The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • A leap of faith

    It is eye-opening news that Fountain University, Osogbo, Osun State, described as “a privately owned Islamic faith-based university”, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) towards research in the Osun Osogbo Grove, a significant ritual ground of Yoruba indigenous religion.

    A report said: “The MoU which was signed at the grove was to enable the university to conduct researches to establish some of the medicinal benefits that can be derived from certain plants and organisms that have been preserved in the sacred grove over the years.”  It quoted the Vice Chancellor of the University, Prof. Bashir Ademola Raji, as saying that a researcher from the university, Dr Afolabi Nusra Balogun, had made certain discoveries in the Osun Osogbo water and some plants in the grove which would contribute to health care delivery when fully developed.

    It is noteworthy that last year the Osun Osogbo Grove’s 10th anniversary as a World Heritage Site made the headlines.  The grove is the site of the Osun Osogbo Festival, a star tourist attraction that draws a high number of domestic and international visitors. Recognised for natural and cultural reasons, the Osun Osogbo Grove is the second of two UNESCO-branded sites in Nigeria, coming after the Sukur Cultural Landscape in Adamawa State, which attained the distinction in 1999.

    Describing the grove, UNESCO World Heritage Centre said: “The dense forest of the Osun Sacred Grove, on the outskirts of the city of Osogbo, is one of the last remnants of primary high forest in southern Nigeria. Regarded as the abode of the goddess of fertility Osun, one of the pantheon of Yoruba gods, the landscape of the grove and its meandering river is dotted with sanctuaries and shrines, sculptures and art works in honour of Osun and other Yoruba deities. The Grove, which is now seen as a symbol of identity for all Yoruba people, is probably the last sacred grove in Yoruba culture.”

    Interestingly, last year’s celebration coincided with the 100th birth anniversary of a central figure connected with the preservation of the grove. It was the centenary of the late Austrian artist and Yoruba-culture champion, Susanne Wenger, who died in Osogbo in January 2009 at age 93.

    The “Susanne Wenger’s Sacred Colloquium 2015? held at the King’s palace in Osogbo featured a paper presented by Yusuf Abdallahi Usman, Director General of NCMM, to mark the two anniversaries. Usman’s paper was titled “Late Madam Susanne Wenger and National Commission for Museums and Monuments as Springboards to the Development of Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove and Enlistment as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.”

    Usman described Wenger as “a phenomenal woman of different interpretations.” He added: “She was a great artist, culturalist, spiritualist and naturalist, intellectual, researcher, philosopher and philanthropist who devoted her life to serving nature, culture and people. She championed the beautification, preservation, adoration, conservation and unification of nature and culture in the Osun-Osogbo Sacred Grove.”

    Preserving the pristine naturalness of the Osun grove was a passionate mission for Wenger.  She regarded the grove as “endangered life” in dire need of protection.  “At the time of my arrival and initial efforts, a contract was ready to be signed giving over to a sawmill the rights to cut down the giant trees of the groves and river-altars,” she recalled. Wenger was “against utilization other than ritual.” She said: “Every tree standing is another witness to our devoted struggle against ruthless destruction.”

    For Wenger, the “holy groves” stood for “a space of devotion to life.” She reportedly once spent a few nights in the grove “to experience nature”. But her various opponents didn’t understand her seeming fuss about what she called the “sacredness of Nature”

    “Oshogbo’s Muslim fanatics’ fire electronically amplified abuses at her more than at all other representatives of the traditional cults,” observed European photojournalist Gert Chesi, who co-authored a book with Wenger, A life with the gods in their Yoruba homeland. Chesi said: “They don’t simply rain curses on the gods, but on the chief fighter in their cause.  Those who seek profits from the groves’ valuable land form the other main group of adversaries. The groves are a battlefield of conflicting interests. She averted schemes to run a roadway through them, and to break-up sacred rocks for house-building material.  When one of her shrines was blown apart five minutes after she left it, she laconically remarked: ‘It was evidently not good enough for orisha, so let’s build a better one’.  Some money came in from somewhere and she did exactly that.  She saved her first Oshogbo shrine by sitting down between a bulldozer and Shoponno’s most ancient, reconstructed altar.”

    Wenger herself spoke about some of the challenges she faced. At one time, she said, “Orisa warned us in an actual way that the Muslims were about to lay the foundation stone for an Islamic cemetery here within four days”. Hunters shot at Wenger in the grove on several occasions, and a gun-wielding fisherman who was violating the sanctity of the river once threatened her.

    The casualties of the battle were often Wenger’s sculptures in the forest, destroyed either by the weather or by vandals.  “Muslim fanatics ganged up with the hunters and those who wanted to build houses here, and they mutilated the images by striking off their arms and sexual organs,” she lamented.

    What did Wenger want?  Well, she defined her cause by stressing what she didn’t want.  “One thing will never happen,” she vowed, “that I will submit to the transformation of the holy groves into an ‘Oshogbo Pleasure Garden’.” At one of the shrines in the grove, according to her, “we actually once discovered a secretly erected notice board to that effect.”

    This background makes it even more fascinating that Fountain University is fascinated by the grove’s resources. The university was established by the Nasrul-Lahi-li Fatih Society of Nigeria (NAFSAT) in 2008, and it is located in Oke Osun, after the Osun Osogbo sacred grove.  Ahead of the university’s convocation two years ago, its Vice Chancellor told reporters: “We are exploring the United Nations Heritage Site, the Osun grove, as a potential source of novel pharmaceutical compounds in Nigeria.” It is constructive that the faith-based university appreciates the possible hidden treasures of the place of worship of a different faith, which is reinforced by the recent MOU with the NCMM.

    It is a testimony to Wenger’s work that the forest is “a protected area”, a national monument established by Decree 77 of 1979, and a World Heritage Site. It is thought-provoking that she was initially demonised, especially by those who belonged to religions different from the one she chose. She remained an unapologetic devotee of Yoruba indigenous faith till the end. Her struggle and the still-unfolding positive results demonstrate the importance of religious freedom and religious tolerance.

  • Uniform of religion

    As could be expected, the June 3 ruling by a High Court in Osogbo, Osun State, in favour of religion-related veil-wearing by female Muslim students in public primary and secondary schools in the state, has resulted in absurdities.

    A background report: “The court, presided by Justice Jide Falola, in a 51-page judgment…held that any act of molestation, harassment, torture and humiliation against female Muslim students using Hijab constitutes a clear infringement on their fundamental rights. Folala cited Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) to rest his ruling.” It continued: “Osun State Muslim Community on Feb. 14, 2013, dragged the State Government to the court. They sought an order of the court to allow female Muslim students to enjoy their fundamental rights by granting them order to use veil in public schools.”

    Following Justice Falola’s decision, a secondary school in Iwo on June 14 became a theatre of comicalities. A report said: “Students of Baptist High School, Iwo, who wore vestments, caused a stir in the school as other students who were in uniform hailed them. Some female Muslim students who also appeared in hijab equally gained access to the school without restriction. Also, some male students donned white robes around 8:30am before other students joined in donning white and purple choir robes…Also, some students dressed in white Celestial Sutana were hailed by their classmates…”

    Considering that things have reached this theatrical stage, it remains to be seen how far the comedy of errors and horrors can go. The errors are based on an erroneous understanding of secularity; the horrors are based on a horrifying picture of what is possible when the question of secularity is not definitively answered.

    In the final analysis, the legal endorsement of hijab in public schools in Osun State further highlighted the reality of ambiguous secularity. In this case, it is unclear why the judge could not distinguish between the uniform of religion and the uniform of secular education, and why he could not appreciate the incongruity of a combination of the two in public schools.

    The students who wore church garments to school in Iwo “were allegedly children of some Christian clerics… in line with the directive of the Osun State chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN)”. The Christian body had protested, and had also called for a protest against the court judgement that endorsed hijab-wearing in public schools during school hours.

    A report quoted the head of the Catholic bloc of CAN in Iwo, Cathechist Paul Olagoke, who said its members were in the school to ensure that no student was chased out. He reportedly said: “We are here to defend the rights of our children. Since female Muslim students are free to wear hijab, our children are also free to wear anything they want, too.”

    The plot thickens. Secularity needs to be clarified, so that clarity can put an end to unclear ideas about the limits and limitations of religion in a secular society pursuing social progress.

    It is clear that the dramatic news pictures of some students who attended school in church garments cannot change the existing court decision validating hijab in public schools in the state. Clearly, the authoritative intervention of the highest structures of justice would be necessary for the needed clarity.

    Ultimately, the path to take is the straight and narrow pathway of the law, particularly because the issue has not been settled by the final court, and the current decision can be still be challenged at higher levels of the justice system. The Christians cannot expect to change the current court judgment by their forms of protest outside the courts, and they should understand that and be guided by that reality.

    Interestingly, the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) responded to the adoption of unhelpful self-help by the Christians. It observed that some Christian students of the Salvation Army Middle School, Iwo, also attended school in church garments, apart from those that did the same thing at Baptist High School. The group advised the protesters in a statement: “If CAN is genuinely interested in protecting Christian interest, they should go on appeal, otherwise no matter their current protest (which will fade away with time like every other protest but only make the current CAN leaders get TV and newspaper popularity), the current judgement will remain the valid law of the land…the law will stand if Osun CAN doesn’t immediately go on appeal.” This is a developing story and Osun CAN should help it to develop further towards a definitive clarification.

    It is said that History repeats itself. It remains to be seen whether the Osun Islamic scarf controversy would follow the course of the Islamic scarf controversy that arose in France in 1989 concerning the wearing of hijab in French public schools. For over a decade, the French controversy cried for clarity until President Jaques Chirac in 2003 “decided that a law should explicitly forbid any visible sign of religious affiliation in public schools, in the spirit of secularism”. A report said: “The law, sometimes referred to as “the veil law” was voted in by the French parliament in March 2004. It forbids the wearing of any “ostentatious” religious articles, including the Islamic veil, the Jewish kippa, and large Christian crosses. The law permits discreet signs of faith, such as small crosses, Stars of David, and hands of Fatima.”

    What followed this important clarification of secularity? The report said: “In 2004, a year after the law was voted in, one organisation opposed to it, called the “Committee of the 15th of March and Liberty,” published a report on the law’s effects. The report cites the files of 806 students affected by the law. Of the 806 students, 533 have accepted the law and no longer wear their veils in class. The report also gives an assessment of students who have left the French school system because of this issue. Among them, 67 have pursued their studies abroad. Another 73 of those 806 suspended or expelled from schools over the veil have chosen to take government-run CNED correspondence courses in order to finish their studies. The number of those who have chosen to study via other, non-government forms of correspondence schools is unknown.” It added: “The opening of the 2005 school year passed largely without incident, and opposition to the law seems to have given way to broader public opinion. However, the actual number of those who no longer attend French junior high and high schools over their veils is unknown.”

    There is no doubt that the French example is clearly secularist, and leaves no grey area that could be manipulated by those without a conceptual understanding necessary for a correct interpretation of the idea of secularity.

    The secularity test in Osun State is useful. Hopefully, it would eventually help to further clarify the concept and practice of secularity for the benefit of the other states of the federation, and for the benefit of the state of the federation.

     

  • Anniversary of insignificance

    President of the Senate and Chairman of National Assembly Olusola Saraki should be congratulated on his first anniversary in the powerful positions. It has been a stormy year in office for him, and it promises to be stormier. He has been unable to still the storm, despite his desperate efforts to do so. Ironically, he triggered the turbulence himself, perhaps underestimating its force and overestimating his own capacity to manage it.

    Saraki’s statement marking the thought-provoking anniversary, titled “8th Senate: The journey so far”, was an ego trip. This is how he started his statement: “One year ago today, the 8th Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was inaugurated. That inauguration marks a further consolidation of our democracy and opens a new chapter in the practice of government by representation in our country.  Let me congratulate all my colleagues not only for the time we have spent in the legislature, but also for all that we have achieved together and all that we have planned to achieve for our peoples and our country as the highest legislative body in the land.”

    It is a misinterpretation and misrepresentation of demonstrable reality to suggest that the 8th Senate is built on a democratic foundation. The country certainly doesn’t deserve a legislative commander that emerged in a morally controversial manner, and whose emergence was coloured by a colourless subversion of his party’s position.

    Only a dysfunctional decoding of the concept of party supremacy could have encouraged the circumstances that brought him to the helm of affairs at the Senate, an ascendancy he actualised through an unapologetic defiance of his party’s desire and decision.

    It is noteworthy that the same warped twist resulted in a queer combination and cohabitation at the helm of the Senate. With Saraki of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), a party elected to power on the premise of progressivism, and Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu of the unprogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the 8th Senate has a leadership that is ambiguous and confusing.   Saraki made matters worse by rubbishing his party’s list for Senate leadership posts. It is, of course, worth mentioning that Ekweremadu is alleged to have attained his position based on a forged Senate standing order.

    To compound the complications, Saraki became the first Senate President to face trial on corruption-related charges, and the ongoing trial may well be a journey for him. It remains to be seen where the trial would take Saraki.

    A report said: “The Code of Conduct Bureau cited a 13-count charge of corruption against Mr. Saraki. In charge number ABT/01/15, dated September 11, 2015 and filed before the Code of Conduct Tribunal, Saraki is accused of offences ranging from anticipatory declaration of assets to making false declaration of assets in forms Saraki had filed with the Code of Conduct Bureau while he was governor of Kwara state. He was also accused of failing to declare some assets he acquired while in office as governor, acquiring assets beyond his legitimate earnings, and accused of operating foreign accounts while being a public officer.”

    The report continued: “An official of the Code of Conduct Bureau, Peter Danladi, stated in a court affidavit that the investigation of the various petitions of corruption, theft, money laundering, among others, against Saraki in 2010, was conducted jointly by the officials of the EFCC, CCB and the DSS. “The EFCC conducted its investigation on the various petitions and made findings which showed that the defendant/applicant abused his office, while he was the governor of Kwara State and was involved in various acts of corruption as the governor of the state. The defendant/applicant borrowed huge sums of money running into billions from commercial banks, particularly Guaranty Trust Bank, and used the proceeds of the loan to acquire several landed properties in Lagos, Abuja and London, while he was the governor of Kwara State.”

    This is the man at the head of the country’s federal legislature. This is the man who apparently continues to enjoy the support of the country’s federal legislators. This is how Saraki ended his first-anniversary statement: “Once again, I want to thank you for the unalloyed support I have and continue to receive from my colleagues in the last one year. This has been unprecedented and I don’t take it lightly. This unique support has been steady, bipartisan, and unconditional. Their support has been the bulwark on which my belief in the emergence of a greater Nigeria rests.”

    He added: “The support has meant everything to me and I am more than ever determined to play my role as a leader to see to the emergence of a more virile National Assembly playing its constitutional role without fear or favour. I congratulate all Senators for all that we have achieved in the last one year. I am confident that when the history of this era is written, all of us would be amply remembered as the generation that played its part and did its best to make Nigeria a better place.”

    Why does Saraki think he would last the distance? He has three years of his four-year term left. He is involved in a conflict that is nothing short of a domestic war of sorts. It is not for the faint-hearted. On Saraki’s side in particular, he will need a tremendous capacity to endure a war of attrition. Saraki must understand that in attrition warfare, the fundamental strategy is “to win a war by wearing down the enemy to the point of collapse through continuous losses”.

    He should understand what he is facing, or perhaps more aptly, the force of the forces ranged against him. How much can he take as his opponents pursue a strategy of attrition?  How far can his backers go with him, considering that he is fighting what looks like a losing battle?

    The significance of Saraki’s first-anniversary statement may well be its insignificance. It is lamentable that the position of Senate President, a public office of great democratic significance, has been reduced to insignificance in Saraki’s first year in the saddle.

  • Secularity needs clarity

    It should be clear that a question of religion is not the same thing as a question of secularity. The June 3 ruling by a High Court in Osogbo, Osun State, in favour of religion-related veil-wearing by female Muslim students in public primary and secondary schools in the state, is food for thought.

    A report said: “The court, presided by Justice Jide Falola, in a 51-page judgment…held that any act of molestation, harassment, torture and humiliation against female Muslim students using Hijab constitutes a clear infringement on their fundamental rights. Folala cited Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) to rest his ruling.”  It continued: “Osun State Muslim Community on Feb. 14, 2013, dragged the State Government to the court. They sought an order of the court to allow female Muslim students to enjoy their fundamental rights by granting them order to use veil in public schools.”

    My mind went back to April 2014 when the Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding (CBCIU) and The State Government of Osun organised an All-Comers Colloquium on Fundamental Imperatives of Cohabitation: Faith and Secularism at the centre’s Auditorium, Abere, Osogbo.

    Have you heard? This was the question many people in the hall asked others following the news that Boko Haram terrorists had bombed the Nyanya Motor Park in Abuja with at least 75 people dead and 164 injured. It was the opening ceremony of the colloquium. A moment of silence was observed for victims of the bombing.

    This coincidence was striking and mirrored the timeliness of the event, which the conveners said was “organised against the background of perceived religious war by Boko Haram and tension in some states, for example Osun, where religious differences are being exploited to cause trouble.” CBCIU Chairman, Professor Wole Soyinka, stressed that the colloquium should not be seen as just a direct reaction to the Boko Haram terror campaign which has escalated in the northeastern part of the country since 2009. He said: “The conference has been conceived in many minds for decades in the face of rising problems.”

    Fundamentally, Soyinka meant that Boko Haram is not simply an identifiable physical group of religious extremists, but also a metaphorical signification, referring to all manifestations of extremism based on faith. Soyinka described the Boko Haram insurgency as “a war situation, which is a strictly security situation.”

    On Day Two of the colloquium, Soyinka was proved right as the Islamist terror champions on April 14 kidnapped 276 students at the Girls Senior Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State. The extremely scandalous incident continues to trigger emotionally charged responses worldwide, particularly as 218 abducted Chibok schoolgirls are still missing.

    In his opening-day speech, Soyinka had pointed out that “we cannot underestimate the religious inspiration”, suggesting that religious adherents could go to unimaginable lengths to further their cause.

    It is precisely this lack of limit, especially in the context of secular society, that the colloquium was organised to address.

    Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, who is a Muslim occupying a secular office, expressed his standpoint at the forum. He said: “My position is that religion should not be a source of rancour, misery and cheap death as we have in Nigeria today. Accommodation of one another should transcend the context of faith.”

    Soyinka, a master playwright, imaginatively and dramatically captured the need to separate faith and secularism, and the necessity for harmonious cohabitation in the country’s multi-religious situation. The Nobelist said: “I admit that I’m not a particularly religious person, but I believe in the spiritual quest; every human has a portion of himself which seeks transcendence.  Sometimes I wish religionists would leave us to develop the earth, and go to paradise or wherever; they can take a spaceship to another planet where they can live by faith.”

    The three-day conference, with four plenary sessions and 18 papers, was marked by open and frank discussions, and participants explored the essence of the concept of secularism as it applied to the country in particular. The papers included Primordial Spirituality as Agent of Development by Prof Dawud Noibi; Religion and Development by Mr. Modupe Oduyoye; Equilibrium that Adjusts the World by Dr. Abiodun Agboola; Pluralism and Accommodation in a Democratic Society by Pastor (Dr.) Michael Adekunle; Quest for Peace by Mr. Mustapha Adebayo Bello and Personified and Objectified Persons by Dr. Olujide Gbadegesin.

    Others were: From Violent Crises to Insurgency by Dr. Bimbo Adesoji; Theocracy and Secular Mind by Dr. Kamil Koyejo Oloso; Reinventing the Wheel of our Life by Ogbeni Funmi Odusolu; Secularism and Pluralism Nexus: The Nigerian and Sudanese Experience by Comrade Jide Olutobi; When Faith Makes Sense: Religion as Catalyst of Progress and Development by Engr. Moses Oludele Idowu and You Must Find Your Own Way by Mr. Femi Macaulay.

    Additional papers were: Mythologies and the Test of Humanity by Ms. Folakemi Odoaje; Where the Rain Began to Beat Us? by Engr. Moses Oludele Idowu; From Mysticism to Technology by Dr. Tunde Adegbola; Rational Religion by Araba Ifayemi Elebuibon and What Shall We Teach Our Children? by Abdul-Hakeem Ajilola.

    There was a perceptible tension between advocates of “strict secularity”, which implies a “relegation of religion in public affairs”, and proponents of “quasi-secularism”, which suggests “minimum religious penetration of state affairs”.   However, it was generally agreed that there is a need for cohabitation in the context of “secularism that respects and appreciates the reality of diverse faiths without promoting any religion at the expense of others.” Aregbesola said: “We need an organised intervention in this area.”

    A central issue in the various perspectives was the observed religionisation of politics by the country’s leaders, which continues to complicate the fundamentals of secularity. Concerning those who misuse religion for non-religious purposes, Soyinka noted: “The mind is where it started and ultimately the mind is where this disease will be cured.”

    Collective recommendations emerged towards attaining inter-faith harmony in the pursuit of peace for social progress. The proposed path was specific:  Constitution review to reflect religious diversity; tightening legislation to address religious violence; non-politicisation of religion; value reorientation; programme of compulsory education for social enlightenment and establishment of a national centre for inter-faith studies.

    In the final analysis, the legal endorsement of hijab in public schools in Osun State further highlights ambiguous secularity.

  • Ambode: From words to deeds

    Obviously, saying something is not the same thing as doing something. Also, it may well be easier to say something than to do something. These realities mean that a power-seeker may well be a talker and not a doer, and may well demonstrate inaction in power.

    In October 2014, a power-seeker who is today in power formally expressed his desire to govern Lagos State. He projected his political vision through an inventive acronym, LAGOS, which was notable for the inclusion of service.   Akinwunmi Ambode declared at a well-attended event at the Onikan Stadium, Lagos: “Our message is LAGOS. LAGOS is Leadership, LAGOS is Accountability, LAGOS is Good Governance, LAGOS is Opportunities and LAGOS is Service. This is what I stand for.” It was striking that his organising principles were put in a capsule named after the state he sought to govern.

    As Ambode marks a year as Governor of Lagos State, his performance in office shows that he is a man who can walk the talk.  It is useful to reflect on how he moved from words to deeds. What’s in a biography? Plenty, if it’s about Ambode.  The Art of Selfless Service by Marian Osoba, which was launched in Lagos ahead of Ambode’s political ascendancy, stands out as a must-read for anyone who wants a picture of him.

    Two quotes from the biography deserve contemplation, considering the familiar tendency for personal aggrandisement in the country’s corridors of power.   Ambode was quoted as saying: “A true leader sees his work as selfless service towards a higher purpose. A true leader should be judged by what he has not – ego, arrogance and self interest.” He also said: “We must, wherever we find ourselves, create an atmosphere of selfless service.”  Ambode’s emphasis on selfless service is a defining plus because a leader without a correct sense of service is ultimately negative.

    Interestingly, the biography provides a thought-provoking response to the view in certain quarters that Ambode is a puppet of certain political kingmakers. Ambode said:”At different points in our lives, we have had relationships; a teacher, a boss, an employer, a friend, a parent who has greatly changed the way we looked at life and the world. Someone who inspired us and motivated us, someone who taught us to set goals and instilled the confidence and spirit to achieve them, someone who had high standards and truly stood for something; such a person is the real mentor we all need to find. I have found true leaders through such observations in the course of my career…they help you build your art of selfless service, but it is important too that you carve out for yourself an identity authentically your own, that you don’t monkey another person’s life so slavishly as to lose your own.” Against this background, it may be observed that Ambode has been guided by his understanding of brand identity. In a year in office, he has communicated his own unique personal brand.

    Before he became a governor, Ambode in May 2014 published a piece in celebration of Lagos State’s 47th anniversary.  Ambode said in the piece titled “Happy Anniversary, Lagos State”: “As Lagos turns fifty in the next three years, therefore, the future beckons on whoever would take over the baton in the relay of enduring people-friendly policies to solidify and build on these worthy legacies.” His reference to legacies was a tribute to the governmental accomplishments of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who governed the state from 1999 to 2007, and Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola, who succeeded Tinubu. The state’s 50th anniversary will be celebrated next year, and the Ambode administration is preparing for a mega celebration.

    It stands to reason that a megacity needs mega governance. The status of Lagos as a megacity is a reason for mega governance. Nigeria’s megacity in 2015 was listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities, and credited with an unofficial population figure of “approximately 21 million”. Of course, a mega city has to grapple with mega challenges. Megacity challenges include slums, crime, homelessness, traffic congestion and environmental pollution.

    “If we take the concept of resource generation, allocation and distribution into cognisance and apply the principles of good governance, we will achieve economic growth and development,” Ambode said while presenting a paper titled “Public Finance: Probity and Accountability” at a workshop organised in August 2014 by the Lagos State Government and the Lagos Business School. Also, in a newspaper interview he shed light on his understanding of good governance, which is an essential aspect of his vision:”In essence, the elected government is like a caretaker for the rest of the people, overseeing their resources on their behalf. The citizens remain the landlord while the elected officials are only caretakers. Arising from this, good government can only thrive where the resources of the people are judiciously distributed to various sectors/needs in the society in a just and equitable manner that makes life easier for every person.”

    It is noteworthy that when in November 2015 the Ambode administration donated modern security equipment worth over N4bn to the Nigeria Police Force, President Muhammadu Buhari described the donation as a “remarkable feat”. Buhari urged other state governments to “emulate Lagos State by supporting security agencies that are trying to keep us safe”.  Ambode’s exemplary donation was of national significance because security is significant.

    Food is significant too. Food is a hierarch in the hierarchy of needs. When in March the Ambode administration signed a record-setting agriculture-related Memorandum of Understanding with Kebbi State’s Atiku Bagudu administration, it was an exemplary move towards a much-needed agricultural revolution in the country. “This is the first time in the history of Nigeria that two states are collaborating to develop their agricultural potential,” Ambode declared. The logic of this agricultural partnership and how it will enable national food sufficiency and food security, apart from its employment-generation possibilities, is compelling and commendable.

    These two instances will suffice to illustrate and underline Ambode’s national relevance and remarkableness, beyond his undeniable gubernatorial value.  By effectively moving from words to deeds, he has shown what is possible when a leader takes his own words seriously.

  • Bring back the other girls

    Interestingly, there are people who think the publicised May 17  rescue of one of the over 200 Chibok schoolgirls abducted by Boko Haram terrorists may well be a stunt to credit the President Muhammadu Buhari administration with an important achievement ahead of its first anniversary on May 29. These doubters provide a significant sign of the government’s public rating close to a year after the wind of change that blew the Goodluck Jonathan administration out of power.

    This thinking that the Buhari government may have stage-managed the report of teenager Amina Ali’s return amounts to not only a discredit to the government’s credibility, but also a dishonour to Buhari’s advertised integrity. It is food for thought that things have come to such a pass, considering the high public optimism that greeted Buhari’s ascendancy.

    It is clarifying that news of Amina’s rescue was corroborated by Chibok Girls Parents Association Chairman Yakubu Nkeki, and the spokesperson of the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG) advocacy group, Sesugh Akume.

    It is enlightening that Presidential Villa watcher Olalekan Adetayo in a report captured what he called “A presidential treatment for a rescued captive”: “A presidential jet was sent to Borno State to bring her. She came with her mother, her brother and her baby. She arrived the Villa in a convoy of vehicles under tight security. She was driven straight to the forecourt of the President’s office through the Service Chiefs’ Gate. Only privileged few persons are driven through the gate that is reserved for the high and mighty.”

    Adetayo also reported: “Amina… was accompanied by the Borno State Governor, Alhaji Kashim Shettima; the Minister of Defence, Mansur Dan Ali; the National Security Adviser, Babangana Monguno; and the Chief of Defence Staff, Gabriel Olonishakin, among other top government officials.”

    Buhari perhaps needed the photo opportunity more than Amina. Pictures of the President carrying Safiya, Amina’s baby girl, helped to project a powerful message about state capacity. It is noteworthy that the latest official information indicated that the military had recaptured 20 villages from the Islamist terrorists in 22 days under Operation Crackdown, and had rescued 150 civilians, including Amina.

    Although Buhari spoke with reassuring optimism on the possibility of bringing back the schoolgirls abducted in Chibok, Borno State, over two years ago, there is no question that it will take more than positive thinking and expression of hope to get the girls back. “Amina’s rescue gives us new hope and offers a unique opportunity to vital information,” Buhari said.  Borno State Governor Shettima sang the same tune, saying, “… 218 girls are not accounted for, but a journey of a thousand miles starts with a single step, the recovery of Amina Ali, is a sign of greater things to come…”

    Apart from Amina’s case, the question concerning the fate of the victims of the outrageous kidnap of April 14, 2014, remains tragically unanswered. Out of the 276 seized students of the Girls Senior Secondary School, Chibok, 57 managed to escape. It is a cause for concern that only Amina has been rescued out of the remaining 219 girls, despite an international campaign that resonated across the world, involving United States First Lady Michelle Obama and Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai.

    Lamentably, the strident demand for action, particularly political action by the political authorities, which was formulated as #BringBackOurGirls, has not yielded any significant progress in locating and returning the girls. This amounts to governmental failure.

    Indeed, the unresolved kidnappings call for political will and fresh creative approaches.  As things stand, there is a seeming paralysis that hinders the desired action to get the girls back. In this matter, the government of the day must demonstrate that it is conscious of its institutional and moral responsibilities.

    Notwithstanding initial footdragging by the Jonathan administration that was in power when the terrorists struck in Chibok, and the associated complications, President Buhari must rise to the challenge.

    It is heart-warming that Buhari said: “Although we cannot do anything to reverse the horrors of her past, the Federal Government can and will do everything possible to ensure that the rest of her life takes a completely different course. Amina will get the best care that the Nigerian government can afford. We will ensure that she gets the best medical, emotional and whatever care that she requires to get full recovery and be integrated into the society.” This is a promise that must be kept.

    Importantly, the occasion also yielded what may be considered as a policy position on girl-child education. It was positive that Buhari made a fundamental assertion: “The continuation of Amina’s education so abruptly disrupted will definitely be a priority of the Federal Government. Amina must be able to go back to school. Nobody in Nigeria should be put through the brutality of forced marriage. Every girl has a right to education and their choice of life.” Buhari should take a further step on this issue by officially intensifying the promotion of girl-child education and discouraging forced marriage across the country.

    This is where Mohammed Hayatu comes in. He is the suspected Boko Haram terrorist who was found with Amina and who claimed to be her husband. Lagos activist lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) was helpful in defining Hayatu’s status. Falana argued: “The captured terrorist who was arrested with Amina is not her husband but an abductor and a rapist. The media should therefore desist from further referring to the criminal suspect as the husband of the girl…The Attorney-General of Borno State should proceed to charge the terrorist with abduction and slavery, torture and rape without any further delay.”

    It is a thought-provoking irony that Baby Safiya bears a name that is contradicted by the circumstances of her birth. Safiya is a Muslim name meaning “pure”. The terrorism that resulted in Amina’s abduction and her subsequent violation by an alleged member of a violent group was not a reflection of purity. It is equally important to protect this baby from possible stigma, and help her to rise above the unfortunate context of her birth.

    The celebration of Amina’s rescue and return is not inappropriate. But the other Chibok girls still missing deserve to be brought back too.

  • Fantastically wealthy

    There is no question that Senate President Bukola Saraki is rich. But there are certainly questions arising from his prosperity-status. When an individual is stinking rich, the wealth may well be stinking. Or, put differently, when an individual is filthy rich, the wealth may well be filthy.

     Saraki’s lawyer, Paul Erokoro (SAN), reportedly described him as “extremely rich”. Erokoro made Saraki’s riches public during his ongoing trial for alleged false assets declaration before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Abuja. Saraki didn’t need to become Kwara State governor in 2003 to make mega money, his lawyer argued. He was already rolling in money by the time he became a governor, his legal representative stressed.

     It is thought-provoking that Erokoro, based on the asset declaration form Saraki submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) in 2003, reportedly “said he needed to point out that his client was very rich before he became Kwara State governor to erase the wrong impression created by the prosecution that, he could not have acquired the property he claimed to have, without obtaining loans from banks”.

    A report said: “He said he had $22 million US dollars, about 12 million pounds, 2.6m Euro and about N4 billion in cash in his various accounts.” Apart from “the liquid asset,” the report stated: “Saraki said he also possessed landed property estimated at N2 billion and 15 vehicles valued at about N263.4m”.

    The report continued: “He gave details of the vehicles he acquired as at 2003 to include: Mercedes X320, valued at N16m; Mercedes X500 worth N20m; Mercedes G500, valued at N6m; Mercedes V220 worth 2m and Ferrari456GT, valued at N25m.”

    It also said: “Others are:  Navigator, N15m, MN240 worth N8.5m; Peugeot 406, valued at N2.9m; Mercedes CLK 320 worth N9m; Mercedes E320 valued at N11m; Mercedes G500 bullet proof, worth N45m; Mercedes X500; Lexus jeep bullet proof, valued at N30m and Lincoln Navigator bullet proof worth N25m.”

    Indeed, this is a rich collection of vehicles, and the logical question should be how Saraki acquired the vehicles, or how he acquired the capacity to acquire the vehicles.

    The report added: “The lawyer was however silent on the source of his client’s wealth and how he came about all the property and cash he claimed to have possessed before he became governor in 2003.” Silence will not answer the loud questions Saraki needs to answer to clarify his claims: How did Saraki come to be so rich?  What super explanations can explain Saraki’s super wealth?

    It is noteworthy that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) said its findings “showed that the defendant/applicant abused his office, while he was the governor of Kwara State and was involved in various acts of corruption as the governor of the state”. The anti-graft agency also said: “The defendant/applicant borrowed huge sums of money running into billions from commercial banks, particularly Guaranty Trust Bank, and used the proceeds of the loan to acquire several landed properties in Lagos, Abuja and London, while he was the governor of Kwara State”.

    Consequently, Saraki is facing charges “ranging from anticipatory declaration of assets to making false declaration of assets in forms” he had filed with the Code of Conduct Bureau while he was governor of Kwara State. Saraki was also “accused of failing to declare some assets he acquired while in office as governor, acquiring assets beyond his legitimate earnings, and accused of operating foreign accounts while being a public officer”.

    It is important to note that the EFCC said: ”Asset declaration form is not just any document. The person declaring his assets is expected to go before a high court judge to swear an oath. They swear to affidavit, so it is believed that all he swore to, and appended his signature to is the truth.” If so, it may well be that Saraki is yet to tell the whole truth, meaning that he would need to say how he made so much which enabled him to acquire so much.

    It is relevant to consider Saraki’s trajectory before his trial. His profile said: ”Abubakar Bukola Saraki was born on 19 December 1962 to the family of Olusola Saraki, a senator (1979 – 1983) and a one- time Senate Leader of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and his mother Florence Morenike Saraki. He attended King’s College, Lagos from 1973 to 1978, and Cheltenham College, Cheltenham, London, from 1979 to 1981 for his High School Certificate. He then studied at the London Hospital Medical College of the University of London, from 1982 to 1987, when he obtained his M.B.B.S (London). He worked as a medical officer at Rush Green Hospital, Essex, from 1988 to 1989. He was a director of Societe Generale Bank (Nig) Ltd   from 1990 to 2000.”

    The biographical account also said: “In 2000, President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed Saraki as Special Assistant to the President on Budget…In 2003, he ran for the office of governor of Kwara State on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and won. He was sworn into office in May 2003. He ran again for re-election in 2007 and won his second term. He was first elected to the Senate in April 2011, representing the Kwara Central senatorial district, and re-elected in the March 2015 elections… After his re-election in the 2015 general elections, Saraki was on 9 June 2015 elected unopposed as President of the Senate by an across the party alliance comprising PDP and APC Senators.”

    This background gives no clue as to how Saraki could have made what he claims to have made before he became a governor.   Perhaps more important than how much an individual has, the question of how such an individual came to have so much should be beyond a shadow of a doubt.  The clarification of the sources of personal wealth is so crucial that it must not be a subject of speculation.

    Saraki currently belongs to the All Progressives Congress (APC) which he joined from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but his Senate presidency is seriously imperiled, following an understandable backlash occasioned by his opportunistic subversion of his party’s calculations for the federal legislature. He may yet learn that party supremacy is supreme.

    In the final analysis, an individual’s fantastic wealth cannot be left to the public imagination for explanation. This is the reality Saraki must face.

  • Herbert Macaulay: 70 years after

    Seventy years ago, on May 7, 1946, Herbert Macaulay, the acclaimed nationalist widely acknowledged as the ‘Father of Nigerian Nationalism’, made his exit at age 81. He was born in Lagos on November 14, 1864. His father, Rev Thomas Babington Macaulay, was the founder and first principal of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, established in 1859. His mother, Abigail Macaulay, was the daughter of Bishop Ajayi Crowther, the illustrious 19th century cleric who in 1864 was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church at a ceremony in England.

    Herbert Macaulay studied Civil Engineering in Britain. He qualified as a civil engineer in 1893. Indeed, he is recognised as the first Nigerian with such a professional qualification. He proudly attached the letters C.E. (Civil Engineer) to his name, and also practiced as an architect.

    In 1923, he launched the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), regarded as the first political party in Nigeria, following the amendment of the Nigerian Constitution in 1922, which allowed elected representatives for the Legislative Council and also created a   municipal council in Lagos.  The NNDP dominated the political space for many years, and Herbert Macaulay, who was known as Mr. Democratic Party on account of his pivotal position in the party, earned the unchallenged appellation ‘Leader of Nigerian Politics’. When the political situation took a new turn and the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) successfully challenged the dominance of the NNDP, Herbert Macaulay’s patriotic spirit promoted inter-party cooperation   as a necessity in the struggle for political freedom. The formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in 1944 led to a political merger that saw Herbert Macaulay emerge as the party’s first President.

    In 1927, Herbert Macaulay and his friend, John Akinlade Caulcrick, a medical doctor and politician, bought The Lagos Daily News, a newspaper founded in 1925 by Victor Babamuboni, a Lagos bookseller and printer. Herbert Macaulay was a keen monitor of the issues of the day, and expressed his views vigorously in pamphlets and newspaper articles. For instance, he criticised the government’s policy on the liquor trade, the water-rate scheme, the plan to build a separate church for white government officials, and the press law, among others.

    Herbert Macaulay’s pamphlet in 1908 criticising the Lagos Railway prompted Governor Egerton to propose a law that would restrict the press. The pamphlet, titled ‘Governor Egerton and the Railway’, focused on corruption among white officials of the Railway. The power of the pamphlet drew attention to Herbert Macaulay.  He also regularly launched attacks on the colonial administration through critical newspaper articles.

    Herbert Macaulay fought various battles against the British colonial government. He was an anti-colonial combatant by conviction and choice, for he could have followed the comfortable path of collaboration with the colonialists if he wished. His background and education placed him among the elite of Lagos society. He actually belonged to the circle from which the colonial government nominated African representatives to the Legislative Council.

    But Herbert Macaulay was not the personality-type that appealed to the British administration, which regarded him as too principled, too critical, too independent, too bold and too assertive.

    In style and manners, Herbert Macaulay was so polished that the people of Lagos referred to him as Oyinbo Alawodudu (white man in black skin). He was noted for his handle-bar moustache, well-cut suits and long bow ties. He described his moustache and bow tie as “parallel and inseparable”. He was known as ‘The Wizard of Kirsten Hall’.

    But Herbert Macaulay was a remarkable grassroots politician. He played important roles in the celebrated Apapa Land Case as well as the equally celebrated Eleko case, which ended in favour of indigenous interests and gave a big boost to his image as a champion of justice. Herbert Macaulay was known as ‘Champion and Defender of Native Rights and Liberties’.  No other politician of his time could match his rapport with the common people.  For instance, he cultivated the friendship of Madam Alimotu Pelewura, the powerful leader of the Lagos Market Women’s Association, and could easily count upon the support of thousands of market women in Lagos. The masses composed songs in honour of Herbert Macaulay.

    A July 1931 edition of West Africa painted a pen portrait of Herbert Macaulay: “He has a voice and a laugh which would be passports anywhere. The quickness, the energy, the comprehensiveness, with which he can write an article – or a book, if need be – or make a speech, or organise a demonstration, are incredible.”

    In my search for Herbert Macaulay’s writings, I found a seven-page piece handwritten by him. He was at the time President of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons and described himself as having “experience of a period of over half-a-century as a West African journalist in practical politics, and as the Proprietor and Controlling Editor of The Lagos Daily News, the first daily newspaper printed in Lagos”. The piece was titled:  ”The Government of Nigeria and the Press”.

    Herbert Macaulay said: “We have been taught to realise the incontrovertible fact that from the moment that the invention of the art of printing added a new element of power to the inhabitants of this world, the human brain, not armament, the thinker and not the soldier, books and not kings, governors, Residents or Commissioners were to henceforth rule the world in a most especial sense…”

    He continued: “In confirmation of this, we have the declaration of the Rt. Hon. The Earl of Beaconsfield who was Prime Minister of all England in 1868 and again from 1874 to 1880 that: “The Press is not only free; it is powerful. That power is ours. It is the proudest that man can enjoy. It was not granted by monarchs, it was not gained for us by aristocracies; but it sprang from the people and, with an immortal instinct, it has always worked for the people.” Therefore, despotism in any shape or form and the Freedom of the Press cannot possibly exist together…It was Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of France, who declared that: “A journalist is a grumbler, a censurer, a giver of advice, a regent of sovereigns, a tutor of nations. Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets.” As an institution of the greatest possible value, the Press in Nigeria should take its place as one of the chief bulwarks of the freedom and liberty of the people of this vast territory…”

    At Herbert Macaulay’s funeral in Lagos, Nnamdi Azikiwe, who succeeded him as NCNC leader, referred to him as “my political father”. Azikwe said in a graveside oration: “He has left an imperishable legacy, the struggle for the attainment of social equality, economic security, religious tolerance and political freedom.” This struggle continues today.

  • Playing the patriot

    Evidently, writing a book about patriotism doesn’t make the author a patriot. So Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu’s book, Who will love my country: Ideas for building the Nigeria of our dream, launched in Abuja on April 27, doesn’t make him a patriot.

    The event was a stunt that showed a stunted actor. It was an opportunistic show and the central character was a puny opportunist. The drama was contemptuous of collective intelligence, and was contemptible in several respects.

    The title of Ekweremadu’ s book reflects his self-concept.  He probably thinks himself a patriot, and imagines that he has ideas worth selling to Nigerians. But are his ideas worth buying?

    Ekweremadu may be dressed in borrowed robes, but the hood doesn’t make the monk. His self-projected patriotism is unsupported by the intensely controversial manner he acquired his office. Convoluted circumstances  brought him to the helm of affairs of the 8th Senate, resulting in a queer combination and cohabitation:  Senate President Olusola  Saraki of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), a party elected to power on the premise of progressivism, and Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu of the unprogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The Senate is still struggling with the burden of strange bedfellows.

    By exploiting fissures within the ruling APC to gain a seat that should normally be occupied by a member of the ruling party, and thereby helping to institute an odd and odious partnership at the head of the Senate, Ekweremadu sacrificed patriotism for opportunism.  His self-serving move, which amounted to a victory of sorts for his party, was bound to have consequences for the Senate.

    In this case, realpolitik cannot be an excuse for unpatriotic conduct.  Saraki’s individualism and his anti-party manoeuvres, which gave him the Senate crown, were guided by realpolitik; just as Ekweremadu’s ambitious subversion of convention.

    With the initial complications within the APC further complicated by the PDP, the country would need genuine patriotic thinking and action to escape serial governmental crisis.

    Something thought-provoking happened about a week before Ekweremadu’s book launch, which may not be unconnected with the event.  The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on April 20 denied naming Ekweremadu as its anti-corruption ambassador. The EFCC said in a statement that some reports in the print and online media had claimed that “the anti-graft agency has decorated the Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, as “Anti-Corruption Ambassador.”

    The EFCC further said: “According to a statement issued to the press by the Special Adviser to the Deputy Senate President, Uche Anichukwu, the purported decoration, was carried out by the EFCC National Assembly Liaison Officer, Suleiman Bakari, who was quoted to have said: “On behalf of my acting chairman, Mr. Ibrahim Mustafa Magu and the entire management and staff of the EFCC, I decorate you as an Anti- Corruption Ambassador and formally present this frame, as a token of our appreciation to your person and office, and as a symbol of the institutional partnership between the EFCC and the National Assembly”.

    The anti-graft agency continued: “The EFCC totally dissociates itself from the purported action of Suleiman Bakari as he acted entirely on his own. He clearly acted outside his brief as a liaison officer as the management of the Commission at no time mandated him to decorate Ekweremadu or any officer of the National Assembly as Anti- Corruption Ambassador”. It added: “Members of the public and stakeholders in the fight against corruption are enjoined to disregard the so-called decoration”.

    However, the EFFC should go beyond its denial. The fight against corruption demands that it should get to the bottom of the matter. The public should know how it happened that an EFFC official allegedly named Ekweremadu as the agency’s anti-corruption ambassador, if it happened. The matter calls for serious investigation.

    This background suggests that Ekweremadu’s book and the presentation may have indeed been part of an elaborate image-laundering design. Within a week, Ekweremadu’s name was strongly linked with anti-corruption and patriotism, as if there was a need for him to project those positives.

    Considering that the Senate President is currently facing corruption-related charges before the Code of Conduct Tribunal, as well as charges related to unpatriotism before the court of public opinion, it is possible that the Deputy Senate President was under pressure to distance himself from those uncomplimentary realities.

    It is interesting that Saraki tweeted: “Last night, I attended the dinner for Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu’s book  launch .” This demonstrated that what unpatriotism   joined together, let no book put asunder.

    It is curious that the Muhammadu Buhari presidency joined in the apparent image-laundering project of a top member of the opposition who helped to cripple the ruling party in the Senate through unconstructive political conduct.  President Buhari’s representative, the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, had no business being at the event to endorse Ekweremadu’s claim to patriotism. The President said at the event: “He (Senator Ekweremadu) demonstrated in the book that Nigerians can only build a Nigeria of their dreams if they make bold efforts to love her above their individual selves and narrow interests.” Buhari was not only talking about Ekweremadu; he was also talking to Ekweremadu.  But was Ekweremadu listening?

    Buhari also said: “Our mantra is change, starting with individual attitudinal change. That explains why this Administration will soon launch a major campaign, tagged ‘CHANGE BEGINS WITH ME’, aimed at getting Nigerians to realise that the change they so much desire starts with them. If we all change our ways for the better, the society itself will change.”

    The question is: Do individuals like Saraki and Ekweremadu understand what individual responsibility means in this context? They are probably too self-absorbed to realise that by remaining in the positions they reached through unpatriotic means, they are no better than enemies of change.

    A report said Ekweremadu, in the 158-page book, “reflected on the need to shrink the 36 states to six geopolitical zones, a holistic approach to the fight against corruption decentralised policing, fair distribution of resources among others.”

    It is easy to theorise about patriotism. What Nigeria needs is practical patriotism. Those who pay lip service to patriotism do a disservice to the noble idea of a patriot. Patriotism is about doing, not talking.

  • Policing the police

    How many of those seeking positions in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) are driven by passion for policing, and how many of them are simply following their existential passion? This question, which may be difficult to answer categorically, is critical to the success of the ongoing effort to fill 10,000 vacancies in the country’s police force.

    It is thought-provoking that a statement by the Head of Press and Public Relations Unit of the Police Service Commission (PSC), Ikechukwu Ani, said: “The Police Service Commission as at 7.30am today, Tuesday, April 19th, received 705,352 applications from applicants who are seeking employment into the recently advertised 10,000 vacancies into the Nigeria Police Force. A breakdown of the applications showed that 202, 427 applicants have successfully applied for the position of Cadet Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), 169,446, for the position of Cadet Inspector and 333,479 for the position of Constable.”

    Given the number of applicants in relation to the number of vacancies, it remains to be seen how a police force battling integrity-related challenges will conduct itself in an exercise that requires zero-level misconduct. It is noteworthy that the PSC Chairman, Mike Okiro, according to a report, “warned its workers, who would be involved in the screening of candidates, to avoid any act that would compromise the integrity of the exercise”. The report added: “He said any worker involved in any misconduct during the exercise would be sanctioned in line with the public service rules and may be prosecuted for sabotage. The PSC chairman urged candidates to desist from indulging or inducing the commission’s workers as anyone caught would be arrested and prosecuted.” Correct talk; but easier said than done.

    Apart from the issue of ensuring the integrity of the recruitment process, there is the question of putting the centres where the recruits will be trained in good condition. It is striking that a report quoted the Commandant, Police Staff College, Jos, Plateau State, Mr. Joseph Mbu, as saying that the police colleges were in no shape for the kind of professional training the recruits would need.     Mbu, an Assistant Inspector General, said: “Our police colleges, both senior and junior are in very bad state. Most of the structures you see there are dilapidated and the issue of poor staffing is also there. Recruitment exercise into various cadres in the force has begun, but the major lacuna will be where to train the recruits. We need good facilities and atmosphere to make them better policemen. You cannot start exposing recruits by making them pay money indirectly for one thing or the other when, ideally, the government is supposed to provide everything for them. So, I appeal to the president to set up a special committee to examine our colleges with a view to putting them in good shape before the training for the new recruits commences.”

    The example of the Police College, Ikeja, Lagos, will suffice. Built to accommodate 700 students, the number of occupants it housed as at January 2013 was reportedly over 2,554. A police trainee in Lagos was quoted as saying:  ”The recruitment of new officers is a very welcome development as far as many of us are concerned but the fear we have is that the facilities here at Ikeja would not be able to accommodate even 100 people more because everywhere is filled already. In fact, many of us are just trying to cope with the situation because it is not conducive for us at all…Personally, I am worried because I know how much we would suffer if more people are posted here. It is a very big source of concern for many of us.”

    Also, a female trainee at the Police College, Ikeja, said: “We are not saying the police authorities should not recruit more people into the Force, our major concern is how this place would accommodate us if new intakes are posted here. If the authorities can use this opportunity to improve on the existing infrastructure, it would be very good. In fact, it will make many of us happy because we are passing through a lot of challenges at the moment.”

    Against this background, there is no doubt that those who are eventually recruited through the ongoing process will face infrastructural challenges as well as instructional challenges. It is clear that the Federal Government needs to act urgently.

    Police training is too important to be neglected or left to suffer the consequences of neglect. It goes without saying that the police cannot be properly trained when the facilities for their training are improper. The Inspector-General of Police (IG), Mr. Solomon Arase painted a picture that showed just how under-policed the country is. He said in an interview: “When you say the number of policemen we have is 370,000, you have to take into consideration that we have traffic wardens, civilian staff, medical doctors, engineers and drivers. If you put those ones together and minus it from the 370,000, it will come down greatly. So, it leaves us with few operational policemen who we can give firearms to.”  Considering that Nigeria’s population was estimated at 178.5 million in 2014, the extent of the existing policing gap is extensive.  There is perhaps a more fundamental issue that must be addressed to achieve reasonably adequate policing across the country. Arase tried to dance around what may indeed be the primary problem. He said: “On the recruitment of new 10,000 policemen that was ordered by the President, we want the recruitment to be state-based because we want to encourage community partnership. If we want to encourage community partnership, for instance, somebody from Kano who understands the language and culture, as a constable, he will be able to serve better and gather information in that area after training instead of taking somebody from Lagos who does not understand the culture to go and dump him in Kano and then take a young boy who has not passed through Kaduna before to be dumped in the South-East. So, we want to discourage those things and ensure that it is local government and state-based by the time we recruit.”

    The truth is that no matter how hard the authorities may try to invent a substitute, there may be no real substitute for state police properly so called. It would appear that the concept of state police goes with federalism properly so called, which makes Nigeria’s version of federalism an oddity. The recruitment of 10, 000 new police personnel and the associated circumstances will further highlight the need to think and rethink state police.