscored the failure of the authorities to deal with the alleged collusion.

     After he was released from a three-day detention, Soyombo said media reports of his confinement had forced the army authorities to set him free. “I repeatedly asked them that I need to speak to my lawyer and they denied me and they instructed all soldiers around there that none of them must give me their phones,” he said.

    It is puzzling that after confirming his identity and why he was found at the site, the 6 Division of the Nigerian Army, Port Harcourt, still kept him in detention. The army, he reasoned, “should be interested in ending illegal oil bunkering and should have seen me as a partner.”

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     According to him, the army’s operation had happened because “someone in the security setup was offended that he didn’t get bribed because the illegal bunkerers would bribe people in security. One got annoyed and tipped off others.” He also said: “the illegal bunkerers had said they had settled everyone and the guys who came were the ones that were not settled, and a conversation was going to settle them…”

    The investigative journalist said he “obtained hard evidence by experiencing the entire process. We were to load crude onto a truck and move it to Enugu, a buyer was waiting. Some move it to Enugu, some move it to Anambra or Abia, some go as far as Kano.”

    Before Soyombo’s story, Tompolo had told a story that also raised questions about the war against crude oil theft while receiving the leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), led by its President, Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN), at Oporoza, Delta State. According to him, the navy “is working at cross purposes with other government and private security agencies saddled with the responsibility to curb illegal oil bunkering.” He supported his claim with two recent cases of alleged navy operations that went against the war to stop crude oil theft.

    First, he recalled that when men of Tantita intercepted a vessel carrying stolen crude oil in Port Harcourt, they found that personnel of the Nigerian Navy provided escort duties on board the vessel. He said these navy personnel “and others speedily mobilised to the scene with gunboats and other equipment, opened fire on our men and officials of civil defence corps and DSS, who insisted that the vessel could not sail further.” The outcome was that those who were protecting the vessel won.

    He added that a similar incident occurred at Ovwian community in Delta State when naval personnel “also overpowered and subdued Tantita operatives to secure safe passage for another vessel carrying stolen crude.” He declared that the cases of involvement of naval personnel in oil theft were “too many to recount,” adding that the Nigerian Navy “has sacrificed its constitutional obligation for pecuniary benefits.”

    These accusations are bad for the image of the state security forces, which are not expected to work against the country’s interests. However, the Director of Defence Media Operations, Maj. Gen. Edward Buba, called Tompolo’s allegations “laughable” and “cheap blackmail,” saying, “We are all partners.”

    In July, during an investigative hearing on crude oil theft and revenue losses, Speaker of the House of Representatives Abbas Tajudeen observed that the statistics on crude oil theft were “very alarming,” and its negative impact on the economy “quite monumental.” He noted that between January and July 2024, Nigeria lost about 437,000 barrels of crude oil per day due to theft, vandalism and other criminal activities, resulting in a loss of over $10bn.

    At the same investigative hearing, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) George Akume, represented by the Permanent Secretary, General Services, Maurice Nnamdi Mbaeri, said crude oil theft and the associated losses had “devastating implications for our economy and national security.” Nigeria has continually failed to meet its daily production quota as set by the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) as a result of oil theft, he stated, adding that the situation “not only undermines our revenues but also hampers the provision of essential services that millions of Nigerians rely upon.”

    The SGF also said, since 2020, expenditure aimed at tackling crude oil theft and securing the country’s oil infrastructure had exceeded $1.5bn “allocated towards enhancing surveillance capabilities, securing pipelines, and increasing the presence of law enforcement agencies in critical oil-producing areas.”

    This is why Tompolo’s allegations were not only disturbing but called for urgent intervention by the authorities. The huge spending to stop crude oil theft may well be going down the drain on account of the alleged sabotage by navy personnel.  

    Private security companies, including Tantita, were controversially contracted to secure the country’s oil infrastructure because of poor performance of state actors in the first place. Allegations of collusion with oil thieves worsens the case of poor performance against state actors.

    In November, Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) announced that it had increased oil production to 1.8 million barrels per day (bpd) and hoped to get to two million bpd by December. The firm’s CEO, Mele Kyari, attributed the improvement to rigorous pipeline monitoring, among others.

    To ensure that the country continues on this path of recovery, the Federal Government must launch an independent investigation regarding Tompolo’s allegations and resolutely pursue the arrest and prosecution of oil thieves and their enablers.

    In November, the Chief of Navy Staff, Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ogalla, at a media briefing where he was represented by the Chief of Policy and Plans, Rear Adm. Olusegun Ferreira, said in the past four years, the Nigerian Navy “has confiscated over 8.1 million barrels of stolen crude oil… and arrested 392 suspected oil thieves.” It is unclear if state actors were among the arrested suspects.

    To win the war against crude oil theft, the authorities must tackle the claimed collusion between members of the country’s security forces and oil thieves. Or are the saboteurs, particularly state actors, too slippery to be caught?

  • Wale Macaulay: Flashbacks

    Wale Macaulay: Flashbacks

    He was ‘The Don.’ That’s what I called him. In the 1970s, we were both struck by Mario Puzo’s bestselling novel, The Godfather, and I started calling him by that nickname. To me, he was ‘The Don,’ without the negative connotations.  News of Wale Macaulay’s death at his Isolo, Lagos residence on November 4 hit me like a thunderbolt. He was 65.  He made a name for himself as an actor, director and producer, and was regarded as a Nollywood veteran. 

    Our interaction started early because we were classmates at Aunty Ayo’s Preparatory School, Ikoyi, Lagos. He attended St. Gregory’s College, Lagos. We reunited in the 1990s after he returned from England, where he had studied film and television production.

    It was a dramatic reunion. He was at the time married to Lola Fani-Kayode, a well-known television producer and director.  It was a promising union of talented creatives, which was disappointingly short-lived. They were still married when he launched his unprecedented Christian music choir called ‘Kazimba’ in the mid-90s. He appointed me as the group’s ‘writer,’ a role that brought me into contact with members of the choir, some of whom later became stars, including Sammie Okposo, Yinka Davies, Tunde Obe, Wunmi Aboderin and Zubby Enebeli. It was a massive choir that reflected the size of the founder’s vision.

    ‘Kazimba’ came before its time. Its first concert at the upscale Waterparks, Ikeja, Lagos, was unsuccessful because the local Christian community was not ready for such a group and such a performance.  In preparation for the show, the choir had rehearsed for several days at the high-profile Master Sound Studio, Obanikoro, Lagos. Wale was devastated. As we drove back to his residence at Anthony Village, Lagos, he was inconsolable.

    The group’s second concert at the same venue was better attended because he collaborated with House on the Rock, the church he attended at the time. But the attendance figures were not good enough to cover the huge cost of staging the concert, including hiring the venue and the use of the high-profile Benson and Hedges production crew. The choir’s costumier was Lady Di, Charly Boy’s wife. I remember one of Wale’s siblings saying jocularly that he acted like a Hollywood impresario. He was a stickler for high standards. 

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    He was better known as an actor. His performance in Tunde Kelani’s 2001 film, Thunderbolt: Magun, was one of the high points of his acting career. The film, described as exploring “the themes of the intersection between African belief in supernatural forces, modernity and sexual politics,” was listed among bestselling Yoruba movies. It was screened at the Pan African Film Festival in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Milan Italiano Film Festival in Italy, and the African Film Festival in New York, USA. He notably starred in other movies, including Violated (1996), Most Wanted (1998), Small Boy (2008), Protégé (2013), Accident (2013) (for which he was nominated for Best Supporting Actor at the 2013 Nollywood Movies Awards), and Lunch Time Heroes (2015). 

    Apart from his screen appearances, he acted on stage. He played the lead role in Ola Rotimi’s The Gods Are Not to Blame, staged by the Thespian Family Theatre at MUSON Centre, Onikan, Lagos, in 2014.  He was the protagonist in another Ola Rotimi play, Kurunmi, staged by the National Troupe of Nigeria at the National Theatre, Iganmu, Lagos, in 2008. In a review of the performance, Mufu Onifade said Wale’s “charisma and natural smoothness on stage could not but exhume the reputation of the National Troupe from its state of oscillation between known professionalism and strange mediocrity.”  He also featured in some M-NET movies and the popular TV drama series Super Story, among others.

    He wrote plays and songs too. His published play, The Rape of Gidiolu, was performed at MUSON Centre, Lagos, in 2005. He directed the play, which is focused on human rights.  A recording of the stage performance was screened at the biennial International Council Meeting (ICM) of Amnesty International in Mexico, in August 2005.

    He constantly involved me in his artistic projects.  I felt flattered. We both felt a deep sense of loss when the manuscript of his play, Princess Zarah, was nowhere to be found.  It was based on Cyprian Ekwensi’s prose fiction The Passport of Mallam Ilia. It was my favourite among his various manuscripts that I read.

    Importantly, Wale featured in The Herbert Macaulay Affair, a 2019 Nigerian film based on the life of the great man known as the father of Nigerian nationalism. He was a scion of the family, and a passionate promoter of the departed patriarch.  

    When I visited him at his Isolo residence last year, we discussed projects connected with Herbert Macaulay. He looked unbelievably frail. He mentioned his health challenges. That was the last time I saw him, but we spoke often over the phone. I had promised to visit him at 9ja Studio, Magodo, Lagos where he had stayed for a while before his death. He had been involved in a production project driven by his cousin and founder of the studio, Frank Adekunle Macaulay, which had been completed but was yet to be unveiled. I had looked forward to seeing him again during my vacation last September. It’s sad that I was unable to visit him at Magodo. We had a phone conversation some weeks ago, and he told me he was returning to his Isolo residence. I didn’t know he was about to leave for ‘the other side.’

     He was a man of faith. At different times, he was a member of Winners’ Chapel, Daystar Christian Centre, House on the Rock, World Evangelism Bible Church, and Christ Embassy.  He once told me that he would like to meet the biblical Moses, in order to find out from him how he was able to manage the Israelites during their 40-year journey from Egypt to the “promised land” of Canaan.

    Whenever I called him a star, he would respond with a chuckle, saying, “Stars are in the sky.” Farewell, Wale, my unforgettable cousin, brother and friend.

  • ‘Living minimum wage’

    ‘Living minimum wage’

    Ironically, as a number of states get set to implement the new N70,000 national minimum wage law, there are indications that workers across the country consider the new wage old and needing a review.

    Indeed, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) President Joe Ajaero was reported saying the NLC may be forced to demand a review of the new minimum wage.  “We demand a review of our salaries in lieu of its eroded values,” he said at the 8th Quadrennial Delegates Conference of the National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Midwives (NANNM) in Abuja, on October 30. He added: ‘’We must together demand the re-commissioning of Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna refineries in keeping with the agreement we had with the federal government on the 5th day of October, 2023.”

    The high cost of fuel resulting from the removal of  fuel subsidy is among the main factors responsible for the cost-of-living crisis in the country; and making the government-owned local refineries operational is expected to lower the cost of fuel with accompanying amelioration of the cost-of-living crisis.  

    President Bola Tinubu, who removed fuel subsidy in May 2023, signed the N70,000 minimum wage bill into law in July 2024, after months of intense negotiations with labour leaders who had demanded a much higher minimum wage.  The labour unions had initially demanded over N600, 000 monthly, arguing that the country’s cost-of-living crisis warranted such a high figure, compared with the old N30,000 minimum wage.  

    Disturbing figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) indicated relentless inflation in the country. According to its latest Consumer Price Index report, month-on-month food inflation rate, for instance, increased in September, notably affecting prices of staples such as rice, maize, beans, and yams. There were also significant price increases in housing rentals, transport, and medical services.

    Responding to the NBS report, the Director of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Dr Muda Yusuf, was reported saying, “The reality is that the dynamics driving inflation are yet to be effectively subdued.” He observed that these factors include “the depreciating exchange rate, surging fuel price, rising transportation costs, logistics and supply chain challenges, high energy cost, climate change including resultant incidents of flooding, insecurity in farming communities and structural bottlenecks to production.”

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    Taming inflation demands tackling these challenges, which are mainly the consequences of reforms introduced by the Tinubu administration.  The World Bank recently said the reforms were crucial for the country’s long-term stability. “Turning back or opposing the reforms would only make things worse,” said Ndiame Diop, World Bank country director for Nigeria, at the launch of the Nigeria Development Update (NDU) report in Abuja.

    Predictably, the World Bank’s position drew public criticism in a country struggling with a crushing cost-of-living crisis. However, Diop added that the ongoing reforms “must be accompanied by reforms enabling the private sector to create more and better jobs. With targeted support to youth and women.” This was a way of saying that the hard results of the Federal Government’s reforms can be softened. The World Bank report also noted the need for structural reforms, such as reducing trade barriers, improving infrastructure, improving the business environment and supporting household businesses for inclusive growth.

    If the ongoing reforms were inevitable to achieve a better future for Nigerians, the authors and promoters of the reforms should understand that it is counter-productive to carry out such reforms without considering and implementing sufficiently ameliorative measures.

    The alarmingly deteriorating cost-of-living crisis in the country is a bad advertisement for the Federal Government’s reforms. It is important to ask what the three levels of government have done, and what they are doing to save Nigerians from hardship occasioned by the reforms.  They are expected to urgently find solutions to the cost-of-living issues in the spaces they govern.  

    No argument that reforms negatively impacting Nigerians are a necessary means to a positive end will make sense if the people can’t breathe. At the Distinguished Personality Lecture organised by the National Institute for Security Studies (NISS) in Abuja, on October 30, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, a former governor of Edo State, noted that Nigerian workers were poorer now, despite the increased minimum wage.  “Inflation severely impacts purchasing power, making it difficult for workers to maintain a decent standard of living,” he observed.

    An interesting development underlined the reality that the minimum wage boost is not only cosmetic but also ineffectual. Sensationally, Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago made the headlines after announcing that the state would in November not only begin paying a minimum wage of N80,000 to its workers, which is N10,000 more than the stipulated new national minimum wage, but also aim to “eventually achieve a minimum wage of one million naira.”

    According to him, “The N80,000 approved is sustainable, and with our progress in agriculture, we are confident we can increase it further in the future.” He added: “We are establishing civil service farms so that our workforce can be more productive. With this approach, we could eventually achieve a minimum wage of one million naira, but for now, we are starting with N80,000.” This can be interpreted as a subtle admission of the inadequacy of the new wage.

    Was the governor serious? Did he expect the public to take him and his words seriously?  The chairman of NLC in Niger State, Abdulkarim Idris Lafene, observed that the N80,000 minimum wage which would be paid by the state government “is not fully aligned with the current economy, considering the high cost of goods and living expenses.” However, he added, “We are hopeful that the minimum wage will eventually reach one million naira, as the governor has indicated.” Unbelievable!

    Governor Bago of the All Progressives Congress (APC) is 50 and became governor in 2023. He was a member of the House of Representatives from 2011 to 2023.  He may be dreaming of a second term which would take him to 2031. So, he may have time to reach the point of possibly paying one million naira as minimum wage in his state. But he sounded like a politician saying what he thinks the people want to hear.

    Reports say 22 states are about to implement the new national wage law, with some of them ready to pay their workers slightly above the stipulated N70,000 minimum wage. The states are: Lagos, Rivers, Bayelsa, Niger, Enugu, Akwa Ibom, Abia, Adamawa, Anambra, Jigawa, Gombe, Ogun, Kebbi, Ondo, Kogi, Ebonyi, Delta, Edo, Borno, Kwara, Kano, and Kaduna.   

    Fifteen states adjusted the fixed minimum wage upward, possibly to give the impression that their governments are worker-friendly.  They include Lagos and Rivers (N85,000); Bayelsa, Niger, Enugu, and Akwa Ibom (N80,000).  Others are: Delta and Ogun (N77,000), Ebonyi and Kebbi (N75,000), Ondo (N73,000), Kogi and Kaduna (N72,000), Gombe and Kano (N71,000). But the variations are tokenistic.

    Evidently, the new national minimum wage is not a living wage in the country’s current circumstances. Nigerian workers in the public and private sectors deserve what some describe as a ‘living minimum wage.’

  • Edu’s unended matter

    Edu’s unended matter

    With the appointment of the new Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, Nentawe Yilwatda, in October, the Federal Government belatedly removed Betta Edu from office. The former minister had been suspended and under investigation since January.  The long delay before her removal, which happened in the context of a cabinet reshuffle that caused the exit of some others, had encouraged public speculation that she might eventually continue in office. 

    At some point, the situation was indeed confusing as the then suspended Edu was reported to have sent a condolence message, using the ministry’s letterhead, to the victims of the July school building collapse in Jos, Plateau State. She said: “Please know that our thoughts and prayers are with you and all those affected during this incredibly difficult time.” Against the backdrop of her suspension, it was strange and inexplicable.  It was unclear in what capacity she sent the message, and why she had used the ministry’s letterhead.

    Following Yilwatda’s appointment, presidential spokesperson Bayo Onanuga clarified Edu’s status, saying in a television interview, “She is gone. Her position has been taken over by someone else. For this government, there is no place for her in the cabinet.” He added that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) “has not shared whatever they have, but if you consider the president’s action, it suggests that the EFCC may have submitted something that justified the president’s decision.”

    President Bola Tinubu had suspended her “from office with immediate effect,”  following corruption-related allegations against her. He also directed the chairman of the EFCC to “conduct a thorough investigation into all aspects of the financial transactions involving the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, as well as one or more agencies thereunder.”

    Edu’s troubles followed a leaked memo, dated December 20, 2023 that she wrote to the Office of the Accountant General of the Federation (OAGF), saying N585.2m earmarked for vulnerable citizens in Akwa-Ibom, Cross-River, Lagos, and Ogun states be paid into the United Bank for Africa (UBA) account — 2003682151— of one Oniyelu Bridget Mojisola, described as “the project accountant.”

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    “These are payments for programmes and activities of the Renewed Hope grant for Vulnerable Groups,” Edu said in the memo, adding that the payment should be made from the National Social Investment Office account.

    The OAGF had rejected her memo, pointing out that it was illegal to pay such beneficiaries through the private account of a so-called project accountant. Indeed, the memo violated Section 713 (under Chapter Seven) of Nigeria’s Public Sector Financial Regulation Act (2009), which seeks to prevent fraud.  It states: “Personal money shall in no circumstances be paid into a government bank account, nor shall any public money be paid into a private account.” It adds: “Any officer who pays public money into a private account is deemed to have done so with fraudulent intention.”

    Notably, the EFCC, in April, said it had recovered N30bn in the probe of the National Social Investment Programme Authority (NSIPA) former CEO, Halima Shehu, and the then suspended minister, Edu. At the time, EFCC boss Ola Olukoyede also stated that the anti-graft agency was “investigating over 50 bank accounts that we have traced money into.” He explained: “There are cases that take years to investigate. There are so many angles to it. And we need to follow through with some of the discoveries that we have seen… Nigerians should give us time on this matter… There are so many leads here and there.”

    Curiously, a law firm representing Edu had threatened to sue the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) regarding its report publicising the information released by the EFCC. It said she had “suffered immeasurable reputational damage, psychological trauma and anguish as a direct consequence of the publication and dissemination of the article,” and demanded “an immediate and unqualified retraction of the aforementioned article and a public apology to our client, for the false and defamatory content published.”

    It is unclear if the EFCC had concluded its investigation before Edu’s removal, and whether the findings informed President Tinubu’s decision to replace her with Yilwatda.  The situation remains puzzling.

    Interestingly, on her 38th birthday on October 27, she posted a message on X, describing herself as “the woman Jesus loves.”  She added: “Soon the world will see the glory of a great God! The lies told to destroy a daughter of Zion will lead to her elevation!”

    Olukoyede inherited “no fewer than 25 high-profile corruption cases involving former governors, ministers and senators,” according to an investigative report published in October 2023. The cases involve “not less than N772.2bn and another $2.2bn, alleged to have gone missing through money laundering, fund diversion and misappropriation,” the report said. Some of the cases seem interminable. Edu’s case should not fall into that category.

     There is no question that Nigeria needs to fight corruption and win the anti-corruption war.  The people are tired of the monotonous song about fighting corruption.  They want to see anti-corruption results.

     The country also needs to fight poverty and win the anti-poverty war. During his screening by the Senate, Yilwatda proposed a poverty alleviation formula, noting that 65 percent of poor people live in the North, while 35 percent live in the South. He said: “We should focus on the specific needs of each local government and state, with revenue allocation based on the level of poverty or wealth in those areas.”

     Figures of poverty levels in Nigeria are staggering. For instance, in 2023, the World Bank estimated that 46 percent of the country’s population, or 104 million people, were living in poverty. Nigeria’s population is estimated at about 234 million.  

    Nigeria’s poverty crisis calls into question the anti-poverty efforts of the Federal Government, and also raises questions about the seriousness of state and local governments in the fight against poverty. Poor governance provides enabling conditions for both monetary poverty and multidimensional poverty.  All levels of government in the country should deal with the poverty problem using good governance.

    Importantly, the minister responsible for poverty alleviation must not perform corruption-related acts that deepen poverty. Any public official involved in such acts should be prosecuted and punished. Removal from their position is not enough. This is why Edu’s matter is still unended.

  • Reimagining Nigeria Prize for Literature

    Reimagining Nigeria Prize for Literature

    It may well be time to reimagine The Nigeria Prize for Literature, sponsored by Nigeria Liquified Natural Gas (NLNG) Limited, 20 years after the award was introduced in 2004. Irish poet, playwright and winner of the 1995 Nobel Prize in Literature Seamus Heaney notably wrote: “Whatever is given can always be reimagined.”

     It is not only Nigeria’s biggest literary prize but also the biggest in Africa and among the richest in the world, with a $100,000 reward. It involves four genres which are rotated yearly: poetry, fiction, drama, and children’s literature.

    This year, it was the turn of children’s literature. Olubunmi Familoni’s book, The Road Does Not End, was announced as the winner on October 11. There were 163 entries. The author said: “The books my mum bought me as a child brought me to where I am today.” Interestingly, he was said to have missed the submission deadline in 2019.

    On the award night at Eko Hotels and Suites, Lagos, the chairperson of the Advisory Board, Prof. Akachi Adimora- Ezeigbo, praised NLNG for sustaining the prize and promoting writing, criticism, and reading nationwide, adding, “Their sponsorship of both the Literature and Literary Criticism prizes is vital in providing Nigerian writers with platforms to display their talents.”

    She said the book “tells the compelling story of street life in Lagos, focusing on children who must fend for themselves. Familoni’s gripping narrative highlights their daily struggles and resilience, bringing attention to the societal issues faced by vulnerable youths in Nigeria. The author brings to light the harsh realities of life for many young people, highlighting critical societal issues that often go unnoticed. Through the story, readers are drawn into the characters’ perseverance and hope, despite the challenges they face.”  She added that the book “stood out for its thematic depth, lyrical quality, and social relevance,” and “ability to engage both children and adults with its powerful narrative and strong moral message.”

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     The question is: What’s next? The award night usually marks the end of the story.  That explains Nigerian writer and critic Ikhide Ikheloa’s criticism of the award in an interview with 90Minutes Africa, after the latest edition.  “Why are we spending $100,000 to honour the works of writers that, at most, only a thousand people have read? It’s a waste of money,” he said. “If a book is good enough to get $100,000, we could take part of the money and buy thousands of the books and distribute them to secondary schools,” he argued. “There has to be something that the award is purposed for beyond just giving people money.” According to him, the prize winners “just get the money and disappear. Some even made great promises, like they would build a library, and that’s the end. You won’t hear from them again.”

    In the case of children’s literature, for instance, the sponsor of the award can encourage education authorities to add prize-winning books to reading lists in schools across the country. They can also support and promote book reading events featuring prize-winning authors in schools.

    In 2015, none of the 109 entries was considered worthy of the $100,000 prize money for children’s literature, the focus of the contest that year. The then international consultant for the prize, Prof. Kim Reynolds of Newcastle University, United Kingdom, said: “The entries lack the lyricism, vision, and authority to become classics that will be handed down from generation to generation and that have the potential to reach out across cultures.” If that reflects the vision of the award sponsor, they need to do more to promote prize-winning books.

    At the time, an “Enugu-based literary activist,” Adaobi Nwoye, was reported saying, “We have been complaining about the dearth of qualitative writing in Nigeria for a while now. This is the result. Nowadays many people are not writing because they are passionate about literature. Instead, they are writing because they want to make money. I think this is one of the reasons why none of the entries for the 2015 Nigeria Prize for Literature failed to win.” This is food for thought.

    The same approach can be adopted regarding prize-winning books in the other categories as well. The award sponsor can encourage the listing of such books for students in educational institutions and support book reading events by prize winners.

    In the drama category, the focus on the play to the detriment of the stage should be reviewed. For instance, in 2014, Sam Ukala, a professor of Theatre Arts, won the prize money. His dramatic work, Iredi War, was adjudged the best out of 124 plays. Ukala said: “Iredi War, being the title of my own work, happened in 1906 in Delta State. It is a true-life story of the mess put in place by the colonial overlords to overwhelm the local people. In that mess, some of the local people became collaborators and helped the white people to mess their people up. The motive behind this was to denigrate the people and their culture.”

    The judges applauded Ukala for “the masterly handling of vast historical material through the narrative and action method.” The commendation hinted at the logic of performance. Although drama may be created and treated as literature outside the context of performance, such as a closet play, it is within the setting of theatrical performance that it probably achieves the greatest fidelity to form.

    A dramatic work divorced from performance may ultimately represent a subtle subversion of the dramatic genre if not eventually elevated to the stage. It may be a good idea for the award sponsor to introduce a performance dimension, or more specifically, stage production, when the focus is on drama.

    Importantly, the selection of judges for the award has been criticised for its donnish exclusivity. It gives the impression that only academics are qualified and competent to judge literary works. This is not necessarily true. A mix of academic and non-academic judges may well be closer to reality.

    Ultimately, the award sponsor should pay more attention to achieving the greater goal of helping to develop and promote Nigerian literature. It is counter-productive when a prize-winning work does not live beyond the award night.

  • Akinkunmi: An anti-climax

    Akinkunmi: An anti-climax

    Ultimately, the Federal Government dishonoured the designer of Nigeria’s flag, Taiwo Akinkunmi, who was finally buried on September 6, more than a year after he died on August 29, 2023, aged 87.

    Following his death, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, had led a Federal Government (FG) delegation that paid a condolence visit to his family in Ibadan, Oyo State, where he was based. 

    “He designed one of the most powerful symbols of our collective existence as a country and a nation,” the minister said at the time, adding, “Mr President shares with them in this grief, and the FG is with them throughout this period, and whatever the request the family puts forward, the FG will look into it.” Also, the Oyo State government officially expressed its condolences in a letter to the family signed by Governor Seyi Makinde.

    However, the public show of interest by the federal authorities turned out to be a show without substance. Perhaps it was simply done to get positive publicity. The expected action never happened.

     Tired of waiting for the FG to participate in planning for his funeral, the Akinkunmi family eventually buried him on September 6, in Ibadan, without the participation of the federal authorities. Akinkunmi’s son, Akinwumi, said the family received funding for the funeral from the Oyo State government.

    His interment at his Ibadan residence was preceded by a funeral service held at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium, Ibadan, which was attended by representatives of the Oyo State government. The FG was unrepresented. The Oyo State Deputy Governor, Bayo Lawal, was reported saying Akinkunmi was a national figure and the FG should have been involved in his burial.

    In June, Akinwumi told BBC they found out that the National Institute for Cultural Orientation was tasked with arranging a state funeral. The agency, he said, only phoned the family once.

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    In May, a concerned group, Yoruba World Congress (YWC), UK, wrote an open letter to President Bola Tinubu, saying Akinkunmi “did his best for this country and his body should not be allowed to remain in the mortuary without attention and without a befitting burial.”

    The family had said they were paying N2,000 daily for mortuary services. They had initially planned the funeral for December 7 and 8. When there was no response from the federal and state authorities, they changed the dates to April 10, 11 and 12. This did not change the situation. The burial was further delayed.

    Then the family decided to go ahead and bury their patriarch, and stop waiting for the federal authorities to get involved. “My late father was an easy-going person who didn’t want anything to tarnish his image,” his son was quoted as saying. At some point, the state government stepped in to provide support.

    Akinkunmi was in his early twenties when he designed the national flag, after stumbling upon a newspaper advertisement calling for the submission of designs for the Nigerian flag ahead of the independence of Nigeria from British rule in October 1960. He was then studying Electrical Engineering at Norwood Technical College, now known as Lambeth College, in London.

    His design was a vertical white band with a radiating red sun, which was flanked by two vertical green bands.  It was selected from among about 2,000 entries as the winning entry because of its ingenuity and profundity. He got 100 pounds for his effort. The judges, however, removed the red sun, leaving only a green-white-green design for the national flag. The green colour signifies agriculture; the white colour stands for unity and peace.

    “I was well known all over the place. Everybody was calling me Mr Flag Man,” he said. After his education in the UK, he returned to Nigeria in 1963 and rejoined the civil service in Ibadan. He had been employed by the government of the Western Region after he left Ibadan Grammar School (IGS) in 1955. He retired as a civil servant in the early 1990s.

    Interestingly, it can be said that he became anonymous after some time, until one Sunday Olawale Olaniran, then an undergraduate at the University of Ibadan, helped to put him back in the spotlight. Olaniran, who called him a “hero without honour,” was doing research on Nigeria’s history for a pamphlet when he decided to search for the designer of the country’s flag.

    “People said he was dead, that I should forget about looking for him and just write about the flag,” Olaniran was reported saying.  But he kept searching until he found the flag designer in Ibadan.  Akinkunmi was said to be living alone, and lacking proper care.  When they met, according to Olaniran, he “was incoherent and kept talking to himself.”

    The researcher was moved to tears. “So, I got in touch with a journalist and we went back two days before Independence Day,” he said. “Even the journalist couldn’t believe the man was still alive.”

    Akinkunmi was a pensioner, but his pension payments were irregular, the researcher said, adding, “Some Nigerians went to him and donated foodstuff, clothes.”

    When the story of his sad situation appeared in The Sun on October 1, 2006, Olaniran said, it attracted the attention of many Nigerians who were unaware of his plight.  Two years later, in 2008, Olaniran was contacted through his blog by a representative of the organisers of the Nigerian version of Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? They wanted to get in touch with Akinkunmi.

    He later appeared on a special edition of the TV show, and got a cheque for two million naira. His son said the money “given to him by the telecommunications giant, MTN, when he was a guest on Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? in 2008,” enabled him to complete the building of his house in Ibadan. The house, painted in the colours of the Nigerian flag, made a strong statement about its owner.

    His eventual appearance on the list of national honours’ awardees in 2014 was the climax of a difficult journey to deserved recognition.  It was a long road to that juncture. Oddly, Akinkunmi received the country’s national honour more than five decades after he designed the significant symbol. The delay was inexplicable and inexcusable.  The national honours were instituted four years after the flag was officially hoisted on Nigeria’s Independence Day, October 1, 1960, in replacement of the British Union Jack. The honours are for Nigerians who have rendered service to the benefit of the nation.

    After a campaign by Nigerians who felt he deserved a national honour, Akinkunmi was finally honoured by his country in September 2014, under the President Goodluck Jonathan administration. He received the national honour, Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR), and was also symbolically appointed as a salaried honorary life presidential special aide. He was 78 at the time and a retired civil servant.

    The Federal Government’s failure to choreograph Akinkunmi’s funeral demonstrated disconnected governance in Nigeria. The authorities should redeem this failure by naming a place after him.