The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • To blow or not to blow?

    There is no information about whistleblowers that have been paid for whistleblowing based on the President Muhammadu Buhari administration’s anti-corruption strategy for the recovery of stolen public funds. But there is news about a whistleblower that turned down the payment due to him because he considered whistleblowing a patriotic responsibility. Other whistleblowers may not be so selfless.

    Information by the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, suggests there were other whistleblowers that may have had no qualms about receiving the due payment.  He reportedly said the whistleblower policy had led to the recovery of US$151 million and N8billion. His words: “The looted funds, which do not include the $9.2 million in cash allegedly owned by a former Group Managing Director of the NNPC (which was also a dividend of the whistleblower policy), were recovered from just three sources through whistleblowers who gave actionable information to the office of the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation. The biggest amount of $136,676,600.51 was recovered from an account in a commercial bank, where the money was kept under an apparently fake account name, followed by N7billion and $15million from another person and N1billion from yet another.”

    The minister presented a picture of the role of the whistleblower in the case of the over $9 million allegedly hidden in an uncompleted house in Kaduna by a former NNPC chief executive:  “Somebody gave us the information; we went there and saw the money loaded in fridges and boxes and the owner has admitted that the money belongs to him. He said the money was given to him by friends after he retired and we want those friends to come forward.’’ It is interesting the minister didn’t give information regarding whether the whistleblower in this case got the due payment.

    Mohammed observed that the approach was working, considering the harvest within a short period. He said: “Well, the whistleblower policy is barely two months old and Nigerians have started feeling its impact, seeing how a few people squirrelled away public funds…Yet whatever has been recovered so far, including the $9.8million by the EFCC, is just a tip of the iceberg.”

    Clearly, Mohammed expects more whistleblowing. Indeed, there may well be more whistleblowing. The question is whether more whistleblowers will follow the example of the one who rejected the payment for whistleblowing.

    Mohammed highlighted the case of the perhaps unexpected selfless whistleblower: “I want to put on record that the fellow through whom we recovered N1 billion, in an account, told us he does not want any commission from government because that was his contribution to the country. But, I can assure you that we are not going to renege on our promise of the appropriate commission to anyone who gives us information that leads to recovery of money through this policy. ‘’

    This policy, unprecedented in Nigeria’s political history, presents two choices: To blow or not to blow. It may not be as easy as it sounds.  Where the whistleblower blows the whistle, it reflects a decision that whistleblowing is what to do in the prevailing circumstances, whether in obedience to a  “categorical imperative,” or in obedience to less noble influences. Where there is a deliberate decision not to blow the whistle, it may well be that there is no burden of responsibility, and there is no desperation to make easy money.

    Possibly to prompt further public action, Mohammed reiterated the basics of the policy for public consumption: “The whistleblowing policy is a very simple policy through which we encourage Nigerians who have any information about the violation of our rights, commission of a crime, fraud or corruption or any Nigerian who knows where certain money is being held or kept to anonymously contact us. We will protect his or her identity and if the information leads to the recovery of money, he or she will be entitled to 2.5 per cent or 5 per cent of the money recovered. We have three channels of passing the information which could be through dedicated SMS, a portal and an e-mail address and all of them are secured.’’

    Against the background of whistleblowing and whistleblowers, it is pertinent to note that information by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) indicated that about 45 high-profile corruption cases had been taken to court. A report said: “The cases stated in the document exclude the $153m recently forfeited to the Federal Government by Diezani Alison-Madueke; the $9m case involving Andrew Yakubu; the prosecution of a former Director-General of the National Broadcasting Commission, Emeka Mba (N2.8bn); as well as all retired military officials (N40bn).”

    Further report: “Some of the high-profile cases stated in the document include an alleged N36bn case involving a former Governor of Jigawa State, Saminu Turaki; a fraud case involving a former Governor of Gombe State, Senator Danjuma Goje (N25bn), and a former Governor of Nasarawa State, Aliyu Doma.”

    Additional information: “Other prominent cases listed include the Chairman of Atlantic Energy Brass Development Limited and Atlantic Energy Drilling Concept Limited, Jide Omokore, who is standing trial for an alleged $1.6bn fraud; a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, Patrick Akpobolokemi, who is standing trial before two different courts for alleged N1.6bn fraud and N754.7bn fraud. The committee also listed the case of the President, NLNG Staff Bonny Co-op Investment and Credit Society Limited, Julius Peters, who is being tried for an alleged N207bn fraud.”

    High-profile corruption cases, according to the committee, are cases in which any of the suspects is “a politician, public officer or judicial officer; a person elected or nominated to a public office or position and where the subject matter of the case involves government property or funds.”

    How will the corruptly acquired funds recovered from the corrupt be spent? This is a serious question, and it deserves a serious answer. A report quoted “a top government official” as saying: “The National Economic Forum has been meeting and we are looking at the idea of investing the recovered funds on the social intervention programme which will gulp hundreds of billions of naira.” Specifically, the official “said the money would be used in paying the N30, 000 monthly stipends to beneficiaries of the N-Power scheme, the job creation programme of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration; as well as the school feeding programme.”

    The point is that there is no point in encouraging whistleblowing and whistleblowers if the harvest will not serve socially useful purposes.

  • Thanksgiving and thanksgiver

    Thanksgiving and thanksgiver

    W hen a thankful thanksgiver with a heart full of thanks organises a thanksgiving service, it should be expected that he would give a testimony. Former Delta State Governor James Ibori, who returned to Nigeria after serving time in the United Kingdom for corruption–related crime, gave a curious testimony at the First Baptist Church, Oghara, Delta State, on February 12, prompting reflections on thanksgiving.
    When is a thanksgiving service a thanksgiving service, properly so called? Ibori’s testimony was a testimony to the elasticity of the idea of thanksgiving. Ibori said: “Today, I have decided to speak for myself. I am not a thief; I cannot be a thief. Today is the day they say I should give testimony to God. For those who know me, you know that my life is a testimony itself. I have said it over and again that my life is fashioned by God, directed by God, sealed, acknowledged and blessed by God. I believe that since the day I was born. Like the Archbishop said, when this whole commotion started, what was most painful to me was the pain and suffering that my people were going through.”
    It is thought-provoking that information on Ibori contradicts his self-promoting twin claim that he is not a thief and cannot be a thief: “Ibori moved to London, England, in the 1980s where he married his wife, Theresa. Ibori worked as a cashier at Wickes DIY store in Ruislip, Middlesex.  In 1990, the couple were arrested for theft from the store, and fined £300. In 1991, he was convicted of handling a stolen credit card, and fined £100.”
    It is unsurprising Ibori brought God into the picture while giving his testimony; thanksgivers usually bring God into it when they express their thankfulness. But it is startling Ibori mentioned God because he has not demonstrated God consciousness, meaning his words are not enough to show he understands the concept of God and the demands of God consciousness.
    Ibori continued: “I drew my strength from God. So, somehow, I knew that God would stand by me. I knew that one day, this day would come. I am indeed very pleased that I can now stand before you and look at your faces, the faces that I have missed, and those of you who have indeed suffered the pains of my absence.”
    Ibori also said: “So, when I reflect, it gives me joy that all your prayers, God has answered them… If I am to give testimony of my journey, you will not leave here… The only testimony that I have is the fact that I am back and alive in your midst. And again, I say that I never had any doubt in my mind that I would get back home…I am happy to be home with my people. There is nobody who can battle with the Lord. An Urhobo adage says there is time for everything (okiemute). A day will come when I will tell my story and every one of you will hear me. Today is to thank God.”
    The background to Ibori’s thanksgiving is worth presenting in some detail because it definitely doesn’t reflect God consciousness on his part:  ”In 2007, the Metropolitan Police raided the London offices of lawyer Bhadresh Gohil. Hidden in a wall behind a fireplace, they found computer hard drives containing details of myriad off-shore companies, run for Ibori by Gohil, fiduciary agent Daniel Benedict McCann, and corporate financier Lambertus De Boer. All of these men were later jailed for a total of 30 years.  As a result of these corruption allegations, the United Kingdom courts froze Ibori’s assets there, valued at about £17 million ($35 million), in early August 2007…In an exclusive interview with CNN, Ibori denied allegations against him claiming they were politically motivated.”
    More information: “On December 12, 2007, Ibori was arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at the Kwara State Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja. The charges he faced include theft of public funds, abuse of office, and money laundering…On December 17, 2009, A Federal High Court sitting in Asaba, Delta State, discharged and acquitted Ibori of all 170 charges of corruption brought against him by EFCC.”
    Further information: “In April 2010… Ibori’s case file was reopened. A new allegation that he embezzled N40 billion ($266 million) was pressed against him…. Ibori fled Nigeria, prompting the EFCC to request the assistance of Interpol. On May 13, 2010, Ibori was arrested in Dubai, United Arab Emirates under Interpol arrest warrants, issued from United Kingdom courts and enacted by the Metropolitan Police…Ibori’s case and extradition became one of the longest, most complex and expensive operations mounted by Scotland Yard in recent years.”
    Additional information: “On February 27, 2012, accused of stealing US$250 million from the Nigerian public purse, Ibori pleaded guilty to ten counts of money laundering and conspiracy to defraud at Southwark Crown Court, London. Following the guilty plea entered by Ibori, the EFCC brought before an Appeal Court the six-year-old ruling of a Federal High Court in Asaba which acquitted Ibori in 2009…A three-man panel of justices at the Benin Division of the Court of Appeal on May 15, 2014, ruled that the ex- governor has a case to answer. With this judgment, the coast is clear for Ibori to face further trial in Nigeria…”
    This is what followed Ibori’s admission of guilt: “On Tuesday, April 17, 2012, Ibori was sentenced to 13 years in prison by Southwark Crown Court for his crimes. Among possessions confiscated were: A house in Hampstead, north London, for £2.2m; a property in Shaftesbury, Dorset, for £311,000; a £3.2m mansion in Sandton, near Johannesburg, South Africa; a fleet of armoured Range Rovers valued at £600,000; a £120,000 Bentley Continental GT; a Mercedes-Benz Maybach 62 bought for €407,000 cash, which was shipped direct to his mansion in South Africa.”
    This is worth mentioning: “After the sentencing hearing, Sue Patten, head of the Crown Prosecution Service central fraud group, said Ibori had acquired his riches “at the expense of some of the poorest people in the world.” Ibori was released from jail in December 2016 after serving four years; he came back to Nigeria on February 4.
    It is curious that a man whose conduct as governor was unquestionably ungodly now wants the world to believe that he believes in God. It is a point to ponder whether Ibori has developed God consciousness, beyond his mechanical mention of God at his thanksgiving event.

  • Ambode as resilience manager

    If resilience is elasticity to manage change, then the inclusion of Lagos State in the circle of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, is a testimony to the administrative adroitness of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration.

    As Governor of Lagos State at a historically significant juncture when the state is celebrating its 50th anniversary which will climax in May, Ambode is particularly positioned to manage its colourful complexity.  ”Being a part of the network of 100RC comes at a good time when our state is hoping to join the leading city-states of the world. We are open to new ideas, new technology and new methods,” Ambode declared while receiving the 100RC Certificate of Admission at the Renaissance Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, on February 7.  The 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.

    A report said: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” Indeed, a city’s resilience is driven by its Chief Resilience Manager. In the case of Lagos, Ambode’s gubernatorial role makes him the chief driver.

    It is a reflection of Ambode’s administrative innovativeness and infrastructural imagination that the eve of the 100RC ceremony witnessed the inauguration of a 12-member Economic Advisory Committee at the Lagos House, Ikeja. Ambode’s words to the team: “Let me crave your indulgence to present a picture of what we are confronted with. Our 2017 budget earmarked about N500 billion (about US$1.6 billion) as capital spending.  Whereas our recent infrastructure needs analysis shows that over $30 billion would be required to achieve the 30 most impactful projects for the state over the next five years. It is evident that government cannot address this from current resources. A key task of this committee is therefore to provide specific advice on the overall finance strategy to bridge the massive infrastructure gap.”

    A report provided further elaboration: “Highlighting some of the key functions expected of the Economic Advisory Team, Ambode said they would be expected to bring an independent perspective on economic and business issues with a primary role of offering advice to his administration under the four strategic 2012-2025 Lagos State Development Plan (LSDP) pillars of economic development; infrastructural development; social development and security as well as sustainable development. The governor said whilst the committee is independent and largely constituted by members from the private sector, the need for integration and collaboration to ensure that the views are taken on board necessitated in having three members of the State Executive Council, led by the Commissioner for Finance in the team.” Considering the country’s recession challenges, this move demonstrates Ambode’s resilience consciousness.

    On the eve of the 100RC event, Ambode also unveiled his administration’s plan to phase out yellow buses popularly known as Danfo. Hopefully, this is a well-thought-out plan that will reform the city’s public transport system without creating a crisis of reformation. Ambode focused on the challenges of urbanisation at the 14th Annual Lecture of the Centre for Values in Leadership (CVL) held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos.

    Ambode observed: “The issues lying at the heart of urban policy making in any city, old or new, developed or developing includes infrastructure, employment, population growth, economic sustainability and environmental viability. In addition to these, there are the classic urban challenges of overcrowding, unplanned and chaotic growth, insufficient provision of municipal services, from policing to healthcare to education to electricity and sewage – all of which are top of the agenda in many African cities.”

    He continued: “There is perhaps no better classic example of where these challenges of rapid urbanisation come to life than in Lagos. It is estimated that 86 immigrants enter Lagos every hour -the highest in any city in the world – and they have no plans to leave… This ever increasing population of the state however means that we have to be “on our toes” to provide facilities for this more than 23 million population.”

    It is noteworthy that Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities.   Evidently, a megacity needs mega governance because it has to grapple with mega challenges. In the light of its status-related difficulties, Lagos also needs mega resilience. Indeed, its recognition as an important resilient city is evidence of the extent of its resilience.

    Designed to “help cities around the world become more resilient to the physical, social, and economic challenges that are a growing part of the 21st century,” the 100RC project has its definition of urban resilience, which provides a context for the listing of Lagos:  ”Resilience is about surviving and thriving, regardless of the challenge…  Urban resilience is the capacity of individuals, communities, institutions, businesses, and systems within a city to survive, adapt, and grow no matter what kinds of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.”

    For clarification, “chronic stresses” which are said to “weaken the fabric of a city on a day-to-day or cyclical basis,” include “high unemployment, inefficient public transportation systems, endemic violence, and chronic food and water shortages.”  Further clarification:  ”acute shocks” which are described as “sudden, sharp events that threaten a city,” include “earthquakes, floods, disease outbreaks, and terrorist attacks.”

    A list of resilience challenges facing Lagos: Chronic Energy Shortages, Coastal Flooding, Disease Outbreak, Infrastructure Failure, Overpopulation, Overtaxed/ Under Developed/Unreliable Transportation System, Poor Transportation System, Rainfall Flooding, Rising Sea Level and Coastal Erosion.

    No doubt, Lagos has its share of “chronic stresses” and “acute shocks”; but it is surviving, and it is thriving. At this point in its evolution, the centrality of a capable resilience manager cannot be overemphasised; and with Ambode at the helm, the signs are that the megalopolis will continue to survive and thrive.

    Less than two years in office, Ambode is impressively focused on remodelling Lagos and making it a model megalopolis. It is a reflection of the city’s resilience that the country’s other states cannot resist applauding Ambode’s governance model.  Lagos State is working because Ambode is working.

    The rhythm of resilience is the rhythm of dynamism; and only the dynamic remain resilient. In the final analysis, the internationally recognised resilience of Lagos is a useful lesson for the rest of the country.

  • Progressives need progress

    Progressives need progress

    Surely, it is a sign of the times that Afro-Pop artiste Tuface is set to lead a protest march against hard times and the federal government’s alleged mismanagement of the country’s economic crisis.
    A January 31 report said: “In a video on his Facebook account, which racked up more than 21,000 views after just an hour, the singer urged his compatriots to stand up in a “peaceful and articulate manner.” “The need for urgent solutions to the challenges facing Nigerians has become very clear,” Tuface, whose real name is Innocent Ujah Idibia, said in the video. “Things are not getting better for the majority; we are still where we are, poor and desperate. I will no longer be quiet.”
    It is interesting that based on this song of bitterness, a sort of protest movement developed leading to a plan to protest on February 6 at the National Stadium, Lagos. “It’s crazy, we didn’t have a clue this would happen,” Efe Omorogbe, Tuface’s manager, reportedly said. “It was very spontaneous, we didn’t plan it.” In other words, the plan was unplanned, meaning that the planners may well have no plan.
    Interestingly, after an initial disagreement, the police and the protesters reached an agreement. Lagos State Commissioner of Police Fatai Owoseni said: “We had a meeting with the protesters and we explained to them why we advised against the protest. A pro-government group wants to protest that same day and we don’t want a situation where there would be friction. We also don’t want hooligans to hijack the process and injure the protesters.” He continued: “After explaining to them, they said they will go back and discuss with others. They said if they decide to go ahead, they won’t demonstrate but would assemble at a point and read their demands. That notwithstanding, we have resolved to provide security for them. It is our responsibility and we won’t shy away from it. We will ensure trouble makers do not hijack the process.”
    Obviously, this is a developing story, and there will be further developments. At this stage, the publicity has helped to highlight the scale of sourness in the public space concerning the shape of the country’s economy and the need to reshape it. There are many voices complaining about the recession and how the federal government has allegedly lost the plot.
    Indeed, there are many critics of the federal government who insist that President Muhammadu Buhari is clueless about how to redeem the rot. It is a simplistic perspective. It has been said that insight is often accompanied by sightlessness. Those who believe and claim that the Buhari administration has failed, or is failing, seem to have lost sight of the reality that the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), cannot be isolated from the administration’s performance.
    If Buhari is a failure, it cannot be said that the APC is a success. If Buhari is a success, it cannot be said that the APC is a failure. Correcting the country’s economic crisis is too critical to be left to the Buhari administration without critical input from the ruling party.
    The recent intervention by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, an APC leading light, demonstrated the necessity for the party’s involvement in the effort to rescue the country from recession. In a bold and brilliant lecture at the National Defence College (NDC), Abuja, on January 25, Tinubu declared: “We have to criticise ourselves when it is necessary, speak truth to power. We are the power; we will talk the truth to ourselves…The challenge before us is a difficult but not impossible one. If we stick to the progressive beliefs of the APC, we shall overcome these difficulties to place the economy on surer permanent footing.”
    Tinubu’s talk, titled “Strategic Leadership: My Political Experiences,” provided nuggets of political and economic wisdom that the Buhari administration would do well to absorb. Tinubu observed: “There cannot be strategic leadership without a conscious objective. Political leadership in Nigeria generally has fallen short in this regard. Leadership has been short-sighted and fixed on narrow, immediate objectives. Because of this, leadership has been more transactional than strategic in nature. It has been more focused on the retention of power and control than on the substantive results and long-term consequences of its policies and actions.” There is a point where presidential teachableness meets party guidance. There is a lot to be gained by the Buhari administration if it develops a teachable spirit.
    It is easy to see that the Buhari administration’s concentration on its anti-corruption campaign is helpful to the anti-recession campaign because the recession is not unconnected with political corruption. An alarming report by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) last year made the point that “corruption brought Nigeria to its knees.” The report covered August 2015 to July 2016. PACAC said: “For example, it is widely believed that insecurity escalated because of the massive embezzlement of $2 billion through the Office of the National Security Adviser under the leadership of Col. Sambo Dasuki, who allegedly diverted the money appropriated to fight insurgency. The problems in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry reached the zenith with multi-billion dollars subsidy scams while President Jonathan looked the other way.”
    The most chilling aspect of this report highlights the size of stealing by some people in power during a particular period and how political corruption has so terribly short-changed the country. PACAC was quoted as saying that using World Bank rates, one-third of the N1.3trillion allegedly stolen by only 55 people in seven years could have provided 635.18 kilometres of roads, built 36 ultra-modern hospitals in each state, built and furnished 183 schools, educated 3,974 people from primary to tertiary level (at N25.2 million per child) and built 20,062 units of two-bedroom houses.
    If this level of development could have been achieved with just one-third of the allegedly stolen money, how much more could have been achieved if the entire alleged loot was used for the country’s development? Who are these alleged 55 thieves who stole so much from a 2016 estimated population of over 178.5 million? How were they able to steal as much as has been alleged? Why did they need to steal as much as has been alleged? What did they do with the alleged loot?
    So, the anti-corruption crusade is crucial. So is the recession resistance. The bottom line is that the Buhari administration and the APC should make things better for Nigerians.

  • Forty-minute marvel

    It was a curious meeting of two curious men in curious circumstances. The public is curious about what they talked about and what they didn’t talk about during what was described as “strictly personal talks.”

    Curiously enough, the reunion of sorts reportedly lasted 40 minutes, which is enough time to talk about something in particular or nothing in particular.

    A report quoted “a top source” as saying:  “It is a reunion of Papa and his son. Do not read any meaning into it. The ex-President decided to make it a private visit in order to be able to have frank talks with Obasanjo. During the visit, Obasanjo and Jonathan locked themselves up for 40 minutes. No member of Jonathan’s entourage or Obasanjo’s associates in Ibogun was allowed to be part of the private session. All I can tell you is that the two leaders were able to iron out a few things and Jonathan has since returned to Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.”

    When on January 20 former President Goodluck Jonathan paid “a private visit” to former President Olusegun Obasanjo in Ibogun, Ogun State, it was as puzzling as it was illuminating. In the beginning, Obasanjo, in the dying days of his second-term administration in 2007, discovered Jonathan who was at the time seeking a continuation as Governor of Bayelsa State. Jonathan had served as governor for less than two years, following the removal of Diepreye Alaimeyeseigha under whom he was deputy governor for six years.

    The picture changed and Jonathan moved to a bigger stage as vice presidential nominee, with Umaru Musa Yar’Adua as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate. Jonathan became Vice President in May 2007, and became President following Yar’ Adua’s death three years after. Jonathan won the 2011 election but was defeated in 2015 when he pursued a second term.

    Interestingly, Obasanjo played an ironic role in Jonathan’s electoral loss. The godfather became the chief antagonist in a fiery power struggle that saw Obasanjo dramatically tearing his PDP membership card and publicly campaigning against Jonathan’s campaign for re-election.  Indeed, the kingmaker became the king killer.

    Against this background, Jonathan’s publicised visit to Obasanjo nearly two years after his electoral failure may well suggest he has had a rethink and he is remorseful.  Obasanjo was quoted as saying openly to Jonathan: “I sincerely hope and pray for more such relaxed situation where we can reminisce on situations of the past that we have been through in this country and we can also look at what the future portends.”

    This sounded like agenda setting for the closed-door meeting that followed. It is unclear whether their one-on-one conversation covered the critical “situations of the past” that left their relationship critically broken, and how much of the future it covered.

    Obasanjo also said: “When leaders come, they have little or no experience. When they have to go is when they have really amassed a lot of experience, where they have wisdom, their experience is in high demand.”  This sounds like a subtle criticism of term-limit, replaying his linkage with an unconstitutional third-term ambition that was foiled at an embryonic stage.

    Contrary to Obasanjo’s argument, it does not follow that the longer leaders remain in office, the greater their wisdom and experience. Spending a longer time in office could actually result in greater folly.

    It is relevant to revisit the recent controversy involving Obasanjo and Oba Sikiru Adetona concerning comments the king made about the former president in his 2010 autobiography. How much did Obasanjo achieve while he was President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007? This is how Oba Adetona answers the question in his book: “All the enormous goodwill which Obasanjo carried into office was squandered with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements. Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave him my support for the office. Some new State Governors have shown how much good can be achieved in a shorter time.”

    Obasanjo’s riposte in a statement that reverberated across the country: “Kabiyesi, if I have squandered all the goodwill I had, you would not have contacted me on behalf of All Progressives Congress, APC, to receive them in 2014 and you would not have been personally present when I received them as I demanded. I probably have greater goodwill today internally and externally than I had in office.”

    Talking of goodwill,   Jonathan’s visit to Obasanjo in his village does not suggest that he has become irrelevant. Rather, it is a sure sign of Obasanjo’s continuing relevance.  Before their closed-door session, Obasanjo’s words to Jonathan demonstrated his sense of self-importance: “I have said to you before and I will say again that there are plenty of opportunities out there, within the country, within West Africa, within Africa and indeed in the larger world where people will want you to make contributions. I believe that you are resting now and when you have fully rested you will be hearing from me because I have this opportunity to be around the world and if I mention your name…”

    Call it conceit; Obasanjo’s performance spoke volumes about his sense of self, which is perhaps validated by how other players of the power game regard him. It is worth contemplating how he seems to project inexhaustible political capital, which seems to be recognised by those in the power loop.

    But when all is said and done, the country does not need political leaders who are wiser and more experienced after their time in high office. In order to achieve the desired development and progress, the country needs leaders who have sufficient wisdom and experience to make things better while in office. Perhaps Obasanjo unwittingly identified the problem with Nigeria and the problem with Nigeria’s leadership.

  • Selective supremacy

    Perhaps only Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, and those who think like him, understood what he meant when he boasted that the party had succeeded in re-establishing its supremacy, despite the activities of challengers of party primacy.  He was quoted as saying: “What is important is that it has finally happened. What is important is that the APC Caucus in the Senate is now a one united body. The APC Caucus in the Senate will now take full charge, full control and full dominance as the governing party and the majority party in the Senate.”

    Odigie-Oyegun continued: “What is right is what is right and it is now clear that the authority and the supremacy of the party have finally been recognised, which is a critical ingredient to the smooth-functioning of the apparatus of governance. Today, we can stand up and tell the whole world with full confidence that these things they used to refer to as crises within the APC are now on the way to fully and permanently put behind us. Today, we have a united party, a united Senate, and a Senate that is firmly under the control of the APC.”

    Perhaps he was just speaking like a politician, meaning he was playing to the gallery. He spoke when the new leadership of the APC Senate Caucus visited the party’s National Working Committee. The background: Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume of the APC who represents Borno South Senatorial District was removed as  Senate Leader and Senator Ahmed Lawan (Yobe North) replaced him in dramatic circumstances on January 10. Ndume’s removal was plotted and perfected by the APC Senate Caucus which communicated the development to Senate President Abubakar Bukola Saraki in a two-paragraph letter entitled “Notice of change of leadership.”

    Ndume’s reaction: “This is a parliamentary coup because many of my colleagues said they were not aware of any Caucus meeting. But so be it. God gave me that position and if that is His wish that I should leave, I have left everything to God. Had it been that I was found wanting of any allegation, I will not be surprised. All I know is that God will fight back for me.”

    Ndume added: “I did no wrong, except the issue of the confirmation of the Acting EFCC chairman, Mr. Ibrahim Magu, which brought up some issues. There was a disagreement on Magu beginning with my fight with Sen. Dino Melaye. Based on legislative procedure, I said Magu had not been rejected by the Senate. Shortly after that, there were rumours of collection of signatures to remove me. Even at that, we met at the Senate leadership level on Monday; there was no complaint against me. I was not aware that the leadership was not happy with me. There was no allegation against me at all. Certainly, it is a coup.”

    When a democratically elected legislator says he lost his leadership position in the legislature as a result of a coup against him, his choice of words deserves attention. When did legislators in a democracy begin to plan and carry out coups?

    Certainly, it did not begin with Ndume’s ouster. Indeed, Ndume himself benefited from what may be called a coup when he was installed as Senate Leader in a move that defied the directive of his party’s leadership. A June 23, 2015, letter to Saraki by Odigie-Oyegun had named Lawan for the position of Majority Leader among the “names of principal officers approved by the party” for the 8th Senate. At the time Ndume emerged as Senate Leader contrary to his party’s position, he did not see it as a coup against the party. It is said that what goes around comes around.

    It is curious that Odigie-Oyegun interpreted the APC Senate Caucus leadership change simplistically.  It is a misinterpretation of reality to suggest that Ndume’s removal means that the APC has achieved party unity and party supremacy.

    The reality is that as long as Saraki remains at the helm of the Senate, it does a great disservice to the idea of party supremacy. This is a legislative commander that emerged in an ethically inappropriate manner, and whose emergence was coloured by a colourless subversion of his party’s position. Only a dysfunctional decoding of the concept of party supremacy can accommodate an ascendancy he actualised through an unapologetic defiance of his party’s desire and decision. A functional interpretation of party supremacy must be informed by the logic of supremacy. Supremacy is supreme.

    It is noteworthy that the same warped twist resulted in a queer combination and cohabitation at the helm of the Senate. With Saraki of the ruling APC, a party elected to power on the premise of progressivism, and Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu of the unprogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the 8th Senate has a leadership that is ambiguous and confusing.   Saraki made matters worse by rubbishing his party’s list for Senate leadership posts, which is how Ndume became Senate Leader in the first place.   Additionally, the allegation that Saraki and Ekweremadu benefited from forged Senate rules remains a blot on their positions.

    The question is: How can the APC reassert itself and its supremacy in the circumstances? It is clear that Saraki wants his controversial emergence as Senate President to be treated as a fait accompli. As he approaches his second anniversary in the saddle, it looks like he might get away with the disruptive behaviour by which he got the position. If that happens, it would amount to a big disgrace to party supremacy.

    To put it directly: Saraki must not be allowed to get away with what may well be described as a coup against his party.  APC supremos must save party supremacy, and they must find their own way of doing so.   The conflict over party supremacy in the APC is nothing short of a domestic war, and the war cannot end with Ndume’s removal. There is no doubt that Saraki’s matter is a more complicated complication. However, it must not be regarded as a complication beyond correction.

    Party supremacy should not be selective, meaning the APC can ill afford to believe it has resolved the burning issue by putting Ndume’s case on the front burner while Saraki’s case remains on the back burner. Restoring party supremacy based on party discipline, party cohesion and party integrity must not be done selectively; it must be done inclusively.

  • Sound and silence

    Sound and silence

    There is a time to speak and a time to be silent. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo spoke about what was said about him in a 2010 book, it was clear that he considered silence inappropriate.
    It is intriguing that his reaction to the contents of the book came after six years, but this in no way weakened the significance of his strongly worded response. It is thought-provoking that the hot aspects of the autobiography were not publicised until now. This may be a reflection of Philistinism, particularly among the country’s media workers who are supposed to be knowledge workers.
    Obasanjo said in his statement: “Kabiyesi, I believe that I should set the record straight for posterity and to caution you from engaging in unedifying rumour-mongering and untruth.” His reaction to claims by the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, Ogbagba II, was unmistakably loud.
    Obasanjo’s response: “The extract from your autobiography, “Awujale: The Autobiography of Alaiyeluwa Oba S. K. Adetona, Ogbagba II”, published by Mosuro Publishers 2010, pp. 187-195, which I attach to this letter was presented to me for my attention. Your assertion in the publication was a tissue of lies and untruths.”
    This was a subtle way of calling Oba Adetona a liar. But it may well be that Obasanjo is more deserving of the label. At the centre of the claim and counterclaim is Globacom Chairman Mike Adenuga who Oba Adetona claimed was unfairly treated by Obasanjo because of his relationship with the then Vice President Abubakar Atiku, with whom Obasanjo had a serious conflict.
    Oba Adetona said in his autobiography: “The kernel of the matter really, as I told him, was his disagreement with Abubakar Atiku, his deputy, and they had taken the matter almost life-and -death level. Mike Adenuga was a pawn in the crisis…”
    Obasanjo’s defence is food for thought: “Kabiyesi, the total sum of what you have put down in those pages of your book is that I dislike Mike. Maybe I need to remind you that if there was any iota of truth in such a position or mindset, Mike would not have been granted the mobile telephone licence which made him a billionaire. It was my prerogative as the President so to do.
    He continued: “You may also be reminded that in the first round of the auction which Mike did not make, the country earned $285 million for each licence. The country earned only $200 million from the licence transaction with Mike and in the subsequent transaction with Etisalat, the country earned $400 million. It was a deliberate action on my part that a Nigerian should own one of the licences. Anybody else but Mike could have been that Nigerian.”
    On the question of lying, it is interesting that Obasanjo said: “The invitation to Mike to contribute to the building of the Library block of Bells University was issued to him by the then Vice-Chancellor, Professor Julius Okogie, who never told me about inviting Mike to so contribute until Mike pulled out. And that I have not and I will not talk to Mike about it should convince you that I know nothing about its genesis.” It is curious that Obasanjo claimed to know nothing about the invitation to Adenuga to help build a structure in the university he founded.
    Oba Adetona’s version: “It was in Ota that he solicited for the construction of the Administration Block of his university, Bells University in Ota. Mike agreed and Carchez Turnkey Projects Ltd handled the project for him… However, the construction project at Bells University slowed considerably while Mike was in exile and a few solicitous calls from Obasanjo to Mike while he was in exile did not change the pace of work. On his return from exile, the school Bells University had the temerity to write to him seeking for a meeting to discuss the continuation of the project. When I got to know, I offered to be in attendance at the meeting and sent word round that I would be in attendance. I had the intention to lambast all of them. They must have sensed it because up till now, the meeting has not been held!”
    Also interesting is Obasanjo’s claim that Adenuga approached him, asking to be considered for a national honour. He said: “It is of interest to me that Mike did not tell you that when he wanted national honour, he came to me and I did not react until Babangida recommended him and said, “Of all those I have helped, Mike is one of the most appreciative.” Is this account true? Does this give a reliable insight into how Adenuga was made Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) in 2012?
    How much did Obasanjo achieve while he was President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007? This is how Oba Adetona answered the question in his book: “All the enormous goodwill which Obasanjo carried into office was squandered with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements. Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave him my support for the office. Some new State Governors have shown how much good can be achieved in a shorter time.”
    Obasanjo’s answer to that answer: “Kabiyesi, if I have squandered all the goodwill I had, you would not have contacted me on behalf of All Progressives Party, APC, to receive them in 2014 and you would not have been personally present when I received them as I demanded. I probably have greater goodwill today internally and externally than I had in office.”
    As things stand, Oba Adetona and Adenuga need to respond publicly to Obasanjo’s sound. This is not a time to be silent; it is a time to speak out.

  • Ambode onstage

    A December 11, 2016, performance by LUFODO Productions at the Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos, was gripping enough to hold the attention of Lagos State Governor Akinwunmi Ambode. After seeing a play titled Heart beat The Musical…A New Beginning, Ambode was quoted as saying:  “I never believed I could sit down for two hours, I thought I would just pop in briefly and then leave, but this is awesome and fantastic, I thoroughly enjoyed it.”

    What glued Ambode to his seat was the power of the performance. When a performance amounts to non-performance, the audience recognises that it has been short-changed.  This is because performance and non-performance are not and cannot be the same thing. The governor was impressed by the play written by Toyin Otudeko.

    It was a fitting time and place to unveil Ambode’s plan to build theatres where plays like the one he “thoroughly enjoyed” would be performed to appreciative audiences.  He said: “The mere fact that I believe strongly in arts, entertainment and sports, everything that is arts, like I said, before the end of next year, we are going to have five new theatres in Lagos. We are already engaging the Terra Kulture and we are speaking to another consultant and the truth is that we want to have the theatres in Badagry, Epe, Ikorodu, Alimosho and on the Mainland. We already have one in Victoria Island. But the truth is that this is where the energy of Lagos is and that is where we should go.”

    The governor’s rationale was food for thought: “It’s not so much about physical infrastructure, but 67 per cent of the Lagos population is below the age of 35, so we need to start finding things to keep the younger ones more creative and then open the space for them to be able to just show their talents.”

    It is interesting that a year before he became the state’s helmsman, Ambode in May 2014 published a piece in celebration of Lagos State’s 47th anniversary.  Ambode said in the piece titled “Happy Anniversary, Lagos State”: “As Lagos turns fifty in the next three years, therefore, the future beckons on whoever would take over the baton in the relay of enduring people-friendly policies to solidify and build on these worthy legacies.” His reference to legacies was a tribute to the governmental accomplishments of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu who governed the state from 1999 to 2007, and Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola who succeeded Tinubu.

    When he spoke about building new theatres, Ambode also said that his administration was looking forward to the climax of the celebration of the state’s 50th anniversary in May, adding that the festivities would be spiced up with several events promoting the arts and entertainment sector. In other words, the Ambode administration is preparing for a mega celebration.

    By paying attention to cultural production and consumption, Ambode has shown a holistic approach to governance. It stands to reason that a megacity needs mega governance. The status of Lagos as a megacity is a reason for mega governance. Nigeria’s megacity in 2015 was listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities and credited with an unofficial population figure of “approximately 21 million.” Of course, a megacity has to grapple with mega challenges. Megacity challenges include slums, crime, homelessness, traffic congestion and environmental pollution.

    Ambode has responded to megacity challenges with attention-grabbing actions.  It is noteworthy that when in November 2015 the Ambode administration donated modern security equipment worth over N4bn to the Nigeria Police Force, President Muhammadu Buhari described the donation as a “remarkable feat.” Buhari urged other state governments to “emulate Lagos State by supporting security agencies that are trying to keep us safe.”  Ambode’s exemplary donation was of national significance because security is significant.

    Food is significant too. Food is a hierarch in the hierarchy of needs. When in March 2016 the Ambode administration signed a record-setting agriculture-related Memorandum of Understanding with Kebbi State’s Atiku Bagudu administration, it was an exemplary move towards a much-needed agricultural revolution in the country. “This is the first time in the history of Nigeria that two states are collaborating to develop their agricultural potential,” Ambode had declared. The logic of this agricultural partnership and how it will enable national food sufficiency and food security, apart from its employment-generation possibilities, is compelling and commendable.

    These two instances should be numbered among the remarkable responses by the Ambode administration to the evolving megalopolis. There is no doubt that the governor’s holistic governance style has touched and continues to touch critical areas in need of gubernatorial intervention. He has proved to be a leader that takes his own words seriously by effectively moving from words to deeds.

    “If we take the concept of resource generation, allocation and distribution into cognisance and apply the principles of good governance, we will achieve economic growth and development,” Ambode said while presenting a paper titled “Public Finance: Probity and Accountability” at a workshop organised in August 2014 by the Lagos State Government and the Lagos Business School. Also, in a newspaper interview he shed light on his understanding of good governance, which is an essential aspect of his vision:”In essence, the elected government is like a caretaker for the rest of the people, overseeing their resources on their behalf. The citizens remain the landlord while the elected officials are only caretakers. Arising from this, good government can only thrive where the resources of the people are judiciously distributed to various sectors/needs in the society in a just and equitable manner that makes life easier for every person.”

    Ambode’s cultural focus shows that his understanding of “needs in the society” is not narrow and simplistic. When the promised theatres take shape, their presence will mark a cultural reinvention that may well inspire a cultural revolution. Certainly, a megacity deserves thriving cultural centres that will raise the bar for cultural production. The beauty of Ambode’s cultural imagination is the promise of civilisation. It is undeniable that cultural production has a potentially civilising influence. It is this core value that the new theatres are expected to bring to Lagos life.

    Ambode has demonstrated that he is no philistine, which is a plus for a modern political administrator. The new theatres are expected to create a fertile ground for a variety of cultural services that will boost the spirit of the megacity. If Lagos is seen as a theatre with Governor Ambode onstage, it is easy to see that this performer is performing and his performance deserves applause.

  • Excesses and excuses

    It is ironic that what was designed as a medal of honour is attracting dishonour. After two four-year terms in office and an initial applause, former Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, and his former deputy, Dr. Pius Odubu, are on the receiving end of applaudable boos. At the heart of the matter is an unfeeling move by the Edo State House of Assembly.

    News that the state’s lawmakers amended the “2007 Pension Rights of the Governor and Deputy Governor Law” to favour Oshiomhole and Odubu was particularly striking because of its curious complexion.  There was only one amendment to the law; but it is an amendment that speaks volumes.

    What the amendment meant was enough to trigger a protest that turned bloody as its supporters and its opponents clashed in Benin, the state capital. The amendment opposers who were members of civil society organisations (CSOs) probably underestimated the muscle of the amendment endorsers who were mightily misguided on the issue.

    A report said: “Members of the CSOs, who were dressed in black attires, were at the House of Assembly at the Oba Ovonramwen Square to show their displeasure at the amendment.” The protest coordinator, Agho Omobude, described what followed their collision with the pro-amendment group: “About 12 of our members have been injured and rushed to the hospital for treatment while three vehicles were destroyed. We don’t know what would have happened if we had not fled.”

    A defiant Omobude was quoted as saying: “No matter the threat to our lives, we would not back down. We are sending a strong message to members of the Assembly and the state government that we would not give up. We shall employ all means to continue the fight and resist the obnoxious policy of government of N200 million and N100 million housing pension to the former governor and his deputy.”

    By the amendment, Oshiomhole and Odubu would have new entitlements. A report said the bill with the subhead titled “provision of a house,” provided for  “a house in a location of choice in Nigeria of the Governor provided that the total cost of building the house shall not be in excess of 200 million naira while 100 million naira for the deputy governor.”

    It is intriguing that those who carried out this amendment feel comfortable with the additional comforts it provides for those concerned.  In the face of loud opposition to the amendment, the Speaker of the Edo State House of Assembly, Justin Okonoboh, defended the indefensible. He was quoted as saying:  ”Some talked about the amount and I think that was quite moderate because the law says any part of the country. If you want to use 200 million naira in Lagos, it probably might just be a grant to them because they need to add money to build a befitting house in Lagos or wherever.”

    It is noteworthy that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) not only rubbished the amendment but also demanded that Governor Godwin Obaseki should “immediately withdraw the bill, and use the funds to clear the backlog of pension arrears spanning between seven and 45 months.”

    The beauty of democracy is the separation of powers which makes it possible for Obaseki to reject the amendment and refuse to give gubernatorial assent to it. It is unclear whether the bill had an input from Obaseki, but how he responds to it will show where he stands. It does not make sense to pursue extra comforts for Oshiomhole and Odubu at the expense of the people.

    The immediate beneficiaries of the amendment, if it is allowed to stand, are the immediate past governor and the immediate past deputy governor, which suggests that the bill was drafted with them in mind. Although it is expected that there will be other beneficiaries of the amendment, the point that it was probably inspired by a desire to please Oshiomhole and Odubu is something to ponder.

    There were other details that were unamended. A report said: “Other benefits to be enjoyed by former governors in the state are, a pension for life at a rate equivalent to 100 percent of his last annual salary in addition to an officer not above salary grade level 12 as Special Assistant, a personal secretary not below grade level 10 who shall be selected by the former governors from the public service of Edo State. Former governors are also entitled to have two cooks, two armed policemen as security, three vehicles to be bought by the State Government and liable to be replaced every five years, three drivers who shall be selected by the former governor and paid by the state government as well as free medical treatment for the governor and his immediate family.”

    It continued: “Former deputy governors are entitled to 100 percent of their last annual salary as pension, a personal staff not above salary grade level 12 as Special Assistant, a personal secretary not below grade level 09 who shall be selected by the former deputy governor from the public service of the state, a cook, two policemen as security. Two vehicles bought by the state government and liable to be replaced every five years are to be provided, two drivers who shall be selected by former deputy governors and paid by the state government and free medical treatment for them and their immediate family.”

    It may be considered a redeeming feature of the Edo legislative exercise that the other lawful entitlements were unamended. But the considerations that led to the contentious amendment need to be reconsidered. Indeed, it is important to re-examine the thinking that ex-governors and ex- deputy governors are entitled to so much.

    This nonsense is not exclusive to Edo State. A report named eight other states where ex-governors are entitled to excessive benefits:  Akwa Ibom, Gombe, Sokoto, Lagos, Rivers, Kano, Kwara and Zamfara. There is an entitlement complex on the part of the beneficiaries and there is a complex sense of indebtedness on the part of those who make such benefits possible.

    Sooner or later, the excesses and the excuses for them will need to be reviewed in line with the demands of reasonableness rather than unreasonableness.

  • A killing but no killer

    Can murder happen without a murderer or murderers? This is the question that must be answered by the Kano State justice system concerning the murder of 74-year-old Mrs. Bridget Agbahime, a Christian of Igbo origin, in a Kano market in June following an accusation that she had been blasphemous. Her accusers had decided that she deserved to be killed for her alleged sin, and they wasted no time in actualising the deadly punishment.

    What happened, and how did the woman die? Perhaps the question should be rephrased more precisely: How was the woman murdered? Thanks to a published interview on November 13, disturbing details of the murder that happened on June 2 were provided by the victim’s husband, Pastor Mike Agbahime, who is still crying for justice. He recounted: “On the day my wife was murdered, a call came from one of our church members (who also has a shop in the market) while I was waiting for my wife to leave the shop so that we could go to the church. He told me on phone that some Hausa people were making trouble with my wife…It was then that I quickly packed my wares to go and find out the problem. As this was going on, I met the same man who was with my wife at the market. He said, “Daddy, don’t worry, they have left her (my wife).”

    He continued: “Later, my wife appeared. She told me that it was the same Dauda that did ablutions in the front of her shop. She said that she told Dauda, “Why won’t you allow me to finish packing before you start pouring your water for ablutions in my shop? After telling Dauda this, she told me that he held her hand and asked her, “Mekai fatah?” This phrase means “What did you just say?” My wife asked him, “What right do you have to hold my hand?”  She asked him to leave her hand. She stated that if he did not leave her, that she would use one of the plastic products in the shop to break his head. Immediately Dauda left her, he started shouting “Allahu Akbar.”

    Pastor Agbahime’s eyewitness account deserves to be highlighted for a clarifying picture of the murder. He went on: “I then told my wife that since Dauda had started his trouble again, that we should go and see Alhaji Mustapha, the owner of the shop. Alhaji Mustapha ushered us in. He (Mustapha) told us to go and come back on Saturday, June 4, 2016, so as to speak with Dauda and settle the disagreement. His office was upstairs. But as we were leaving through the staircase, we saw a teeming mob with weapons. Alhaji Mustapha tried to disperse them. He told them in Hausa that he would resolve the matter the next Saturday. They started abusing him, throwing stones at him. They called him kafir, meaning somebody who does not know Allah. When Mustapha saw that the mob was getting more aggressive, he opened his office, told us to go in and locked it. When they saw that Alhaji Mustapha had let us in and locked his office, they continued shouting Allahu Akbar. As they were shouting, many others joined them. It is painful to tell you that Alhaji Mustapha, seeing how aggressive they were, slumped. But before he slumped, he had called the police. The Divisional Police Officer of the area came in with two other policemen. The three could not calm the angry mob. The mob climbed up in their numbers, broke the window, and jumped in.”

    What followed was straight from hell. Pastor Agbahime painted a picture of incredible evil: “We were praying to God to save the situation. When they later entered the office where we were hiding, they hit my wife on the head with very heavy iron objects and she immediately slumped and died. Having completed their mission, they all went back. They did not touch me.”

    At this point, it was expected that lawlessness would be lawfully reversed. It is curious that the Kano State Ministry of Justice ordered the release of five murder suspects standing trial for allegedly killing Mrs. Bridget Agbahime. The alleged killers, Dauda Ahmed, Abdulmumeen Mustafa, Zubairu Abubakar, Abdullahi Abubakar and Musa Abdullahi, had been arraigned before a chief magistrate’s court on a four-count charge. A report said: “The charge sheet also noted that one Salawihu, Ibrahim, Dini, Isiaku, Mallam Sani, Sufiyanu, Yunusa and Mallam Umar, all at large, were part of the mob that carried out the dastardly act.”

    The trial took a strange turn and was terminated following the advice of the office of the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), Kano State Ministry of Justice. The state prosecution counsel, Rabiu Yusuf, who informed the court that the state was withdrawing the matter, was quoted as saying: “We received the case diary from the police on June 8, and having gone through it, the attorney- general of Kano State evaluated the facts in accordance with sections 130 and 150 of the criminal procedure code. The legal advice presented to the court, dated June 24, states that there is no case to answer, as the suspects are all innocent and orders the court to discharge all the accused persons.”

    It is intriguing that the accused were declared innocent by the DPP’s office when a trial was supposed to establish their innocence or guilt. It is unclear how the claimed innocence of the accused was established by the DPP’s office outside their trial.

    Now that the five suspects charged to court have been discharged based on the said legal advice, those suspects said to be at large may also have no case to answer. So the question is: Who will answer for the barbaric murder of Citizen Agbahime? Without question, there was a killing, and there must have been a killer or killers.

    Surely, it cannot be enough to simply declare the accused guiltless without further action towards unravelling the identities of those who killed the woman. This is why it is correct that the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) is demanding justice in this matter. Indeed, all persons of conscience should demand that the murderers in this case be apprehended and prosecuted.

    Murder, under any pretext, is objectionable and condemnable. Citizen Agbahime’s murder is particularly provocative because it is not an isolated instance. It is noteworthy that CAN observed in a statement: “As it stands today, there is no single prosecution record of any criminal who killed under the pretext of blasphemy in Nigeria despite the number of victims and incontrovertible facts showing that those killings were done in daylight and mostly by persons who live within the communities where these heinous crimes were committed.”

    The failure of law enforcement in Mrs. Agbahime’s specific case is inexcusable; it is a regrettable reflection of incapacity to ensure justice.