The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Lagos-Ibadan Expressway: The road ahead

    As a metaphor for the journey of life, the road is both interesting and intriguing. Two notable writers were fascinated enough to focus on the road: Nigerian Nobelist Wole Soyinka created a 1965 drama titled “The Road”, while American novelist Jack Kerouac produced a 1957 novel titled “On The Road”.

    Between August 19 and 22, the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway occupied my thoughts. I found myself thinking about the long road on my way from Lagos to Osogbo, Osun State, to eyewitness the celebration of Susanne Wenger’s centenary, the Osun-Osogbo Grove’s 10th anniversary as a World Heritage Site and the finale of the Osun-Osogbo Festival. On my way back to my base, after a stopover at Gbongan to take part in a celebration of the departed parents of a literary mentor, I used the same long road.

    The ongoing reconstruction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway complicated my journey to and fro, which set me thinking about this important road and its complications. It is two years since the administration of former president Goodluck Jonathan in July 2013 rearranged the reconstruction, following a N167 billion contract, awarded to Julius Berger Nigeria Plc and Reynolds Construction Company Limited. Under the new arrangement, two sections of the expressway will be reconstructed: Section I (Lagos to Sagamu Interchange) and Section II (Sagamu Interchange to Ibadan).

    The Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, which dates back to 1978, is 127.6-km-long, connecting Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, and Lagos State, Nigeria’s economic capital. Importantly, the road is not only a main link to the northern, southern and eastern regions of the country; it is the busiest inter-state road.

    Understandably, its connective capacity has implications for road improvement and development, which explains public concern about its state. The news that Julius Berger Nigeria Plc will resume major repair work on the expressway by the end of September, after a worrying break that lasted some months, raised more questions than answers. The pause was caused by financial difficulties allegedly connected with the Federal Government’s funding performance.  It is unclear whether the problematic funding issues have been resolved and how, considering that a new central administration under President Muhammadu Buhari is in charge.

    It is noteworthy that the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway has been a road of controversy, especially following the Jonathan administration’s 2012 termination of a concession agreement with Bi-Courtney Highways Services Limited (BCHSL), which was supposed to reconstruct and manage the toll road. The past government alleged that the company failed to make progress on actualising the objective of the concession four years after the agreement signed with a preceding administration.

    According to Bi-Courtney, “We are in court because the alleged cancellation of the concession did not follow due process. Apart from that, the so-called contract involving the two new companies handling the project was awarded arbitrarily without a bidding process.”  The company said:  “BCHSL won the concession to reconstruct and manage the toll road for 25 years. It’s a Design, Build, Operate and Transfer (DBOT) arrangement. According to the concession agreement, the road will be expanded to 10 lanes from Lagos to Sagamu and six lanes from Sagamu to Ibadan. Because of this expansion, structures that fall within 60.35 metres from the median on both sides of the road will be demolished, and government will compensate owners of the affected properties.”  The company proudly argued that it rebuilt the Murtala Muhammed Airport (MMA2) in Lagos “against all odds”. “It is the first airport in Africa to be owned by a private company on a Build, Operate and Transfer (BOT) basis, the first of its kind in Nigeria, and it was delivered far ahead of schedule,” Bi-Courtney said.

    The company’s response to the allegation of non-performance blamed work delay on the Jonathan administration. In the period of three years and six months that the company had the concession, it was slowed down for two years and 10 months. According to the company, the design process which was expected to be completed within four months took 18 months as a result of bureaucratic bottlenecks at the Ministry of Works. The Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) corroborated Bi-Courtney’s position.

    To cut a long story short, it would appear that the announced cancellation of the concession by the Ministry of Works on November 19, 2012, was the culmination of a chain of untidy and unprogressive manoeuvres that suggested behind-the-scenes influence.  While the delay lasted, Bi-Courtney said, “We were advised by the ministry not to do any serious works on the road other than palliatives”.  Before the concession was terminated, the company claimed it “had completed the patching and overlaying of bad portions of the highway, preparatory to full-scale reconstruction”.

    It is interesting to note that the ongoing contract involving Julius Berger Nigeria Plc and Reynolds Construction Company Limited is fundamentally different in nature and not a concession as was the case with Bi-Courtney. The implication is that the federal government is expected to fund the road rehabilitation and operate the toll road.

    Of course, it is open to debate whether adopting the concession model for the rehabilitation of the expressway promises greater socio-economic benefits than the old way of doing things. However, the attraction of the Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) approach, which the concession concept represents, cannot be reasonably discounted in a modern economy, considering reported examples in Western Europe and the U.S. where private investors are involved in infrastructure development based on concession agreements.

    The PPP appeal is interestingly reinforced by a recent report: “Contractors handling over 184 federal road projects have abandoned the various sites due to lack of funding from the Federal Government and the huge debt owed them by the Federal Ministry of Works.”  The Lagos-Ibadan dual carriageway was listed among the roads affected by the funding problem. According to the report, “The contractors said they were owed over N600bn, adding that although part of the sum was owed by state and local governments, over 80 per cent of the amount was owed by the Federal Government.”

    This kind of abandonment seems less likely under a concession arrangement that requires the concessionaire to raise funds for the concerned project, rather than wait for government funding that may make a mess of the project, particularly in the context of dwindling government revenue.  Certainly, there is a price to be paid. But if PPP works for infrastructure development, the socio-economic benefits may well be worth the price.

  • Burden of blessing

    When the filthy rich do not enrich the filthy poor, they make themselves filthy and impoverished. It cannot be enough to enrich the imagination of the poor by a display of the possibilities of prosperity without offering the enrichment that can make them prosper.

    The death of Chief Antonio Oladeinde Fernandez in Brussels, Belgium, on September 1, prompted reflections on not only the burden of blessing but also the burden of the blessed. Fernandez enjoyed the awesome distinction of a billionaire brand, and less generous descriptions painted him as a multi-millionaire. Whether he was a billionaire or a multi-millionaire, there was no question that he was one of the richest Africans before the great leveller struck. His daughter, Mrs. Teju Phillips, a former Lagos State commissioner for commerce, said he was 86, contrary to media reports that he died at 79.

    It is food for thought that Fernandez’s life exemplified an interesting definition highlighted by  “The Richest Man in Babylon”, a bestseller by George Samuel Clason: “Money is the medium by which earthly success is measured.” What is the medium by which earthly failure is measured? The poor can provide an answer. There is no doubt about Money’s success-projecting capacity, but it need not be restricted to personal and personalised success. Making a success of earthly life has broader social implications; it is also about making a success of earthly lives.

    In other words, personal earthly success is a blessing that comes with a social burden. Perhaps the most enlightening demonstration of this important implication is the thinking that produced the idea for The Giving Pledge launched in June 2010 by the world’s richest man Bill Gates and wife Melinda in association with superrich Warren Buffet. It is a remarkably ethical “effort to invite the wealthiest individuals and families in the world to commit to giving the majority of their wealth to philanthropy.”  The donation can be made either during the lifetime or after the death of the donor.

    The beauty of the pledge is that it represents no more than a moral commitment and it is volitional.  By April 2011, 69 billionaires had reportedly joined the campaign and pledged to give 50% or more of their wealth to support philanthropic causes. A year later, the campaign had attracted more of the elite rich and a report said “81 billionaires committed to giving at least half of their fortunes to charity”.  According to the latest news, “As of August 2015, 137 billionaire or former billionaire individuals or couples have signed the pledge; a significant majority are, like Buffett and Gates, American citizens.”

    Considering America’s rich status, it is noteworthy and speaks volumes for the enduring relevance of a giving philosophy driven by social responsibility that the original promoters of the pledge were prosperous Americans.

    It is popular to argue for speaking truth to power. What about speaking truth to the power of money? The Giving Pledge is built on the socially influenced and socially influential logic of giving back to society. It suggests that demanding measurable social responsibility from the superrich is not necessarily inspired by a sense of entitlement; but there is a sense in which it is a social entitlement.  It does not need to be imposed because it is properly self-imposing.

    Nigeria’s superrich men and women ought to learn a thing or two from the foreign initiative.  Two striking members of the country’s money club are Aliko Dangote and Folorunsho Alakija. Aliko Dangote is ranked by Forbes as Africa’s richest man and he is 67th on the magazine’s list of The 500 Richest People in the World 2015; in 2014 he was 23rd on the list. Folorunsho Alakija is ranked as the second richest African woman and also the third richest woman of African descent in the world.

    Fernandez dazzled the world with his fabulous wealth which could be imagined from the flashes provided by, for instance, his reported six private jets, “ocean-going yacht” and island home in New York, United States. Described as “a business magnate and diplomat”, Fernandez was born in Lagos into a family with a South American background. His diplomatic decorations include: “Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Permanent Representative of Central African Republic (CAR) at the United Nations, special adviser to the President of Mozambique on international economic matters, Ambassador-at-Large for the Republics of Togo and Angola, in 1966 consul for the then Republic of Dahomey (now Benin Republic), economic adviser to the Angolan government, aside from long-time adviser to President Jose Eduardo dos Santos (who has ruled Angola since 1975); and deputy minister of finance, Swaziland.”

    For a Nigerian, it was a remarkable path. No less remarkable were his business interests : “Aside from Petro Inett, which did oil exploration in Angola, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, his business interests spanned bauxite exports, gold mines and diamond pits, in these countries, mainly in central and southern Africa.”

    Probably more remarkable was his immense inactivity in response to the needs of the social space, which was to the detriment of social development in his land of origin. It is no excuse that he was based in foreign lands. Regrettably, it may be said that Fernandez demonstrably operated far below his capacity as far as social giving was concerned, which is putting it diplomatically.

    By an instructive coincidence, Fernandez died four days before the world marked the UN-endorsed International Day of Charity on September 5. It is relevant to quote Hungarian Csaba Korosi in a speech he gave at the UN on benevolent giving in the social context: “Charity can alleviate the worst effects of humanitarian crises, supplement public services in health care delivery, education, housing, and child protection. It assists the advancement of culture, science, sports, and natural heritage.”

    To engage in fantasy, what would Nigeria look like if its superrich citizens appreciated the burden of blessing and the implications for social giving and social development? Fernandez may well be poorly remembered in the narrow context of his riches and opulent lifestyle, which is the tragedy of socially purposeless wealth.  His life and death are open lessons for the country’s living legends of luxury. It is a blessing to be blessed and to be a blessing is blessed.

  • Bad PR for Oduduwa

    Some of the things said and done on Oduduwa’s platform injure the reputation of the Yoruba ancestral father figure.  Also abbreviated as Odudua or Oòdua, his name continues to suffer as a result of exploitation by opportunists and self-projected cultural ambassadors.

    A striking instance of this reduction by association was the August 21 ego-serving entrance by the National Coordinator of the Oo’dua Peoples Congress (OPC), Otunba Gani Adams, at the finale of the Osun-Osogbo Festival in the Osun-Osogbo Grove, Osun State. When Adams arrived with his circle of exuberant followers, they caused quite a stir. Whip-wielding noisemakers disruptively created a path for Adams as he approached the sacred River Osun to announce his presence. He witnessed the unruliness of his men and encouraged it by his silence. The unflattering drama was performed on Oduduwa’s platform. His group was listed among “Partners” on the cover of the festival programme; the others were MTN, Goldberg, Seaman’s Royale, IOD, Kasapreko Alomo Bitters. The group’s emblem bore his name, suggesting that Gani Adams is OPC and OPC is Gani Adams.

    Two days later, a newspaper report quoted him in an interview where he commented on the wall between him and the national leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Asiwaju Bola Tinubu: “We had some people who left our group because he was financing them to break it; they couldn’t break it, so they left. We continued to address the issue; even in the media, people were asking what I had with Tinubu, but they couldn’t find any reason. I decided that if I didn’t tell the whole world, my life and integrity would be at stake.”  He continued: “That was one of the reasons that I decided that if Tinubu goes to A, I will go to B. Somebody who has been working to block my progress for the past seven years; if I support him to be in power, he will do worse. Even though he is supporting the right candidate, I will go for the wrong candidate.”

    This expressed irrational hostility helps to situate Adams’ politics as bereft of any progressive content. Considering the recently achieved political dominance of the APC at the federal level with its popular change mantra, his unapologetic opposition defines him as an anti-change supporter and promoter.

    Interestingly, Adams also said about Tinubu: “When I asked around, people told me what he was hammering on was he (Adams) attacked us during the election. Did I use thugs to attack him? Is there any report in any police station that the OPC attacked the APC because of the Peoples Democratic Party?”

    It is unclear whether Adams had a memory challenge or whether he decided to challenge his memory. The incident of March 16 is still fresh enough. On that day, OPC stood for Operation Public Chaos as the self-identified defender and promoter of Yoruba interests demonstrated that it had not only sold its soul for filthy lucre but also lost its collective mind. Members of Adams’ OPC faction took their militancy to heights that mirrored a disturbing depth of degeneration.

    In an unprecedented demonstration of desperation ahead of the general elections, the group terrorised Lagos in the name of a political protest. A report at the time said: “The two pamphlets distributed by the protesters had 7 reasons why President Goodluck Jonathan must continue in office and 7 reasons why Prof Attahiru Jega, the INEC boss, must go on terminal leave and be replaced with a credible administrator before the elections.”

    It was a message of force by forceful messengers. According to a report: “The protesters got traffic stuck for hours, smashed cars, harassed motorists and disrupted business in many parts of the city. They destroyed banners and campaign billboards of All Progressive Congress (APC) candidates.”

    Who was behind the bedlam? A subsequent eye-opening disclaimer said: “We, the members of the National Coordinating Council of the Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC, the highest ruling body of the organisation, wish to disassociate ourselves from the shameful, destructive, violent and reactionary activities of the Gani Adams-led team which occurred in Lagos today.” The statement added: “What was witnessed in Lagos was the highest level of political violence sponsored and funded by certain elements in the Jonathan government.”

    From all appearances, the protesters were fuelled by reported multi-billion naira oil pipelines protection contracts controversially awarded by the Jonathan administration to a selection of militant and pro-militancy groups, most likely to influence their support for Jonathan’s reelection ambition. There were certainly enough pocket-related reasons to be overexcited.  The movement from pipelines protection to public chaos was a sign of a chaotic group headed by perhaps a chronically convoluted character.

    It is a point to ponder that today Adams is crying about the same contract that made him laugh and possibly fuelled his group’s destructive manifestation on that day.  He is paying the price for the politicisation of contracts. In July, Adams was among three controversial contractors who held a meeting to consider how to get the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to pay the money it allegedly owed them in respect of a three-month oil pipeline security deal that took effect from March 16 in the Southwest and some parts of the Niger Delta.  Dr Frederick Fasehun and General Shoot-at-Sight also attended the meeting.  According to Adams: “About 4,000 workers were engaged by our companies – New Age Security Company owned by Dr. Fasehun; Galaxy Security Outfit Nigeria Limited owned by General Shoot-at-Sight and Donyx Global Concept Nigeria Limited owned by me.”

    Politics remains in the picture, considering that the political figure who influenced the award of the contracts while he was in power, former President Jonathan, failed to get a second term in office. With President Muhammadu Buhari in the saddle, there was no way his promise of change would not have changed things for the contractors. The non-renewal of the contracts after they expired was logical and reflected the public mood. It is interesting to note that although rivalry between Adams and Fasehun split the OPC, the two factional leaders are joined or conjoined by what may be described as “the whiff of money”. Again, the drama is connected with Oduduwa’s platform.

    When a contractor’s cheese has been moved, particularly if it’s a large chunk of cheese, expect contractor confusion. Adams reflected such confusion by what he said in another interview: “All I’m saying is that government can merge the community residents and law enforcement agents to police the neighbourhood.” What Adams meant was that militiamen, euphemistically described as “community residents”, should be allowed to operate side by side with the official security agents. Despite the obvious absurdity of the imagined combination of forces, Adams couldn’t see the nonsense of downgrading the normal security agencies in favour of militiamen. He couldn’t recognise the irrationality of enriching militia leaders to the detriment of the empowerment of the country’s security personnel.

    Adams is also the Chief Promoter of the Olokun Festival which the organisers describe as being “at the forefront of the promotion and cultural revival of Yoruba Tradition and Culture.” His involvement in this project looks like a ploy to reinforce his performance on Oduduwa’s platform. The reality is: The PR isn’t working.

  • Fashola: Aftergame or endgame?

    Speculators may be correct about the existence of a wall in between two former governors of Lagos State, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Mr. Babatunde Fashola. But the specifications of the wall may well be beyond the scope of speculation. It is an instructive demonstration of changed and changing circumstances that the one who empowered the other has been linked with the demystification of power, but it is another matter altogether whether the power of demystification is potent enough to achieve its objective.

    The August 18 Lagos launch of three books on Fashola’s time in power was like reading a book on power and its consequences. His memorable era as governor of the megacity was captured by his media aide, Hakeem Bello, and Dapo Adeniyi in the titles “The Great Leap”, “In Bold Print” and “The Lagos Blow Down”. But the celebratory ceremony had the appearance of a blow down of Fashola’s well-publicised pluses in governance, particularly because of the significative shunning by the cream of his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). Of course, there was a tokenistic representation of the party’s soul, but it was a presence symbolic of a parting.

    The stage provided thought-provoking insights into the drama. Tinubu’s representative, Prof. Tunde Samuel, was quoted as saying: “Fashola acquired a lot of apprenticeship in a wired political engineering and this further helped his actions while in office. I am happy  that  your ruggedness in office has shown Lagosians and Nigerians that Asiwaju took a very good decision when he made you his Chief of Staff and later two-time Governor of Lagos State…We are happy about your success in office and we believe the sky is your limit.” It is unclear how much of what the speaker said was politically influenced, but the implications of his historicization were obvious enough.

    On the same stage, Mr. Fola Adeola, a former chairman of Guaranty Trust Bank who chaired the occasion, painted a telling picture of things behind the scenes. He reportedly said: “I believe everybody that came here today considers Fashola as a friend, brother, cousin, so I greet everyone and welcome them. I will also say some people are here just because they are brave and not afraid. The people who are here are simply telling him that no matter what, they still remain his friend.”  Adeola’s words were important more for what he left unsaid than for what he said. Questions: Who are those no longer friends with Fashola and why? Why would anyone be afraid to attend a book launch?

    There is no doubt that the books and the launch were publicity stunts. The truth is that if gubernatorial grading is informed by fair-minded measurement of results, and devoid of the narrow-mindedness that comes with judging on extra-governmental grounds, Fashola cannot by any stretch of the imagination be qualified as undistinguished.

    It was fitting that Adeola was quoted as saying at the event: “I was in Benin and somebody was talking about Lagos State and Fashola. I was surprised and wondered where they knew him from. Also in Kano State during Governor Kwakwanso’s tenure, a young man was saying his governor is trying to replicate what Fashola is doing in Lagos in the state. So in my dictionary, Fashola represents every good thing.”  Indeed, so exemplary was Fashola’s administrative competence in a country used to mediocrities in power that ahead of the general elections held a few months ago, there was a serious public debate in his favour concerning his suitability for vice-president in a dream tag team with Muhammadu Buhari.

    To the extent that he demonstrably left Lagos State a better place than he met it, even if he allegedly merely actualised the grand vision of his predecessor and sponsor, Fashola does not deserve a place in the hall of infamy.  But the ways of politics and politicians are polyvalent, which is the central point about the aftergame that may prove to be an endgame.

    While Fashola may have offended party hierarchs based on misapprehensions and miscalculations encouraged by power, it is indisputable that while the romance lasted he was an awesome advertisement for his party and its leadership.  Fashola’s sins in the eyes of those he displeased by his failure to recognise his limits and limitations in the political game and the political space should not be considered too outrageous to be forgiven.

    It is revealing that Fashola himself is under no illusion as to the plot to rubbish him and his achievements. In an earlier statement, he referred to “manipulated and unsubstantiated allegations of wrongdoing.” He said: “They range from allegations of extramarital paternity of children, to mundane and phantom conspiracy in the National Assembly, a debt profile for Lagos State and lately a website upgrade contract of N78 million, which is being distorted.”

    The tragedy of Fashola’s apparent reduction within his party is that it provides ammunition to the opposition. Given the ugly picture of intra-party dissonance, it won’t be surprising if the opposition launches its own anti-Fashola campaign.

    Ultimately, the biggest casualty may be Fashola’s political future. Now that his party is in power at the federal level, Fashola’s fans are realistically hoping he would play an important role in the central government on the basis of his impressive governorship credentials. It would be an unmerited anti-climax if his political ascent is forced to plateau at this stage, considering the great promise of his governorship years.

    However, the APC cannot expect to go through the circumstances unscathed. Its progressive image will be badly dented by any dent inflicted on a rising and shining star in its firmament. As a symbol of the possibilities of developmental governance, Fashola just can’t be ignored. Those who appreciate that development always comes with a price tag acknowledge the great leap and bold print of the Fashola years in Lagos State. Nothing can blow these down.

    If what looks like an aftergame develops into an endgame, it would be an unwelcome ending to a political interconnection that has benefited Lagos State and deserves to be replayed to the country’s advantage.

  • Angel Ameyo

    This week marks the first anniversary of a touching death.  Dr. Ameyo Stella Adadevoh lost her life on August 19, 2014, in heroic circumstances. This piece, first published on September 15, 2014, is today reproduced in remembrance of an angel named Ameyo.   

    What does it mean to be characterised as angelic? Illumination came at the solemn Night of Tributes and Service of Songs organised to say a formal and final farewell to the departed Dr. Ameyo Stella Adadevoh who patriotically and heroically gave her life to save the country from a possible viral catastrophe.

    It was perhaps fitting that a team of ladies screened people with gadgets at the entrance and supplied sanitisers for use as the venue filled up gradually, which were obvious precautionary measures in the face of the ongoing battle with a killer virus.  By 6pmon September 11, Harbour Point, Victoria Island, Lagos, was ready for a review of the life and times of the doctor who succumbed to the deadly Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) which she had contracted in the course of treating the country’s first case of the bug, Patrick Sawyer, the Liberian-American who died of EVD on July 25. Tragically, Adadevoh herself passed away on August 19, less than one month after her life-threatening encounter with Sawyer.

    Adadevoh gazed at the population in the expansive space. She was frozen on a canvass framed with a garland of white, cream and green flowers; she wore a doctor’s white overcoat and a stethoscope was around her neck. Her striking portrait formed the background on the stage which had a table and chairs for three white-robed priests and a green-robed one. An orchestra of violinists and hornsmen performed impressively on the side and a choir in a colour-mix of blue, red and white completed the musical ensemble.

    Two large screens presented pictorial highlights of Adadevoh’s earthly journey, which were greeted by a gripping contemplative silence from the crowd. Her childhood years, growing up, her graduation from medical school in red gown and cap with scroll in hand, her wedding, motherhood, family life and social life, rolled out in photos before attentive and sorrowful eyes.

    ”There is no doubt that her death is hurtful and painful,” said the priest who delivered the homily. “She sacrificed her life,” he stressed, “and saved the country from an uncontrollable disaster”; but, he added, “she was not an accidental heroine.” He pointed out: “Sacrifice was her second nature and character.”  In his view, she had “a glorious exit” in the truest sense of the phrase, different from the clichéd use of the expression.

    The tribute session was revealing. Dr. Bode Karunwi, her mate in primary school and medical college, spoke about their 50-year friendship and called her “a faithful friend” in addition to being “a first-class physician.” It was Dr. Efunbo Dosekun who provided a penetrating glimpse of her final moments as she struggled with EVD while quarantined. Dosekun described their last interaction “before she slipped into coma.” In a moving narration, she painted a picture of how she had to speak to Adadevoh through the window because of quarantine regulations. She said Adadavoh had told Sawyer: “I won’t let you go because you would spread this virus far and wide.” Significantly, a Havard University medical professor whose tribute was read on the occasion touchingly said he hoped “Nigeria will one day reflect on her heroism and sacrifice in containing a deadly epidemic.”  So far, figures released by the World Health Organisation (WHO) indicate that eight people have died of EVD out of 21 cases.

    Adadevoh’s death was especially pathetic because she was, ironically, a victim of her professionalism, dedication to work and concern for the sick. A family member was quoted as saying, “She was not on duty on the day Mr. Sawyer was brought to the hospital, but she responded to the emergency. She left what she was doing to save a life.”

    Her commendably rare demonstration of respect for the Hippocratic Oath of her profession was noted by the Lagos State Commissioner for Health, Dr. Jide Idris. Following her death, he said of her role: “She it was who took the initiative to intimate the ministry concerning the index case; and substantially to her credit, the moderate containment achieved we owe to her and her colleagues.” Speaking of containment efforts, it was reported that Adadevoh had to “physically restrain” the infected patient from escaping from the hospital after he had been diagnosed with EVD.

    It is impossible to build scenarios or to imagine the scale of the public health crisis that would most likely have developed in the country in the absence of the thorough diagnostic efforts and a firm application of safety measures and standards, without a huge sense of gratitude to Adadevoh and others who worked with her in the management of Sawyer’s case.  There is no doubt that the professional intervention of Adadevoh and other health workers greatly reduced the  high possibility of a wide-spread dispersal of the virus, which  causes a haemorrhagic fever that can kill infected people in a week, although patients reportedly begin to show symptoms within three weeks of infection.

    ”Our tribute to her is our school song,” said an old girl of Queen’s School, Ede/Ibadan, Adadevoh’s alma mater, and the alumnae gave an enthusiastic rendition of the school song to end the chain of tributes. “Pass on the Torch”, they sang, in reference to the school motto.

    It is heartwarming that Adadevoh’s torch will be kept burning by a newly founded organisation, the Dr. Ameyo Stella Adadevoh Health Trust, which has been set up in honour of “her life of service to profession, community and humanity.” The source of the information announced that   “it will be a professionally run charity” dedicated to her ideals; and there was an approving applause at Harbour Point. He gave a contact email address: drasatrust@gmail .com.

    Before her death, Adadevoh, 57, had worked for 21 years at First Consultants Medical Centre, Obalende, Lagos, and became the Lead Consultant Physician and Endocrinologist. Interestingly, that evening at Habour Point, those who spoke called her Ameyo, which is a Ewe name for girls meaning “Girl born on Saturday.” Also, some of them called her an angel, which suggests a guardian angel.

    In particular, the representative of the association of endocrinologists said, “Our society will pursue national recognition which she so deserves”; and the people clapped.  It is noteworthy that a new petition on Change.org is asking the government to “honour the memory of Adadevoh with a National Posthumous Award”.  However, such consideration should apply not only to her. A nurse at the same hospital also died from EVD. Those who paid the ultimate price while carrying out their duties and saved many lives from Ebola even without having contact with them deserve credit.  A grateful country should reward their heroic self-sacrifice.

  • When silence is a minus

    What may explain why two striking cultural reasons for celebration at this time have not been exploited for publicity and tourism-related purposes, particularly by the Osun State government, the Federal Government, the Nigerian Tourism Development Corporation (NTDC) and culture-friendly companies? 2015 is the year Susanne Wenger, the celebrated Austrian artist and Yoruba-culture champion, would have turned 100 on July 4. The year also marks the 10th anniversary of the Osun-Osogbo Grove’s recognition as a World Heritage Site.

    It is ironic that there is a negative silence about these cultural milestones in the country. In other words, beyond the routinal celebration of the Osun-Osogbo Festival scheduled to close noisily in the Osun-Osogbo Grove on August 21, it is constructive to make some noise about Wenger’s centenary and the grove’s first decade as an internationally recognised heritage site. The major corporate sponsors of the  2015 Osun-Osogbo Festival have positive reasons to be part of such a special celebration as well : “telecom giant MTN; Nigerian Breweries, using one of the company’s beer brands, Goldberg; Grand Oak Limited, brewers of Seaman’s Aromatic Schnapps; Kasapreko Limited, producers of Alomo Bitters.”

    It is noteworthy that since May there has been a string of cultural activities abroad in celebration of Wenger’s centenary. “We are pleased to announce the exhibition schedule in the year of the 100th anniversary of Susanne Wenger at the Susanne Wenger Foundation in Krems and other locations,” said a programme released by the Austria-based organisation.  “There will be shown oil paintings, batiks, drawings, photographs of the Sacred Groves and previously not seen works of art… On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Susanne Wenger, Doyin Olosun and Sangodare Gbadegesin Ajala from ‘Susanne Wenger family’ will be present at the opening…There will be guided tours and workshops…The exhibition will be accompanied by the publication SUSANNE WENGER : Artist, Priestess, Adventuress…Special exhibition at the Nigerian Embassy, Vienna, Austria, September 28-30.”

    Remarkably, in connection with Wenger, this is not the first time cultural forces outside the country have demonstrated a more impressive appreciation of its cultural treasures than the locals. For instance, ahead of Wenger’s milestone 90th birthday in 2005, the Arts Center, Krems, Austria, from June 20 to October 24, 2004, staged a commemorative exhibition of  “some 60 of her most important works,” including batiks, paintings and architecture. The theme of this show was: Susanne Wenger: At a holy river in Africa.  The Susanne Wenger Archives, Austria, supported it. Wenger enriched the show with her presence. It was one of her rare trips outside Osogbo.

    It is a puzzling paradox and food for thought that such rich Wenger memorabilia are outside the country where she lived for almost 60 years before her death in Osogbo in 2009 aged 93. Imagine my shock when she told me, during an exclusive interview in her twilight, that the Susanne Wenger Foundation, Krems, Austria, had already “collected all what they can get hold of, what I did and what is said about me.” She said: “I have agreed with Krems. They have better reasons to be interested than our people here. Our people here have nothing against me, but they have no reason why they should back what I do, what I say.”

    It is a testimony to Wenger’s cultural celebrity that the Federal Government in 2008 honoured her with a decoration, Member of the Order of the Federal Republic (MFR).  Osogbo, land of the mystic River Osun, in present-day Osun State, provided the milieu for what Wenger described as her “complete immersion;” and she controversially became a priestess of Yoruba indigenous religion and an informal guardian of its ritual grounds, which was reflected in her local moniker, Adunni Olorisa, underlining her remarkable devotion to the Yoruba pantheon.

    She was famous as the arrowhead of the inventive New Sacred Art group and for her selfless dedication to the preservation of the sacred Osun-Osogbo Grove, listed as a World Heritage Site by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) shortly after her 90th birthday in July 2005 – this was an interesting coincidence and the icing on the cake for Wenger. Recognised for natural and cultural reasons, the Osun-Osogbo Grove is the second of two UNESCO-branded sites in Nigeria, coming after the Sukur Cultural Landscape in Adamawa State, which attained the distinction in 1999.

    Long before it became correct to be environment-friendly, Wenger had championed a crusade for the conservation of nature in the Osun-Osogbo Grove, albeit based on a religious premise and her conviction that it was the abode of the gods. Inspired by her philosophy that “Art is ritual”, she created a stunning range of majestic “architectural sculptures” in the grove as symbols of reverence, working with talented locals.

    It is to her credit that, following her long-drawn-out battle with various interest groups that failed to see the need to guard the grove, the political authorities in Nigeria eventually saw her point and stepped in to protect the space; and then, UNESCO followed. The Osun- Osogbo Grove is the site of Nigeria’s star tourist attraction, the Osun-Osogbo Festival, celebrated in honour of a river goddess. It is a pre-eminent cultural festival and draws a high number of visitors domestically and internationally.

    The evidently grand conjuncture of Susanne Wenger’s centenary, the Osun-Osogbo Grove’s World-Heritage-Site anniversary and the 2015 Osun-Osogbo Festival deserves to be specially celebrated in Nigeria by Nigerians. It is timely that a Nigerian publishing company, Grasshill Books, is promoting a new book on Wenger, which is expected to be released to mark the 2015 World Tourism Day on September 27.

    A statement by the publisher said: “We are pleased to announce the publication of a new book, Alive In The Sacred Grove – Susanne Wenger from a Nigerian view, which will fill a vacuum that has existed for years.” The author, Femi Macaulay, was quoted as saying: “What I set out to do is unprecedented. In concept and execution, this new book on Susanne Wenger is unparalleled because it is written from a Nigerian perspective and with a Nigerian flavour… At the time I discussed my plan with Wenger, she responded positively, saying, ‘I bless your work and your good intentions’.”

    Describing the work, Macaulay also said: “This unique well-researched Wenger portrait offers a fresh experience of her. It consists of an extensive up-to-date close-up profile and exclusive interviews that I had with her. It explores not only her extraordinary life but also her thinking on Yoruba culture and tradition, especially at the transitional stage of her life. It is enriched with expressive pictures of Wenger and some of her eye-catching sculptures in the grove, as well as other important images related to her gripping story. It is a modest way of paying a well- deserved tribute to a loyal vessel of Yoruba divinities; her legacy is undeniable. The book also beams the spotlight on the Osun-Osogbo Grove and the Osun-Osogbo Festival.”

    Hopefully, this new book will enjoy support from culture-friendly quarters and be appreciated as a way of breaking the silence that is anti-culture and anti-tourism.

  • Obituary of confusion

    It looked like denialism, culturally endorsed and encouraged.  Media reports that said Oba Okunade Sijuade, the Ooni of Ife since 1980 and a pre-eminent Yoruba monarch, was dead sounded like nonsense to the community’s circle of chiefs. High Chief Joseph Ijadola, the Lowa of Ife, presented the sense of the palace: “We were all shocked when we heard the rumour. If at all such an incident had happened, the traditional council would be the first to know and to break the news to the entire public. Sixteen of us are his chiefs and when he was travelling out, he didn’t look like he was going to die and should that have happened to him, we would have been informed even before anyone would hear about it.” It is noteworthy that Ijadola didn’t say that kings never die, or that Oba Sijuade could not die.

    With the question of the king’s mortality settled, Oba Sijuade cannot be dead and alive at the same time. It is interesting that Yoruba cultural thinking accommodates the conceptual possibility of life after death just as it accepts the reality of death after life. In other words: If he is not dead, he will die; and if he is dead, he will not die.  The essence of this belief is that there is an enduring partnership between life and death. In this context, the eternal lesson of the drama of colliding and conflicting claims about Oba Sijuade’s existence and exit is the marriage of mortality and immortality.

    In the global village of the communication age, news travels fast and far. This reality poses a powerful challenge to the conservative information management that is culturally prescribed in the event of a Yoruba king’s death. There are complications because Oba Sijuade reportedly died in a foreign land, on July 28 at Saint Mary’s Hospital, Paddington, London. If the reported death had happened in the Oba’s domain, it would have been perfect for the enforcement of traditional secrecy. The London dimension instantaneously  internationalised the news, and it is unsurprising that traditionalists are wrestling with modernity and modernised media.

    In addition, in an increasingly open world, the space of mystification is shrinking, which is a potent challenge to the romantic mystique associated with certain ancient cultural practices. To allow a reign of silence for a specific period before announcing a king’s death, as reportedly dictated by Yoruba tradition, is out of sync with the information philosophy of the 21st century, which is speed-oriented.

    The beginning of a seven-day Oro festival believed to be related to the reported death deepened the drama, though traditionalists observed that important and clearly defined rituals expected to publicise the death of an Ooni have not been performed, meaning that Oba Sijuade may not be dead as reported.

    Interestingly, the source of confusion is not Oba Sijuade’s first obituary. According to the Secretary, Royal Traditional Council of Ife, the Ladin of Ife, High Chief Adetoye Odewole, ”They did it in 1984, also in 2004 and now, these people are coming up with another rumour. Oba Sijuade remains in sound state of health.”

    Critical obituarists focused on Oba Sijuade’s alleged unprogressive tendencies in the country’s political sphere without considering the difficulties of a monarchy in a democracy. Oba Sijuade’s cultural radiance and relevance, distinct from his alleged political incorrectness, cannot be disregarded.

    An illustrative narrative:  It was July 2013. The 10th Orisa World Congress was holding at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) in Ile-Ife, Osun State. Ile-Ife, regarded as “The Source” and a culturally significant Yoruba town, was an appropriate setting for discussions on the challenges of the Orisa way of life, especially in the context of a diverse globe, and contending faiths, some of which have the advantage of apparent numerical dominance. The variegated gathering, which included participants from the United States of America (USA), Brazil, Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico, demonstrated the appeal of the Yoruba religion beyond its local provenance, and brought instructive international perspectives. An all-male family of four from Cuba, a Chinese couple who lived in Venezuela and a densely bearded white American were among the alluring sights.

    It is worth noting that in 2005 the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) added the Ifa Divination system to its list of the “Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity.” A multitude of gods or orisa makes up the Yoruba pantheon, with Ifa as the oracular mouthpiece of Olodumare, the Almighty in Yoruba religion.

    Oba Sijuade, the community’s revered traditional ruler and the Grand Patron of the Orisa tradition and religion, took advantage of the forum to name July and August as “Yoruba cultural months” starting from 2014.  ”I implore all descendants of Oduduwa to return home every year during these months to celebrate our culture and religion,” he said, at the opening ceremony at Oduduwa Hall, OAU. Oduduwa, regarded as the progenitor of the Yoruba people, is artistically represented by an imposing wooden sculpture carved by Lamidi Olonade Fakeye, which was unveiled at the front of the university theatre in 1987 by Oba Sijuade himself.

    Oba Sijuade also said: “Celebrate the values, virtues and treasures of our towns and cities. Hold public events, conventions and activities that showcase the invaluable riches of Yoruba culture and religion. These are the treasures that have made Yoruba culture and religion a global heritage of humanity.”

    On the last day, it was time to visit Oba Sijuade’s palace.  In a large decorated hall with shimmering lights, the Royal Court Band played danceable melodies, and the visitors socialised in a setting that reflected monarchical grandeur. Oba Sijuade, 83 at the time, was resplendent in a white flowing robe which he wore over purple attire. He wore purple shoes and a glittering white cap.  It was momentous that three devotees were installed as Cultural Ambassadors at the party. They were: Suriname-Dutch American Tony Van Der Meer, Chinese Chiu Ming Ho, and Michelle Abimbola, a white American. There was a mystic dimension to their installation, or perhaps more precisely, their initiation;   one by one, they went briefly into an enclosure formed by powerful traditional chiefs who created a human screen that prevented any view of their encounter with the Oba in the sacred space.

    The 10th edition of Orisa World Congress in Ile-Ife, with the theme “Culture and Global Peace,” was the fourth in the ancient town, and six others have been held in Brazil, USA, Trinidad and Tobago, and Cuba.  Founded by Prof Wande Abimbola in 1981, Orisaworld is “an organisation of practitioners and scholars ofOrisa tradition, religion and culture”; the group’s overriding aim is “to revitalise and rejuvenate the Orisa culture and all its traditions.”

    It is memorable that Oba Sijuade spoke of a religion that would never die: “I hereby make the following proclamation: the religion of Yoruba land; the religion of Oduduwa who descended from Heaven on a chain of iron; the religion of Oranfe who lives in a house of perpetual fire in Heaven; the religion of Ifa, witness of destiny; the religion of Sango, the great warrior and giant, child of Oranmiyan; the religion of Oya nicknamed oriirii, eater of she-goats, the female warrior who wears a sword as part of her outfit; the religion of Osun nicknamed ewuji the greatest mother of all; the religion of Obatala, owner of ancient Iranje; will never perish.”

     

  • Positive terrorism

    OF all the arguments to redeem the image of the Nigerian military as it battles unimpressively and unconvincingly against terrorism, the most mystifying must be the illogic that blames media treatment of the anti-terror war for the continuing demystification of the country’s armed forces. The signs of a possible prolongation of the already protracted defiance of state capacity by the Islamist militia Boko Haram are observable, despite oft-repeated assurances from official quarters that the insurrectionists are doomed.

    Media blaming was discernible when the Director of Defence Information, Major-General Chris Olukolade, launched his two books in Abuja on June 30. The title of one of the books in particular, Issues in the mobilization of public support for military operations in Nigeria, was suggestive enough.  The other book was called The Voice and battles of the Nigerian military.

     It is instructive to note that Olukolade stated his aim in a pre-launch message: to “celebrate the Nigerian military and my career therein.” Given this celebratory goal, the event was not a stage for self-contemplation. In other words, the military emerged from the event smelling good. But not the media, which needs to ponder the wider and graver implications of Olukolade’s remarks about its performance in the context of the anti-terror war Speaking about the men and women whose job is to “splash military stories across pages around the world”, Olukolade reportedly said: “I think they misrepresent our stories not out of sheer mischief but out of mere disorientation.”

    According to a report: “He added that the only way to reduce the level of misinformation is to increase the skills of journalists and media executives to report issues of military affairs. Mr. Olukolade noted that he has always sought to reduce the instances of misinterpretation of military actions but also eliminate public empathy towards the use of the military power when the need arises.”

    It is interesting that Olukolade’s message to the media was reformulated and reinforced by no other than former military president Ibrahim Babangida in a Sallah message on July 15. Babangida was perhaps more frontal in his accusation that the media has been pro-terrorism in practice. He said: “Going by the news and information we get every day, I feel very strongly that the media has a greater role to play in the management of information. The types of headlines and lead stories that are promoted in favour of the insurgents could only help to motivate members of Boko Haram rather than demotivate them.”

    Babangida also said: “I expect, with a deep sense of patriotism, to see a greater deal of positive news promoted in support of military efforts at confronting this menace than a celebration of Boko Haram carnage, day in and day out…Each time we celebrate the dastardly acts of Boko Haram on the front pages of our newspapers and electronic platforms, it is a score for Boko Haram. We must weigh such information against our collective national interest. Do we subscribe to Boko Haram or to the Nigeria nation?”

    Evidently, Babangida considers the media guilty of anti-state activities, guilty of romancing and romanticising terrorism and terrorists. What deepens the gravity of Babangida’s charges is that they were made by an ex-military ruler and seem to reflect the current thinking in the military as expressed by Olukolade. This may be interpreted as a strange and complex manoeuvre by the military and its friends to shift an essentially military burden. It is disturbing because the externalisation of responsibility mirrors possible internal confusion and frustration.

    It would appear that there is a misapprehension of the media’s role in the “reconstruction of reality”. Reporting realities does not necessarily suggest poverty of patriotism or partying with terrorism. The military got it wrong.

     It must be thought-provoking that Abubakar Shekau, the elusive Boko Haram leader, was this year among “The World’s Most Influential People” listed by TIME. The identified influencers in the 2015 TIME 100 included four Nigerians and Shekau was the most intriguing of them, specifically because he is an anti-hero. According to the TIME portrait, “the citizens of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, know Abubakar Shekau all too well: he is the most violent killer their country has ever seen.”

    Of course, Shekau’s terrifying profile is compounded by the outrageous seizure of more than 200 schoolgirls by Boko Haram terrorists in Chibok, Borno State, over one year ago.  With most of the kidnapped girls still missing and the world still in shock, Shekau and his followers are like an open wound on humanity’s conscience.

    Before the TIME ranking, an international think tank, the Project for the Study of the 21st Century, said the Boko Haram insurgency was the fourth deadliest conflict in the world in 2014 and responsible for 11, 529 deaths. It is noteworthy that the think tank added that the figure of fatalities could be underestimated.

    The activities of Shekau and his destroyers necessitated ongoing emergency rule in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states, and prompted the formation of a multi-national regional force expected to crush Boko Haram, including fighters from Nigeria and neighbouring Chad, Cameroon and Niger.

    To underline Boko Haram’s unignorable notoriety, the National Economic Council (NEC), after a July 23 meeting, released alarming information about its deliberations: “On Boko Haram issues, governors of Yobe and Borno raised the alarm of five local government areas of the two states being in possession of the insurgents.” Is it possible that reporting the dominance of terrorists in the affected local government areas, for instance, could be interpreted as a celebration of terrorism by the media?

    The anti-terror war is a real war in real life, affecting real people; and communicating these realities is part of the media’s real job. It goes without saying that fighting the war against Boko Haram is specifically a military responsibility, while reporting the conflict is a media responsibility. It may well be that, as far as the military is concerned, the media’s professional focus on the twists and turns in the fight against terrorism is itself terrorism of sorts. This may well be positive terrorism. In the final analysis, the military cannot reasonably expect an anti-terror partnership with the media that will negate the essence of its watchdog role.

  • Be your beggars’ keeper

    Beggars are expected to beg, aren’t they?  Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai should by now understand that a government ban on street begging cannot make sense to beggars. Following the July 7 terrorism-related morning bomb blast in Zaria that killed no fewer than 25 people, the governor’s spokesman, Samuel Aruwan, said in a statement: ”All beggars and hawkers are to stay off the streets until further notice. Any beggar or hawker found on the streets will be arrested until these measures are relaxed.” Aruwan justified the order: “The government is a responsible government and conscious of its constitutional role to protect citizens and to ensure law and order for common good. The state government will not fold its arms and allow citizens to be killed via terror acts and breakdown of law and order, hence the decision.”

    The affected beggars must have wondered: What has begging got to do with terrorism? It is noteworthy that the bombing was said to have been carried out by an unidentified female suicide bomber who had a baby strapped to her back. A few days after the government’s announcement, a group of beggars demonstrated against the ban. It was a thought-provoking drama as beggars took their protest to the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) state secretariat in Kaduna. Interestingly, they interpreted the ban as an attempt by the government to implicate beggars in the activities of terrorists against the state. A report quoted a beggar who spoke on behalf of the protesters, Abdullahi Jugunu: “Apart from feeling insulted, we will be seeking legal redress against the government, first for defamation of character.” Jugunu sounded like a man who knew what he was talking about. Did he? In addition, the beggars argued that the government’s warning amounted to a violation of their right to life, suggesting that begging is an unchallengeable right, as far as they are concerned.

    Against this backdrop of dissension, it was unsurprising that beggars disobeyed the government’s order. A report said: “A visit to major road junctions in the state showed non- compliance with the order.” Beggars reportedly showed up for business “along Isa Kaita Road, Ahmadu Bello Way and the popular Kawo Motor Park.” One of the beggars at Kawo junction was quoted as saying: “I do not care about what they say. All I know is I have to find something to eat and this is the only business I can do, begging.” This particular beggar   provided a basic philosophy of begging that will always defy control because it is founded on a lack of basic needs.

    It is striking that after the punch and counter-punch, El-Rufai struck a deal with beggars when he visited the Kano Road beggars’ colony and the Kaduna State Rehabilitation Centre. There are two observable complications that may eventually cripple the agreement. The first is connected with El-Rufai’s promise to build a training centre close to the Kano Road beggars’ colony to empower beggars with skills that would enable them to dump street begging. It is unclear when El-Rufai would swing into action. However, it is clear that the beggars won’t be out of action while they wait for the governor to keep his word.  It is instructive to note the clarity of Mallam Abdullahi Samaila, who spoke for the beggars. He was quoted as saying: “It is not that we derive pleasure in begging for alms. However, we will get out of the streets once the governor fulfills his promises.” In other words, the burden of actualisation rests on El-Rufai.

    The other difficulty exposes a public policy impotency and incongruity. The remarkably ironic picture of a rehabilitation centre in urgent need of rehabilitation confronted El-Rufai when he visited the state-run rehabilitation centre in Kakuri.  The governor also promised to rehabilitate this centre soon as part of his efforts to get beggars off the streets. The existence of the Kakuri centre is a pointer to the scale of street begging in the state and the scope of governmental intervention. But more importantly, the condition of the centre indicated that it had been treated cosmetically by previous administrations. It is obvious that the situation will problematise the enforcement of the begging ban. Pending the rehabilitation of the centre, beggars are likely to seek rehabilitation on the streets.

    In the context, El-Rufai sounded delusional as he tried to sound focused. He rejected the argument that beggars have a right to beg. “There is no going back on the ban on street begging,” he told beggars. But experience has shown that banning begging is easier said than done.

    It is convenient for El-Rufai, who has spent only about two months in office out of a four-year term, to cite security concerns as justification for his anti-begging posture, especially the fear that beggars could be employed to carry out terroristic acts by Boko Haram militants. However, considering that his move against beggars was prompted by the Zaria bombing, it is a weighty point against his administrative vision. From the look of things, El-Rufai was unprepared for the beggars’ burden and didn’t have any prior agenda for beggars.

    Lamentably, it is this kind of ad hoc approach that has sustained street begging not only in Kaduna State. It is demonstrably true that street beggars are hardly ever factored into development programmes in the country, whether at the federal level or at the state level. Those in the corridors of power need to understand that general poverty-alleviation schemes are inadequate for the peculiar poverty of beggars. The reality is that beggars deserve a beggar-targeted plan of remedial action.

    A study relevant to Nigeria classified beggars into six categories: “the physically deformed and disabled otherwise incapacitated; the physically deformed and handicapped but with relatively less disability such as those with single amputations or partial blindness; those who claim to be medically ill or appear to be so; those who claim illness but do not look so; those with prominent symptoms of psychiatric disability; and the elderly.”

    Add to this picture the informed observation by researchers that “lack of political will and religious institutions encourage begging”, the result is a phenomenon that requires phenomenal attention and socio-economic action from the political authorities particularly.  The best begging control measures must be holistic, which El-Rufai and his ilk do not seem to appreciate.

  • Hello homo

    FOR those who insist on the exaggerated idea that the recent pro-homosexuality decision by the United States Supreme Court possibly marks the beginning of the end for mankind, it must be said that the development may just be the beginning of another beginning. The evolutionary clock is still ticking and not about to stop.

    It is a wonder that over 20 countries have embraced same-sex marriage rights, and in this strange category are developed countries including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland and Sweden. It is predictable that the passion will spread because homophobic arguments based mainly on religion, culture and nature are inadequate.

    With the sound and fury of anti-gay voices in the background, my mind went to a thought-provoking moment during the 10th Orisa World Congress held in July 2013 at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Osun State. In the course of stimulating discussions on issues of interest in the context of Yoruba religion and culture, the subject of homosexuality came up. Many were curious about the position of the religion on this controversial question. It was a reflection of the times. After a lively debate, it was Prof. Wande Abimbola who had the last word. He said: “We cannot say exactly how Ifa views this. There is no need for us to get involved in this controversy.” In a global village of multiple faiths and definite religious positions on homosexuality, his indefinite comments were confounding.

    It was a fascinating intervention particularly because Abimbola, a retired academic who will be 82 this month, is a Yoruba culture exponent and a distinguished Ifa priest. “Ifa is the heart and soul of the culture and philosophy of the Yoruba people. It is not dead, but parts of it are going into oblivion.” Abimbola said while making a contribution to a discussion during the five-day programme.

    The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2005 listed the IfaDivination system among “Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity.” Multitudinous gods or orisa make up the Yoruba pantheon, with Ifa as the oracular mouthpiece of Olodumare, the Almighty in Yoruba religion. The religion is also known as the Orisa tradition.

    The variegated gathering at Ile- Ife, which included participants from the United States of America (USA), Brazil, Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico, demonstrated the appeal of the religion beyond its local provenance and brought instructive international perspectives. An all-male family of four from Cuba, a Chinese couple who live in Venezuela and a densely bearded white American were among the alluring sights.

    It is a point to ponder that many religious people in Nigeria base their hostility to homosexuality on faith morality, which is why Abimbola’s ambiguity is complicating from a religious point of view. Interestingly, also in July 2013 Pope Francis, head of the world’s largest Christian church with an estimated 1.2 billion Catholics, at least 19 million of them Nigerians, expressed a non-judgemental position on homosexuals. The Catholic Herald reported: “Speaking to members of the press during a flight back to Rome from Rio de Janeiro after World Youth Day celebrations, Pope Francis responded to questions about the Vatican’s alleged gay lobby, by saying: “If a person is gay and seeks God and has good will, who am I to judge him?” Also relevant: The Archbishops of Canterbury and York, representing the Church of England, in a joint letter addressed to then President Goodluck  Jonathan on Nigeria’s anti-gay stance, made it clear that “The victimisation or diminishment of human beings, whose affections happen to be ordered towards people of the same sex, is anathema to us.” They emphasised that homosexual people “are children of God, loved and valued by Him and deserving the best we can give – pastoral care and friendship.”

    The complexity of the religious argument against homosexuality can be better appreciated in the context of the information that there are an estimated 4, 200 religions in the world. It would be enlightening to know how many of them have a problem with homosexuality or same-sex relationships. In other words, how many religions regard homosexuals as ungodly perverts? Is it a contradiction in terms to speak of godly or god-fearing homosexuals?

    When homosexuality bashers don’t play religion or don’t play God, they reach for the weapon of culture. When they do so, they conveniently forget that human culture is expandable and always a work in progress. What has been culturally unacceptable may become acceptable and what has been culturally conceded may become inconceivable.

    It should be appreciated that today’s triumph of gay rights in the United States, which is the fundamental implication of the majority opinion of the Supreme Court legitimising same-sex marriage anywhere in the country, is not an overnight achievement and resulted from a campaign that dates back to the 1970s. Important milestones leading to the destination include: May 17, 2004, when Massachusetts became “the first U.S. state and the sixth jurisdiction in the world to legalise same-sex marriage”; May 9, 2012, when Barack Obama became “the first sitting U.S.  president to publicly declare support for the legalisation of same-sex marriage”.  Also, on   November 6, 2012, “Maine, Maryland, and Washington became the first states to legalise same-sex marriage through popular vote.”

    Before the June 26, 2015 U.S. Supreme Court decision that revolutionised the gay narrative in the country and made it “the twenty-first and most populous country to legalise same-sex marriage”, a CNN poll on February 19, 2015 “found that  63% of Americans believe gays and lesbians have a constitutional right to marry, up from 49% in August 2010.” It is revealing that CNN polling also found that 59% of Americans felt the U.S Supreme Court’s endorsement of same-sex marriage was “correct”.

    It is especially significant that the reportedly popular court ruling “overturned a precedent”, meaning there was a time when a contrary idea prevailed. The court ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges that “the denial of marriage licenses and recognition to same-sex couples violates the Due Process and the Equal Protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution.” This information is similarly important: “Gay and lesbian couples already can marry in 36 states and the District of Columbia. The court’s ruling means the remaining 14 states, in the South and Midwest, will have to stop enforcing their bans on same-sex marriage.”

    With religious and socio-cultural interpretations of human homosexuality reimagined, the question of naturality may have been subtly answered. Central to the controversy is the nature of homosexual desire in human beings, whether it is biologically driven or socially influenced. It is interesting that there is evidence of homosexual behaviour in certain mammals, birds and fish. So, it is not an exclusively human phenomenon.

    In a world of expanding freedoms, the homosexual orientation is likely to enjoy increasing accommodation as one of the possibilities of human sexual expression. Of course, there will be consequences.