The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Bestsellers among bestsellers

    Even among bestsellers there are bestsellers, meaning that there are super bestsellers. Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s reaction to a new book is a signal that the public should expect more books on the same subject.

    Jonathan’s reaction: “I have just read Segun Adeniyi’s new book, Against the Run of Play, which has so far enjoyed tremendous reviews in the media. My take on it is that the book as presented contains many distorted claims on the 2015 presidential election by many of the respondents.”

    He added:  “There will obviously be more books like that on this subject by concerned Nigerians. However, I believe that at the right time, the main characters in the election including myself will come out with a true account of what transpired either in major interviews or books.”

    Books have a way of shedding light on things that need illumination. This book by Adeniyi, Chairman of ThisDay Editorial Board, which was launched on April 28 in Lagos, offers a thought-provoking insight into the mind of former President Goodluck Jonathan. In other words, the book gives a picture of how Jonathan thinks and what he thinks.

    For instance, Jonathan said in the book: “The main problem I had was that the media and the civil society had conspired against me.” This is how Jonathan saw his unprogressive era that was brought to an end by an electoral red card in 2015.  He didn’t see, and perhaps couldn’t see, that he fell because he failed to perform.  It is absurd that he is blaming others for his failure. One question: Was he voted out of power by the media and the civil society?  Another question: Was he not booted out of power by the electorate?

    Another example shows how Jonathan still can’t see his obvious minuses that ultimately led to his unrealised re-election dream. He also said: “President Barack Obama and his officials made it very clear to me by their actions that they wanted a change of government in Nigeria and were ready to do anything to achieve that purpose…I got on well with Prime Minister David Cameron but at some point, I noticed that the Americans were putting pressure on him and he had to join them against me. But I didn’t realise how far President Obama was prepared to go to remove me until France caved in to the pressure from America.”

    So, Jonathan also blames America, Britain and France for his emphatic electoral defeat by Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who succeeded him two years ago. Rather than blame foreign powers for his fall, Jonathan needs to look inward. Does he really believe his performance as president should have earned him a second term?  If he really thinks so, then he probably needs help in two areas:  logical thinking and objective thinking.

    Jonathan’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is currently facing a crisis of survival, following its historic loss of federal power. It would appear that the party needs to rethink its existence. Jonathan’s self-righteous thinking on why he lost the presidential election and why his party lost its political dominance doesn’t help matters. This new book has further revealed how delusional thinking contributed to Jonathan’s great fall and the PDP’s mighty fall.

    About two years ago, a book on Jonathan was released about a week to the country’s controversially rescheduled March 28, 2015, presidential poll. The book, titled The People’s Choice, written by Rev. Fr. Charles Imokhan, was unveiled at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, on March 20, 2015.  The book’s title and the timing of its presentation spoke volumes about the publicity stunt; the author’s priestly status was also significant as it subtly suggested a spiritual endorsement.

    It is noteworthy that Jonathan reportedly thanked the author for “representing me to Nigerians.” According to him, “Because my story is a humble story and whenever I read write-ups about me, especially my personal account from my birth to when I got into the limelight as a deputy governor, most times the accounts are not very accurate.” Jonathan said of the book: “I think the only accurate account will be when I write when I leave office. But to some extent this particular account is reasonably close; the whole story has been captured except for minor details.”

    That book may be described as a bestseller of sorts, judging by how much money it attracted, reportedly N170m. It is a striking irony that The People’s Choice was a dubious bestseller about a brand that was hard to sell. The flattering attention that the book enjoyed from the zealous sycophants in Jonathan’s camp further mirrored a moral decay beyond comprehension.

    If the book launch was intended to influence the electorate in the presidential election, the political schemers and their dreamy objective scored a big zero. The people’s choice was determined by the people themselves and not by any predetermined plot by power desperadoes.

    It is good news that the National Leader of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, said at the launch of Adeniyi’s book that he was working on a book which would tell in detail the story of APC’s rise and PDP’s fall. There is no question about Tinubu’s pivotal role in the merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Congress for Progressive Change and All Nigeria Peoples Party to form the APC that presented Buhari as presidential candidate and defeated then incumbent President Jonathan.

    Tinubu’s media aide, Tunde Rahman, who represented him at the event, said: “Some have said that they will tell their story, Asiwaju is also working on his own book to tell his account of what transpired. To tell how he was able to mould the APC to the extent that it was able to unseat an incumbent president for the first time in the history of our contemporary politics.”

    Tinubu’s book is awaited with great expectation; so is Jonathan’s book. These will be bestsellers among bestsellers.  When these central characters tell their stories of how the APC rose and how the PDP fell, there will be further illumination.

  • Living and dying in denial

    There is a certain defensiveness that could pass for denialism. Before our very eyes, President Muhammadu Buhari appears to be facing a life-threatening health challenge. It is a season of creative euphemisms employed by the president’s defenders to downplay the evidence of reality.

    A picture of things as they are was presented by Olalekan Adetayo and Bayo Akinloye in an April 23 Punch report: “Fresh anxiety is mounting over the state of health of President Muhammadu Buhari, who returned to the country on March 10 after a 49-day medical sojourn in London, United Kingdom. The 74-year-old Nigerian leader was only seen in public once throughout last week, when he joined other Muslim faithful for a Juma’at service on Friday at a mosque located near his office inside the Presidential Villa, Abuja.  The service lasted less than one hour after which Buhari returned to his residence. Before Friday’s brief appearance, the last time he was seen in public was penultimate Friday when he attended the same service at the same venue. Presidency sources attributed the president’s continuous non-appearance at public events to his ailing health and the need to take further rest.”

    The report continued: “One of our correspondents reported that, although some government officials were reported to have met with Buhari in his office during the week to update him on developments in their ministries, no photographs or video recordings of such encounters were made available by the Presidency, which was contrary to the usual practice. Although the government officials spoke with reporters after their separate meetings with the president, the absence of such photographs and video recordings raised doubts as to whether, indeed, the government officials met with the president.”

    This representation of reality landed the newspaper’s Presidential Villa watcher Adetayo in the soup as he was robotically expelled from Aso Rock   by Buhari’s Chief Security Officer (CSO), Bashir Abubakar. The revolting reaction has been reversed, but it is thought-provoking that Buhari’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, tweeted:  “We weren’t consulted in the media office by the CSO before he expelled the Punch reporter. President Buhari is committed to press freedom.” If this is true, then it would suggest that the president and his CSO are not necessarily on the same page when it comes to non-negotiable respect for press freedom. If that is the case, it is curious that this CSO is still the CSO.

    The defensive game took a less physical dimension with a response by Buhari’s   Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, to rising public criticism of the president’s serial absence from the regular meetings of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) which he is supposed to chair.  After another non-appearance by Buhari on April 26, Shehu said in a statement: “As eager as he is to be up and about, the president’s doctors have advised on his taking things slowly, as he fully recovers from the long period of treatment in the United Kingdom some weeks ago. President Buhari himself, on his return to the country, made Nigerians aware of the state of his health while he was in London. Full recovery is sometimes a slow process, requiring periods of rest and relaxation, as the Minister for Information, Lai Mohammed, intimated in his press briefing after the FEC meeting on Wednesday.”

    Shehu added: “Despite his lack of visibility, Nigerians should rest assured that President Buhari has not abdicated his role as Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces. He receives daily briefings on the activities of government, and confers regularly with his Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo. His private residence, where he has been spending the majority of his time recently, has a fully equipped office.” A question may be asked: If the president can work from home, does he really need another office outside his home?

    There are those who argue that Buhari’s poor health is bad enough to necessitate his resignation. Apparently, Buhari himself does not think so. Also, his loyalists do not think so.  But the truth cannot be denied. To go by appearances, President Buhari is in bad shape.  This perhaps explains the observation that the Presidency seems reluctant to share photos and videos of his alleged recent meetings with government functionaries “contrary to the usual practice.”

    If pictures are more graphic than words, it is easy to understand why the Presidency is sticking to words in conveying Buhari’s health condition. Pictures would tell it all; and Buhari’s defenders don’t want telling images.

    How long can the game last? Sooner or later, it will be so glaring that Buhari’s bad health cannot allow him to perform. What will happen when the country comes to the point that is beyond denial?

    It is interesting to observe the thinking of the opposition on this issue. The chairman of the Caretaker Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ahmed Makarfi, was quoted as saying: “My take is that if the president is not fully fit to stay in office, it is better that he tell Nigerians, so that the vice president will continue to be Acting President, exercising the powers of acting president. For a number of reasons, the PDP wishes the president well, for stability of this country, political stability, and the fact that we want to defeat a sitting president. We don’t want any confusion politically in this country. “

    This is agenda-setting thinking. Why must Buhari remain in office if his health does not permit it? To suggest that there will be “confusion politically” if Buhari is not well enough to continue in office is to insist that he must remain in office even if his health condition does not allow it.

    Living in denial happens; so does dying in denial.  A denial is a denial, and a denialist is a denialist. It remains to be seen whether denialism can resolve Buhari’s undeniable health condition and its undeniable implications.

    It is a critical juncture in the country’s progression, and the country’s progress may suffer retrogression just because of the president’s ill health and the denialism of the president and his defenders. .

  • Poverty of prosperity

    Rich tributes enriched the 60th birthday of Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, on April 10, but there was no publicised striking philanthropic gesture by the Nigerian billionaire businessman to mark the milestone.

    At the helm of the Dangote Group, “which has interests in commodities,” Dangote is well rated among the world’s super-rich giants. He is the 67th richest person in the world and the richest in Africa, according to the rankings by Forbes, the influential US-based international magazine.  His many-sided company “operates in Nigeria and other African countries, including Benin, Ethiopia, Senegal, Cameroon, Ghana, South Africa, Togo, Tanzania, and Zambia.”  Dangote became “the world’s richest person of African descent” in 2013, and was the 23rd richest person in the world in 2014. The Forbes list of the top 10 richest Nigerians in 2017 puts his net worth at US $12.5 billion.

    If “Money is the medium by which earthly success is measured,” Dangote is indeed a huge earthly success. The quoted definition of money can be found in The Richest Man in Babylon, a bestseller by George Samuel Clason.

    It is thought-provoking that Nigeria’s richest man comes from Kano State in the country’s “most backward” region.  The Emir of Kano, Muhammad Sanusi, painted a picture of the region’s backwardness in an April 14 speech to mark the third anniversary of the outrageous abduction of over 200 Chibok schoolgirls by Islamist insurgents in 2014. It is sad that most of these girls have not been brought back.

    Sanusi said: “I recently gave a speech in which I said the North-East and North-West of Nigeria are the poorest parts of the country. This simple statement of fact has generated so much heat the noise is yet to die down. But what really are the facts?”

    Sanusi continued: “…the South-West of Nigeria has less than 20% of its population living in poverty while the North-West has more that 80% of its population living in poverty. In the North-East the figure is 76.8%. Over 90% of the people in Yobe and Zamfara States are living in poverty compared to 8.5% in Lagos and around 11% in Osun and Anambra states.”

    Further information: “According to published research: Over 70.8% of women in North-West are unable to read and write compared to 9.7% in the South-East zone; More than 2/3 of 15-19 -year- old girls in the North are unable to read a single sentence compared to less than 10% in the South; In 8 northern states, over 80% of the women are unable to read and write; Only 4% of females complete Secondary schools in Northern Nigeria; 78% of adolescent girls are in marriages in the North-West, 68% in the North-East and 35% in the North-Central-these numbers clearly mirroring the poorest regions in the country. The statistics in the other zones are 18% in SS, 17% in the SW and 10% in the SE.”

    Where does Dangote enter the picture? Well, he did nothing significant on his 60th birthday that reflected an awareness of his region’s crisis. Hear Sanusi: “We have a problem. In fact, we have an existential crisis. And all of us in this country, politicians, intellectuals, Emirs and traditional rulers, religious leaders, businesses, NGOs have to come together to solve this.”

    To be fair, when in May 2016 Dangote made a donation of N2 billion to internally displaced persons (IDPs), he also made a powerful statement by his example. Apart from being the single largest donation by an individual, what Dangote gave reflected his appreciation of the enormity of the humanitarian crisis caused by terrorism. This exemplary humanitarian response was reinforced by Dangote’s presence. It was a demonstration of empathy that communicated the humanity of Nigeria’s and Africa’s richest man. He was touring IDP camps in Dalori and Bakassi in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, when he announced his relief package which he said would be delivered through the Dangote Foundation.

    But prosperity comes with a social burden; the bigger the prosperity of the individual, the bigger the burden of social giving towards social development.

    Perhaps the most enlightening demonstration of this important implication is the thinking that produced the idea for The Giving Pledge launched in June 2010 by the world’s richest man, Bill Gates, worth US$86 billion in 2017, and wife Melinda, in association with super-rich Warren Buffet. It is a remarkably ethical “effort to help address society’s most pressing problems by inviting the world’s wealthiest individuals and families to commit to giving more than half of their wealth to philanthropy or charitable causes either during their lifetime or in their will.”

    The beauty of the pledge is that it represents no more than a moral commitment and it is volitional.  By April 2011, 69 billionaires had reportedly joined the campaign and pledged to give 50% or more of their wealth to support philanthropic causes. A year later, the campaign had attracted more of the elite rich and a report said “81 billionaires committed to giving at least half of their fortunes to charity.” According to a report,   “As of August 2015, 137 billionaire or former billionaire individuals or couples have signed the pledge.” Most of them are, like Buffett and Gates, American citizens. Considering America’s rich status, it speaks volumes for the enduring relevance of a giving philosophy driven by social responsibility that the original promoters of the pledge were prosperous Americans.

    It is noteworthy that there is an annual UN-endorsed International Day of Charity on September 5. Hungarian Csaba Korosi in a speech he gave at the UN on benevolent giving in the social context said: “Charity can alleviate the worst effects of humanitarian crises, supplement public services in health care delivery, education, housing, and child protection. It assists the advancement of culture, science, sports, and natural heritage.”

    It is popular to argue for speaking truth to power. What about speaking truth to the power of money? The Giving Pledge is built on the socially influenced and socially influential logic of giving back to society. It suggests that demanding measurable social responsibility from the super rich is not necessarily inspired by a sense of entitlement; but there is a sense in which it is a social entitlement.  It does not need to be imposed because it is properly self-imposing.

    In the final analysis, Dangote’s 60th birthday was a big occasion that he could have used, and should have used, to make a big statement on the social purpose of personal prosperity.

  • Ambode and celebration of history

    Ambode and celebration of history

    History is here and deserves a welcome. The journey to this juncture took 50 years.  The journey will continue, but this is time to take a look back at the beginning and to look forward to unending continuity.
    It is symbolic that the year-long celebration of the 50th anniversary of Lagos State, which will climax on May 27, was re-energised for the last 50 days of the festivities. By the logic of history, the story of the state’s journey from 1967 is also the story of its journey to 1967.
    Two realities define Lagos today: its megacity status and its remarkable resilience. It is noteworthy that Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities.   Evidently, a megacity needs mega governance because it has to grapple with mega challenges. In the light of its status-related difficulties, Lagos also needs mega resilience. Indeed, its recognition as an important resilient city is evidence of the extent of its resilience.
    If resilience is elasticity to manage change, then the inclusion of Lagos State in the circle of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, is a testimony to the administrative adroitness of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration.  This definition by the organisation gives an insight into the nature of resilience: “Urban resilience is the capacity of individuals, communities, institutions, businesses, and systems within a city to survive, adapt, and grow no matter what kinds of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.”
    As Governor of Lagos State at a historically significant point in time when the state is celebrating its 50th anniversary, Ambode is particularly positioned to manage its colourful complexity.  ”Being a part of the network of 100RC comes at a good time when our state is hoping to join the leading city-states of the world. We are open to new ideas, new technology and new methods,” Ambode had declared while receiving the 100RC Certificate of Admission at the Renaissance Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, on February 7.  The 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.
    A report said: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” In reality, a city’s resilience is driven by its Chief Resilience Manager. In the case of Lagos, Ambode’s gubernatorial role makes him the chief driver.
    On the eve of the 100RC event, Ambode had focused on the challenges of urbanisation at the 14th Annual Lecture of the Centre for Values in Leadership (CVL) held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos. Ambode had observed: “The issues lying at the heart of urban policy making in any city, old or new, developed or developing, include infrastructure, employment, population growth, economic sustainability and environmental viability. In addition to these, there are the classic urban challenges of overcrowding, unplanned and chaotic growth, insufficient provision of municipal services, from policing to healthcare to education to electricity and sewage – all of which are top of the agenda in many African cities.”
    He continued: “There is perhaps no better classic example of where these challenges of rapid urbanisation come to life than in Lagos. It is estimated that 86 immigrants enter Lagos every hour -the highest in any city in the world – and they have no plans to leave… This ever increasing population of the state however means that we have to be “on our toes” to provide facilities for this more than 23 million population.”
    At this point in its evolution, the centrality of a capable resilience manager cannot be overemphasised; and with Ambode at the helm, the signs are that the megalopolis will continue to survive and thrive. The rhythm of resilience is the rhythm of dynamism; and only the dynamic remain resilient. Less than two years in office, Ambode is impressively focused on remodelling Lagos and making it a model megalopolis. It is a reflection of the city’s resilience that the country’s other states cannot resist applauding Ambode’s governance model.
    There is no question that Lagos @ 50 is a special anniversary and deserves a special celebration. It may be said that Ambode’s position makes him the chief celebrator. The 53-year-old governor is not only at the centre of the show; he is central to the show. It is interesting that Ambode, born on June 14, 1963, was just three years old when the state was created in May 1967.
    When all former governors of the state join Governor Ambode for a special state executive council session on May 24 to mark the golden jubilee, the presence of 81-year-old Mobolaji Johnson, a retired Nigerian Army Brigadier and former military governor of Lagos State from May 1967 to July 1975, will reinforce the historic celebration.  Johnson, the state’s first governor, represents a beginning; Ambode represents a broadening of that beginning.  It is food for thought, and a reflection of the course of the journey, that Johnson was a military governor under military rule, while Ambode is a democratically elected governor.
    Lagos Carnival, scheduled for May 13, is an important part of the last lap.  The unique Eyo Festival, last held five years ago, will happen again on May 20. The grand finale on May 27 coincides with Children’s Day 2017 in Nigeria, and the major events include “a photo exhibition and the unveiling of a special coffee table book that captures the essence of Lagos through the lens of 50 accomplished photographers.”
    How much of history can be packed into a celebration of history? Perhaps providing an answer to this question has been a significant challenge to the organisers of the celebration.  Even as the festivities approach the finishing line, the question of what more should have been done, and the question of what more could still be done, remain relevant.
    Where will Lagos be 50 years from now? As Lagos turns 50, this is a logical question. The answer is unfolding, and Governor Ambode’s applaudable performance is part of the answer.

  • Has Lagos forgotten Herbert Macaulay?

    Long before Lagos became a megacity famed for its remarkable resilience, a mega figure did mega things to advance its development and the progress of Nigeria.  Herbert Macaulay, widely acknowledged as the ‘Father of Nigerian Nationalism’, made his exit almost 71 years ago on May 7, 1946, at age 81, but his spirit is energetically alive.

    As Lagos State celebrates its 50th anniversary, which will climax on May 27, it is curious that Herbert Macaulay is not on the front burner.   Without doubt, he belongs to the category of all-time greats.  It is noteworthy that Herbert Macaulay is generally associated with the spirit of Lagos. Indeed, his history is inextricably connected with Lagos history and the history of Nigeria.

    It is thought-provoking that the year-long celebration of Lagos at 50 has no space for Herbert Macaulay, which is a reflection of how the present tends to obscure the past, although the past is part of the present.  To see the past in the present requires presence of mind as well as a keen appreciation of history and historical progression.  In other words, it may be said that the reality of today cannot be separated from the reality of yesterday.

    To underline the relevance of Herbert Macaulay and his indisputable place in the context of the Lagos festivities, it is worth highlighting his celebration in drama.  It is testimony to Herbert Macaulay’s stature and his role in Lagos history that Prof. Akinwunmi Isola considered it fitting to write a 2009 play titled Herbert Macaulay and the Spirit of Lagos. It is heart-warming that this play was staged as Convocation Play on March 20 by the Department of Theatre Arts and Music, Lagos State University (LASU), as part of the institution’s “21st Convocation Ceremonies.”

    But this play deserves a bigger stage and a bigger audience. This is the story that Isola retells: “The governor quarrels with the Eleko over many developmental problems and decides to banish him. Herbert Macaulay, supported by some concerned Lagosians, coordinates a relentless agitation. The success of that spirit is recorded in the monumental judgment of the Privy Council in favour of Lagosians which culminated in the triumphal return of the Eleko to Lagos from Oyo where he served his banishment.”

    Herbert Macaulay was born in Lagos on November 14, 1864. His father, Rev Thomas Babington Macaulay, was the founder and first principal of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, established in 1859. His mother, Abigail Macaulay, was the daughter of Bishop Ajayi Crowther, the illustrious 19th century cleric who in 1864 was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church at a ceremony in England.

    Herbert Macaulay studied Civil Engineering in Britain. He qualified as a civil engineer in 1893, and he is recognised as the first Nigerian with such a professional qualification. He proudly attached the letters C.E. (Civil Engineer) to his name, and also practiced as an architect.

    In 1923, he launched the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), regarded as the first political party in Nigeria, following the amendment of the Nigerian Constitution in 1922, which allowed elected representatives for the Legislative Council and also created a municipal council in Lagos.  The NNDP dominated the political space for many years, and Herbert Macaulay, who was known as Mr. Democratic Party on account of his pivotal position in the party, earned the unchallenged appellation ‘Leader of Nigerian Politics.’ When the political situation took a new turn and the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) successfully challenged the dominance of the NNDP, Herbert Macaulay’s patriotic spirit promoted inter-party cooperation   as a necessity in the struggle for political freedom. The formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in 1944 led to a political merger that saw Herbert Macaulay emerge as the party’s first President.

    In 1927, Herbert Macaulay and his friend, John Akinlade Caulcrick, a medical doctor and politician, bought The Lagos Daily News, a newspaper founded in 1925 by Victor Babamuboni, a Lagos bookseller and printer. Herbert Macaulay was an intense monitor of the issues of the day, and expressed his views vigorously in pamphlets and newspaper articles. For instance, he criticised the government’s policy on the liquor trade, the water-rate scheme, the plan to build a separate church for white government officials, and the press law, among others.

    Herbert Macaulay’s pamphlet in 1908 criticising the Lagos Railway prompted Governor Egerton to propose a law that would restrict the press. The pamphlet, titled ‘Governor Egerton and the Railway,’ focused on corruption among white officials of the Railway. The power of the pamphlet drew attention to Herbert Macaulay.  He also regularly launched attacks on the colonial administration through critical newspaper articles.

    Herbert Macaulay fought various battles against the British colonial government. He was an anti-colonial combatant by conviction and choice, for he could have followed the comfortable path of collaboration with the colonialists if he wished. His background and education placed him among the elite of Lagos society. He actually belonged to the circle from which the colonial government nominated African representatives to the Legislative Council.

    But Herbert Macaulay was not the personality-type that appealed to the British administration, which regarded him as too principled, too critical, too independent, too bold and too assertive.

    In style and manners, Herbert Macaulay was so polished that the people of Lagos referred to him as Oyinbo Alawodudu (white man in black skin). He was noted for his handle-bar moustache, well-cut suits and long bow ties. He described his moustache and bow tie as “parallel and inseparable.” He was known as ‘The Wizard of Kirsten Hall.’

    But Herbert Macaulay was a striking grassroots politician. He played important roles in the celebrated Apapa Land Case as well as the equally celebrated Eleko case, which ended in favour of indigenous interests and gave a big boost to his image as a champion of justice. Herbert Macaulay was known as ‘Champion and Defender of Native Rights and Liberties.’  No other politician of his time could match his rapport with the common people.  For instance, he cultivated the friendship of Madam Alimotu Pelewura, the powerful leader of the Lagos Market Women’s Association, and could easily count upon the support of thousands of market women in Lagos. The masses composed songs in honour of Herbert Macaulay.

    A July 1931 edition of West Africa painted a pen portrait of Herbert Macaulay: “He has a voice and a laugh which would be passports anywhere. The quickness, the energy, the comprehensiveness, with which he can write an article – or a book, if need be – or make a speech, or organise a demonstration, are incredible.”

    At Herbert Macaulay’s funeral in Lagos, Nnamdi Azikiwe, who succeeded him as NCNC leader, referred to him as “my political father.” Azikwe said in a graveside oration: “He has left an imperishable legacy, the struggle for the attainment of social equality, economic security, religious tolerance and political freedom.” This struggle continues today.

    This is the giant whose spirit deserves to be invoked as Lagos turns 50.  Perhaps something can still be done.

  • A mother’s metaphysics

    A mother’s metaphysics

    When a domestic storm becomes undomesticated and turns into a public show, it is sure to grip public attention and imagination. This is the case with the legal case involving Mrs. Taiwo  Obasanjo who has asked a Lagos High Court to stop her son’s wedding scheduled for May 11 and 12. She filed a suit against former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the father of the husband-to-be, and Sir Kessington Adebutu, popularly known as Baba Ijebu, the father of the bride-to-be.

    A report said: “Mrs. Obasanjo, who is the twin sister of Chief Kenny Martins, the former coordinator of the Police Equipment Fund, is seeking for a postponement of the wedding of her son to Tope Adebutu till after June 30…Mrs. Obasanjo is seeking a declaration that as the mother of the groom, she has parental rights to take part in the deliberations, decisions and activities leading to the forthcoming ceremony. She claimed that wedding invitations have been issued without her knowledge. The groom’s mother averred that she has been excluded from all the preparations for the upcoming ceremony.”

    Additional information:  “She claimed to have received prophesies and spiritual warnings that Olujonwo should not engage in any elaborate celebration before his birthday, which is two weeks after the wedding, to avoid any impending calamity.” Olujonwo will be 34 on June 1.

    More information: “Mrs. Obasanjo stated that she filed the suit to compel Adebutu and Obasanjo to shift the wedding to a date beyond June 30. She also claims that she appealed to Adebutu, the mother of the bride, Mrs. Rosemary Dacosta, the bride as well as her twin brother. Mrs. Obasanjo said her pleas fell on deaf ears but was instead, insulted by members of the family.”  The suit has been fixed for hearing on April 10 before Justice Lateefa Okunnu, and Obasanjo and Kensington are yet to file a reply.

    When I got the news, my mind went to my interaction with Mrs. Obasanjo a few days before a prayer programme she held on March 12 at Dike Hall, Air Force Officers Mess, Victoria Island, Lagos. She had come to The Nation headquarters at Matori, Lagos, to see a contact and I happened to be around. I had met her a few times in the same contact’s office. On this particular day, in that same office, she went into a long talk about her prayer project. I eventually managed to get away to attend to production matters.

    I was in my office, racing to meet production deadline, when her contact’s aide brought her to me.  She needed publicity for her event and her contact asked his aide to bring her to my office. It was tough trying to focus on my work and her talk about her project at the same time. It was less than a week to her prayer programme, and she was interested in spreading the information through the major newspapers. She wanted to have the names of useful contacts in specific newspaper companies. I took her to someone in the news room who could be of help to her.

    She gave me some copies of printed material that served as an invitation to her event, which she tagged “Prayer Summit.” She said in the invitation: “As a concerned citizen, mother and a passionate lover of peaceful bonding and unity and good progress for all…I, Mrs. Taiwo Obasanjo (ex-wife to Daddy OBJ) humbly and respectfully invite you to a “national family prayer” of humble and genuine repentance before the Almighty God.

    She also said: “It is a gathering of sincere humble repentant souls with a change of heart for worthy existence. Let us join together to be a formidable, bold, truthful, courageous, respectful, honourable, caring, selfless, honest gathering with a sincere heart of genuine repentance to live and  implement “The agenda of the Almighty God” for our nation and the world.”

    She added: “To bond together to live and promote peace, unity, honesty, love, justice, welfare for all and to deliberately expel hatred, division, killing, bloodshed, greed, sectionalism and religious intolerance from our nation and the world. Thank you and God bless you mightily as you attend.” The “Convener” emphasised: “Not Government Sponsored.”

    A report quoted her as saying at the event: “God is ready to heal our land and change the pain. God wants to change our situation and make everything new. He loves and is interested in Nigeria. He is not giving up on us. God is ready to have mercy on Nigeria and forgive us all our sins, after which restoration will come. But we must be ready to repent of our sins.”

    This background is useful in situating Mrs. Obasanjo’s grounds for seeking a postponement of her son’s wedding with Tope Adebutu.  Her position, which is based on “prophesies and spiritual warnings,” can be appreciated only from a mystical angle.  Indeed, it requires a metaphysical leap to grasp her metaphysics.

    It is too easy to disregard her position, without regard for the other side of the coin. It is too easy to dismiss her spiritual context, without considering the possibility of a non-material context.  It is too easy to be world-conscious, without a consciousness of otherworldly spheres.  What if Mrs. Obasanjo’s position has credibility?

    Apart from the supernatural dimension of the matter, the maternal question deserves contemplation. It is unclear why the mother of the husband-to-be was allegedly treated so contemptuously by other stakeholders in the wedding project. But her maternal reality remains unassailable, and that should count in her favour. Of course, this does not mean, and cannot mean, unchallengeable entitlement.

    This domestic matter should not have developed into a storm.  Perhaps it would not have become stormy if all the stakeholders were more focused on the destination, and less focused on the route. The central goal is the wedding, meaning dates can be considered and reconsidered.

    It is food for thought that people at such great heights were unable to manage a situation that should have been well-managed to avoid a crisis point, which is where things seem to be right now.

  • Uniform question

    It isn’t trivial that the controversial Comptroller-General of Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Colonel Hameed Ali (retd), continues to trivialise the uniform of the agency by his unyielding refusal to wear it.  From the look of things, Ali is unlikely to wear the relevant uniform during his time as Customs chief. He enjoys the status, but it would appear that he is contemptuous of the uniform that reflects the status.

    Ali seems to have come to the job with a superiority complex, thinking and believing that his background as a retired army officer means it is beneath him to wear the uniform of an organisation he rates as inferior to the Army, even if he happens to be the boss.  Of course, there is a uniform that goes with the office and rank of Customs CG, and that uniform is supposed to project the agency, and its boss, who may be said to be the face of the organisation.

    Ali showed his mindset during a February 2 interaction with the Senate Committee on Customs and Excise concerning a proposed bill to restructure the NCS. A report said: “A member of the committee, Senator Obinna Ogba, demanded to know why Col Ali as Customs CG still appears in and wears mufti close to two years after his appointment. The Ebonyi Central Senator noted that the continuous appearance of Col Ali in mufti several months after his appointment appears to be ‘highly demoralising to officers and men of the front-line revenue generating agency.’ Ali fired back, saying that as a former military officer, tradition does not permit him to wear any other uniform.”

    When another member of the committee, Senator Dino Melaye, recalled that Halidu Hananiya, a retired Army General, wore the uniform of the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) as its Corps Marshall, Ali reportedly “told the committee that Gen. Hananiya made a fundamental mistake by wearing FRSC uniform.” It is food for thought that a retired Colonel suggested that he was more professionally conscious than a retired General.

    It is interesting that Ali’s position provoked Senator Ogba to the point that he “angrily walked out of the session.”  The report said: “While walking out of the hearing room, Ogba retorted “this is how you people keep on deceiving Nigerians on wrong action and still defend it.”

    Ali’s stance is indefensible. It exposed his complex; it also complexified   the uncomplicated.  If Ali thinks he is too big to wear the uniform of Customs CG, but does not think he is too big to be Customs CG, then he needs to be encouraged to rethink.  Hopefully, he won’t think he is too big to have a rethink.

    Whether Ali can be compelled to wear the Customs uniform is not the issue.  So, the dramatic divergence between the Senate and Ali on the matter, which has attracted public attention and has been compounded by other matters, is a drama of distraction.

    It is interesting that activist lawyer Femi Falana entered the fray with the argument that Ali “can’t be compelled to appear in uniform.” Falana said in a statement: “The Senate engaged in another illegality when it exceeded its powers by asking the CGC to appear before it in customs uniform. Neither the Constitution, nor the Rules of Procedure of the Senate has conferred on it the power to compel the CGC to wear customs uniform when he is not a serving customs officer. Indeed, the directive is a reckless usurpation of the powers of the Board which is the only competent body to decide on the wearing of uniform by customs officers. In many countries, including South Africa, customs officers do not wear uniforms. It is on record that the first four heads of the Customs department in Nigeria never wore uniforms.”

    Falana continued his argument:”With respect to the customs service, its officers are required to wear uniforms in accordance with Section 8 of the Customs Excise and Preventive Service Regulations which provides that “clothing and equipment shall be of such pattern and worn in such manner as the Board shall determine.” The suit challenging the legal validity of Col. Hameed Ali’s appointment has been dismissed on the ground that the President has the power to appoint a non-customs officer to head the customs service. Since a competent court has held that he is not a customs officer, Col. Ali cannot be made to wear any uniform by the Senate. If I am said to be wrong, I challenge the Senate to refer to any law that supports the wearing of uniform by the head of the customs service who is not a serving customs officer.”

    The question is not whether Falana is right or wrong. This issue is beyond what the law says; it is about brand logic.  If the Customs is seen as a brand, it follows that its head should be seen to be projecting and promoting the brand.  If Ali is the face of the organisation, not wearing the organisation’s uniform, or more specifically, trivialising what represents the organisation’s brand identity, amounts to doing a disservice to the brand.

    Ali does not need to be compelled to wear the uniform of the organisation he heads, or pressured into embracing the brand by wearing the uniform that defines it.  Wearing the Customs uniform should be a matter of duty for Ali; it is a commonsensical approach to organisation governance.

    Beyond the sound and fury that have characterised the public debate over Ali’s refusal to wear the Customs uniform, the heart of the matter is that Ali, by his stance, continues to exhibit a narrow understanding of organisation governance and the logic of organisation cohesion.

    The question may be asked: What will it cost Ali to wear the Customs uniform? To put it another way: What has Ali got to lose by wearing the Customs uniform?  He may indeed have more to gain because it would show that he is a thinking man who can rethink things, which may make him a right-thinking man.

  • Ambode’s cultural logic

    Ambode’s cultural logic

    Well-rounded governance is an expression of well-rounded thinking. In a striking demonstration of the possibilities of political governance, Lagos State Governor Akinwunmi Ambode continues to raise the bar for cultural thinking in political office.
    Ambode’s latest cultural statement, the presentation of Museum Possibilities and the unveiling of the design for a new world-class museum at the Eko Hotels and Suites, Lagos, on March 6, reflects a heightened cultural consciousness.  He said, “Every society must cherish its historical antecedents because they serve as source of inspiration for succeeding generations to discover, appreciate and take pride in their identity. It has become very imperative that we take a step back and revisit our history. It has become important that we renew efforts to preserve and protect our history and historical artefacts.”
    He also said, “In addition, the Lagos House also in Marina will be transformed into the Lagos Historical Centre. The JK Randle Arcade will be remodelled into a world-class recreation/tourism centre. The New Museum will complement and be an important part of the structures being planned for this axis. We intend to regenerate this axis and the museum into an iconic structure that will invoke deep sense of pride in all Nigerians.”
    It takes a thinking political administrator to grasp the cultural dimension of the pursuit of socio-economic development. Ambode continued: “This is the new possibility that is being presented to all stakeholders in the tourism sector and all Nigerians. On our part, our commitment is unshaken and we are eager to make this dream a reality within the shortest possible time. Given the megacity status of our state, we believe this is the right way to go in order to optimally harness the state’s tourism potential for wealth creation and sustainable growth.”
    It is remarkable that Ambode, whose Accounting background perhaps makes him an unlikely cultural enthusiast, has been able to show that there is no room for narrow-mindedness in governance.  There is no doubt that he has brought a breath of fresh air to the breadth of gubernatorial view.
    A further reflection of Ambode’s culture-conscious governance is the publicised collaboration of his administration with the Federal Government towards the renewal of the National Theatre, Lagos. The development is a definite positive for the country’s cultural sphere, particularly because the National Theatre was a subject of negative speculation during the past era of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency when the idea of selling it seemed to be the ruling idea.
    It is an interesting coincidence that the determined moves to redevelop the National Theatre are happening in its 40th year. The architectural masterpiece, which has a revered history and represents unquantifiable cultural value, is unforgettable as the venue of the 2nd World Black Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) held in 1977. It is a shame that the theatre complex was neglected and allowed to deteriorate to the point where a critical intervention is now required for its restoration.  No doubt, a restored National Theatre will enhance the country’s cultural attractions. In particular, it will raise the bar for cultural production and consumption in Lagos, and reignite nightlife in the megacity that is the country’s developmental pacesetter.
    Talking of theatres, it is dramatic that the Ambode administration is building six new theaters which are expected to be completed before the end of the year. Ambode’s cultural focus shows that his understanding of “needs in the society” is not narrow and simplistic. When the theatres take shape, their presence will mark a cultural reinvention that may well inspire a cultural revolution. Certainly, a megacity deserves thriving cultural centres that will raise the bar for cultural production and consumption. The beauty of Ambode’s cultural imagination is the promise of civilisation. It is undeniable that cultural production and consumption have a potentially civilising influence. It is this core value that the new theatres are expected to bring to Lagos life.
    Cultural logic also inspired the reinvention of the storied Tinubu Square on Lagos Island under the Ambode administration.   Ambode’s remarks at the unveiling of the renewed site reflected historical and aesthetic consciousness: “The decision to renovate this monument was informed by the need to upgrade it to a level that befits the status of Lagos Central Business District. It is part of the plan of this administration to develop the Marina and Onikan axis to world-class tourist destinations.”
    Regarded as one of the most-visited attractions in Lagos, Tinubu Square occupies a 2000-square metre space said to have been donated to the British colonial administration by Madam Tinubu. A report said “the structure that was built on the land was the Court of Assizes,” which was replaced by “a tourist water fountain donated by the Lebanese Community in Nigeria to commemorate Nigeria’s independence from British rule in 1960.”
    Ambode painted a portrait: “This magnificent monument was erected in memory of a valiant woman, Madam Efunroye Tinubu, the first Iyalode of Egbaland and one of the greatest merchants of colonial Lagos. It is a celebration of her exploits in the business world and contribution to the foremost status to which our state has attained in the world of commerce.” He promised that “historical monuments such as this will continue to be given a facelift.”
    By paying attention to cultural production and consumption, Ambode has shown a holistic approach to governance. It stands to reason that a megacity needs mega governance. The status of Lagos as a megacity is a reason for mega governance. Nigeria’s megacity in 2015 was listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities and credited with an unofficial population figure of “approximately 21 million.” Of course, a megacity has to grapple with mega challenges. Megacity challenges include slums, crime, homelessness, traffic congestion and environmental pollution. It is noteworthy that Ambode continues to respond to these challenges with mega capacity.
    Cultural governance is usually overlooked by leaders whose idea of political governance is strictly one-dimensional; or it is downplayed to a level of insignificance. This is why Ambode is an exemplary political player in this regard, particularly because his impressive cultural interventions have happened in less than two years at the helm. It takes a cultured mind to think culturally. Ambode deserves a garland for services to culture.

  • Fayose: The other side of the coin

    Those who desperately demonise Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose tend to downplay the reality of the other side of the coin, meaning there may be reasons to lionise him.

    Fayose said some things recently that were food for thought. But those who refuse to see any sense in what he says missed the point. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo made a show of the inauguration of his Presidential Library in Abeokuta, Ogun State, on March 4, Fayose said from a distance: “Obasanjo will with a rotten mouth condemn PDP that gave him a platform to be president from prison for eight years. When we saw the picture when Obasanjo was released from prison by General Abdusalami, you would not allow such a man to sit beside you. We were made to pay him N10 million each as governors in 2005 to build his presidential library. I have written to him, return that money o Baba. How can Nigeria celebrate a corrupt man? He is the worst ever. He should put interest in the N10 million that I contributed. His time has come and gone; we are at the centre of the business now.” Fayose described the multibillion Naira library project as “the greatest fraud ever witnessed in Nigeria.”

    Contrast Fayose’s unflattering illumination with the flattering decoration by Acting President Yemi Osinbajo whose presence added colour to the event. Osinbajo described Obasanjo as “an African icon.”  Osinbajo said: “President Olusegun Obasanjo is therefore a gift in various ways being so intricately tied to the history of Nigeria, few years away from independence to the civil war and then head of state with the Nigerian people and then the transition to civil rule and then from retirement and farming and being twice elected as president of Nigeria and then handed over to another president. At every turn, he recorded his views and perspectives and especially of the times in various books, articles, seminars and now in this amazing monument to add credible life of service to our continent and to our world.”

    It is clear that Fayose provided a more clarifying picture, and helped to situate the event more unsentimentally. As a central player in an administration that is passionate about anti-corruption, Osinbajo’s perspective leaves much to be desired. It is understandable that Osinbajo was expected to be diplomatic at the event, but there are times when diplomatic language is carried too far.  Fayose’s unadorned account seems to make more sense for public consciousness.

    When President Muhammadu Buhari was busy trying to show that he was not so unwell in the United Kingdom as to be uncommunicative, it was Fayose who characteristically suggested a winning communication approach that was likely to reassure a reasonably sceptical Nigerian public.  Fayose said in a statement: “I advise the President to speak with me to convince Nigerians that he is hale and hearty instead of looking for outsiders to convince us. If the problem is looking for a credible person to help convince Nigerians, then Ayo Fayose is the best bet. Let the President speak with me. If I tell Nigerians that the President spoke with me, they will believe.”

    Fayose added: “Since they are eager for the President to speak to people, let Buhari talk to me. I can be reached on 08035024994. I am credible and Nigerians will believe me. They said he spoke to President Donald Trump; despite the hype, Nigerians were sceptical. Then they said he spoke to the King of Morocco; again, Nigerians were suspicious. Before we recovered from that, it was the AU President. A President that can speak with outsiders should be able to whisper or wave to his own people. The people voted him in and so presidential aides should stop giving the impression that Buhari has no respect for the electorate.”

    It is easy to see the amusing side of Fayose without seeing his serious side. That is why those who only see one-dimensionality when they look at him can’t see his other dimensions.  This is a character whose words and actions need to be construed creatively.

    When Fayose wants to mingle, he does so strikingly and with the enthusiasm of a man who is conscious of personal brand promotion possibilities. Those who criticise him for mingling don’t seem to appreciate his personal branding efforts.  When he is photographed with lowly locals playing the role of a good mixer and de-emphasising his gubernatorial status, his ready critics reduce his interaction with the people to the point of absurdity.  It would appear that other governors may project populism but not Fayose, simply because of the peculiarity of his populism.

    It is impossible to escape a superlative adjective for the emphatic success Fayose of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) achieved in the Ekiti State governorship election of June 21, 2014. His victory was fantabulous.  By his spectacular emergence, he apparently demonstrated the actuality of his self-definition.  Days to the historic election, he said in an interview: “You cannot take away the fact that I am a recurring decimal in the political equation of Ekiti State. You can’t take that away from me. You cannot equally deny that I am a grassroots person.”

    It is observable that the All Progressives Congress (APC), which Fayose defeated to become governor, has not recovered from his sucker punch. Those on the other side continue to respond to his administration with emotionally charged criticisms.  It is worth mentioning that domestic observers and foreign monitors endorsed the election that brought Fayose to power, employing terms that left little or no room for antagonism, such as “free,” “fair,” “transparent,” “peaceful” and “credible.”

    Fayose’s quotable quotes during an event to mark the 2017 International Women’s Day in Ekiti State on March 8 gave an insight into why he says the things he says in the way he does. He said: “They say I talk anyhow. Why do they behave anyhow?” His words also provided useful insight into why he mingles. Fayose said: “The power of the people is greater than those of us in power.”  It goes without saying that the country would be a much better place if those in power grasp the reality that power belongs to the people.

  • Rev King: Birthday on death row

    This is what happens when death row becomes a place of life. A full-page congratulatory communication published in THISDAY on February 27 was a remarkable reminder that Rev. Chukwuemeka Ezeugo, better known as Rev. King, has not been hanged despite a Supreme Court ruling.
    Under the banner, “Congratulations to our Daddy G. O.”, the communication began: “We the entire members of St. Faith Women (The Daughters of the Kingdom of God) heartily rejoice with our lovely Daddy G.O.  His Holiness, The Most Honourable Dr. Rev. King, Founder/General Overseer of CPA Church Worldwide on the occasion of his birthday which comes up today, Sunday the 26th day of February  2017.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
    The advertisers continued: “Daddy, you are the light of the world. A nation without you is in total darkness. Daddy, you are a wonderful counselor, prince of peace, a great deliverer, our redeemer, a hope for the down-trodden. You have proven to us beyond reasonable doubt that truly salvation belongeth unto the Lord and your blessing is upon your people.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
    Things happen when a death row convict is still alive a year after what was supposed to be the final judicial pronouncement on his case. More things were said about King in the advert space: “Widows, widowers, barren, the sorrowful have found joy, freedom, salvation from you. You alone singlehandedly taught us how to live a holy and righteous life. Barren in our midst have conceived and are mothers in their respective homes. You have delivered so many of us from inability to get married. So many of us whom you delivered from mammy-water group, ogbanje group, witches and wizards groups are happy today because we located you. Some of us who were bound with chains, feathers, shackles, handcuffs, spiritual iron belt of Satan, etc. have been freed from our respective prisons where Satan kept us for decades. Today, we are enjoying our freedom.”
    Perhaps not unexpectedly, the promoters got more enthusiastic as the promotion progressed. They said: “Era of poverty, suffer-suffer have become a thing of the past in our lives. So many of us you healed from cancers, fallopian tube blockages, moving objects, bleeding, HIV/AIDS, barrenness, fibroid, etc. are blessed to have met with our maker face to face.” This deification of King happened because he has not been hanged.
    What followed was straight out of the realm of unreality: “Daddy, it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you. So many hidden truths have been exposed according to your messages. No amount of gossips, scandals, hatred, can deter us from following you.” This attempted revision of reality happened because King has not been hanged.
    How did King become a death row prisoner? King’s trial began at the Lagos High Court in Ikeja on September 26, 2006. The cruel cleric was accused of the murder of a member of his church, Ann Uzoh, and attempted murder of five other members. He was said to have set the deceased and the others ablaze after bathing them with petrol for alleged immoral behaviour.
    Uzoh died from her burns on August 2, 2006, 11 days after the savagery. The trial judge, Justice Olubunmi Oyewole (now a Justice of the Court of Appeal),  who delivered his judgement  on January 11, 2007,  found King guilty and sentenced him to 20 years imprisonment for attempted murder. In addition, King got a death sentence for murder. The Court of Appeal backed the death sentence. The Supreme Court, by its supreme judgement on February 26, 2016, supported the supreme sentence of death by hanging.
    Murderers are penalised not only for murder; they are also penalised so that others may not become murderers. It is thought-provoking that a report said: “During the first church service after the Supreme Court verdict at the Lagos headquarters at Ajao Estate, Pastor Ifeanyi King, who preached, said: “Our G. O. (General Overseer), the Most Holiness, Rev. King, is coming back. He said he would come back and we believe the words of his mouth. We believe his report that he is coming back. Everything happening now we know is the handiwork of witches and wizards. Soon a new story will emerge.”
    Perhaps a new story is emerging, considering the content of the communication to mark King’s latest birthday on February 26. Indeed, King’s promoters need to clarify their claim: “it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you.”
    Curiously, King may live longer than his death sentence intended because, according to a report quoting a Prisons spokesman, there are no fewer than 1,639 inmates awaiting execution. This overpopulation is inexcusable. As long as the death penalty is accommodated by the country’s justice system, there is no justification for keeping condemned convicts waiting. It is unclear how long these death row convicts have been waiting; it is anti-justice for the political authorities to perpetuate their wait.
    It is complex enough to arrive at a death decision, and the complexity should not be further complicated by last-minute indecision when it comes to executing the decision. If judges are able to reach a death decision without the interference of extra-judicial considerations, the political authorities should be able to carry out the decision without the hindrance of extra-legal thoughts.
    If murder is the ultimate crime and death is the ultimate punishment, then ultimate crime deserves ultimate punishment. It is important to bring closure to this human drama of inhumanity. The longer King is allowed to live after the ultimate judicial decision, the longer it will take to close the murder case.
    It is interesting that King’s promoters called him “The man of the moment, every moment and the final moment.” They said emphatically in the birthday communication: “KING FOREVER! LIVE FOREVER!” But it is well known that no man lives forever, particularly a man on death row; and King’s promoters should know that.
    What’s the point of a death sentence that is not put into effect? What happened because King has not been hanged could happen again. More things could happen because King has not been hanged. Why has King not been hanged?