The Nation Newspaper

Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Supremacy is supreme

    DOES superiority necessarily mean the same thing as supremacy? This is the thought-provoking question prompted by President Muhammadu Buhari’s word choice when he addressed members of the National Executive Committee of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on July 3. Buhari was quoted as saying: “Let APC work; let the system work and let us have a government that will earn the respect of our constituencies. Please accept the superiority of the party.”

    On reflection, there is a sense in which superiority does not denote dominance, control and unchallengeability. There is a sense in which supremacy means these things. This is why Buhari’s word choice is problematic. A functional interpretation of party supremacy must be informed by the logic of supremacy. Supremacy is supreme. Such subtleties of meaning suggested by Buhari’s preferred word will only help to fuel the party’s crisis of individualism.

    Certainly, supremacy cannot mean infallibility. So the party can err. It does not guarantee fairness. So the party can be unfair. The essence of party supremacy is its conclusive collective voice.

    From this perspective, the self-serving arguments being circulated on behalf of anti-party manoeuvres by Senate President Bukola Saraki and Speaker of the House of Representatives Yakubu Dogara of the APC betray a fundamental trivialisation of party supremacy. Only a distressingly dysfunctional decoding of the concept could have created the circumstances that brought the two men to power in the National Assembly, in defiance of their party’s desire and decision. It is revealing that the same warped twist has resulted in the queer cohabitation at the helm of the Senate with Saraki and Deputy Senate President Ike Enweremadu of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) belonging to opposing parties.

    However, it is not only Buhari who has complicated party supremacy by his initial liberalism to the detriment of the collective expression, and subsequently by his indistinct word usage. Although it is open to speculation whether a timely intervention by Buhari could have foiled the rebellion that enthroned Saraki and Dogara, it is possible that the president’s non-involvement undermined party supremacy; just as it is possible that the president’s word choice downplayed party supremacy.

    What about the visit to Saraki by the State Chairmen of the APC from the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory on the same day Buhari spoke about “the superiority of the party”?  This was definitely not a reflection of party supremacy because it reflected the accommodation of a figure that emerged outside party supremacy.  It is incongruous and ironic  that  Saraki reportedly said to the visitors: “I want to assure you that all of us APC Senators, we are committed to ensure that the APC is successful so that we can win elections years and years and years and years after because of the foundation we are laying.”

    If Saraki’s words show an appreciation of the party platform for the purpose of political pursuits, his role in the humiliation of party supremacy is not worthy of appreciation. Does he think that the party is a ladder to reach political heights, but not a voice that must be obeyed?

    It is clarifying to note what Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole told the media after 16 APC governors held a meeting with Buhari on June 24 in an effort to emphasise the supremacy of the party, and get Saraki and Dogara to accept its choices for specific leadership positions in the National Assembly. Oshiomhole said: “Basically, what we are saying is that the senators should adopt the position of the party. We were all elected on the platform of the party. We are not just a collection of individuals. We are a political party and when a political party has spoken, we must listen.”

    The question is: How can the party reassert itself and its supremacy in the circumstances? It is clear that Saraki wants his controversial election to be treated as a fait accompli, and he is not prepared to stop at that, which is why he subsequently rubbished the party’s list for leadership posts. Dogara is staging a similar play in the House of Representatives. Beyond these early signs of disruptive behaviour, there is a dangerous probability that these characters will be encouraged to perform even more daring stunts to disgrace party supremacy if they are allowed to get away with the initial misbehaviour. Furthermore, others may be inspired and emboldened by their example.

    APC supremos must save party supremacy, and they must find their own way of doing so.  The rebels must have built various scenarios in trying to anticipate the consequences of their rebellion, and the party must be prepared to explore multiple possibilities to checkmate them.

    In particular, the defensive claim that the rebellious lawmakers are motivated by a perceived democratic duty to restrain alleged domineering tendencies by certain powerful interests in the party flies in the face of the internal logic of party supremacy. The point is that internal politicking in a political party may give an advantage to certain interests such that they enjoy leadership influence, but this is no reason for the disadvantaged to bellyache to the point of belligerence and centrifugal conduct.

    The conflict over party supremacy in APC is nothing short of a domestic war of sorts. It is not for the faint-hearted. On both sides, it will require a capacity to endure a war of attrition. The ultimate casualty will likely be the people because the hostilities will constitute an unproductive distraction from the serious business of good governance.

    The mess amounts to a colossal shame for a party that attracted impressive public support and won convincingly at the history-making polls only a few months ago especially because it wore a badge of decency. That badge seems to have been torn to shreds by the party members themselves. What this means for the party and the polity will unfold as time progresses. The path to follow is to restore party supremacy erected on party discipline, party cohesion and party integrity; and that path must be followed wherever it may lead.

     

  • ‘Collective madness’

    Ironically, Nigeria’s luminary of letters, Nobelist Wole Soyinka, lost the election for the prestigious poetry chair at the University of Oxford for non-poetry reasons. His defeat by British poet Simon Armitage ranks as a stunning literary upset, considering that 80-year-old Soyinka was a clear and comfortable front runner with an impressive number of 149 nominations. Armitage had 54 nominations. The election demonstrated that “the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.” Armitage, 52, polled 1221 votes, while Soyinka got 920 votes, followed by EA Stallings with 918 votes, Haldane Sean (206) and Gregson Ian (75). The Professor of Poetry is, among other things, expected to give a minimum of three lectures a year, for a stipend of £12,000, and the tenure is five years.

    Perhaps the most thought-provoking reaction to the election result and Soyinka’s loss came from Andrew Franklin, who has published the laureate’s work. He reportedly described the outcome as   ”collective madness,” and was quoted as saying, “Why couldn’t Oxford have voted for its first ever black professor of poetry?” Franklin added: “Simon Armitage is good but this is a collective failure of imagination. It just would have been nice to see Oxford do something different. Maybe Oxford is just full of dull old farts who only vote for the obvious. I don’t think they have anything to be proud of here.” The question is: Was Soyinka’s colour a disadvantage?

    The barely disguised hint at possible racism may not be an over-reaction. While the publicised anti-Soyinka factors were his advanced age, his allegedly suspect commitment, and his failure to provide a tenure agenda, the deciding consideration may have been unstated and unspeakable.  As his backers pointed out, the age argument is unsupported by the history of the over 300-year-old position, and it was not obligatory to supply a plan.  On the question of his commitment, Soyinka himself said in self- defence:  ”How curious that anyone would even speculate that I would allow busy and committed people – friends, colleagues and total strangers – to waste their time nominating and campaigning on my behalf for such a prestigious position if I were not serious about contesting.”

    The path of reasoning by elimination leads to that dark possibility of discrimination on the basis of colour. Indeed, it would require a transparent demographic delineation of the electors to disprove or prove the suggestion of racial bias. According to the University, “Voting is by members of Convocation… Convocation consists of all former student members of the University who have been admitted to a degree (other than an honorary degree) of the University, and all members of Congregation (the ‘dons’ parliament’ of the University).” Were there racists among the voters? Or, put differently, how many of the voters were slaves of racism?

    To be fair, the world has progressed to more benign forms of racial prejudice, even to the point of delusion built on the cloudy concept of post-racism. However, the reality of colour-related discrimination is still too real to be unreal.  If Soyinka’s towering literary stature was rubbished by racist dwarfs, it underlines the distance between humanity and a non-racist world. And for a writer known for his passion for the promotion of human rights, it may be an eye-opener for Soyinka that the world of letters is not colour-blind, meaning that the right to skin colour has not become unchallengeable in that supposedly sublime  sphere.

    Was it payback time for Soyinka, the protester who registered his anti-racist punch in his marvellously and magically nuanced famous poem “Telephone Conversation”, first published in 1963? It is understandable that his supporters are puzzled. For a literator who in 1986 became the first black and African winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature, the world’s ultimate literary recognition and decoration, it is too bad to be true that he failed at Oxford.

    It is worth recalling that the Nobel Committee painted Soyinka as a master of form and content “who in a wide cultural perspective and with poetic overtones fashions the drama of existence.” There is no question that the accomplishment had the quality of a redeeming feature for the black man in a world corrupted by racism.

    From a romantic perspective, a five-year period as poetry professor at Oxford, which is regarded as perhaps just short of the Nobel, would have been a befitting climax to Soyinka’s writing life. The only qualification is “that candidates be of sufficient distinction to be able to fulfil the duties of the post”. The anti-climatic development raises the question whether Soyinka has suffered a decline in distinction which the Oxford voters validated.

    It is interesting that Soyinka’s rapier wit and broad imagination, as well as his capacity for thoughtful parallelism, were brilliantly communicated in his post-election statement in which he admitted to having been “truly caught up in the excitement generated by this historic union of the poetic and democratic Muses.”  His punch line was delivered with practiced subtlety: “Mind you, if only they’d allowed me to import a small team of our seasoned electoral jugglers from the home front….”

    The reference to Nigeria’s crisis of democratic integrity was unmistakable.  It was Soyinka the poet and playwright, but also Soyinka the political activist. Undeniably, in Soyinka, there is a rare conflation of the artist and the activist at a superlative level; and it is to his credit that in the almost 30 years since he won the Nobel at age 52, he has not gone artistically cold and remains politically warm. It is noteworthy that Soyinka was Armitage’s age when he was crowned.

    It remains to be seen how Armitage will champion the cause of poetry, but his statement submitted ahead of the contest indicated a useful direction. He wrote that he would take advantage of the position “to discuss the situation of poetry and poets in the 21st century, to address the obstacles and opportunities brought about by changes in education, changes in reading habits, the internet, poetry’s decreasing ‘market share’, poetry’s relationship with the civilian world and the (alleged) long, lingering death of the book”.

    Armitage’s anxiety about the future of poetry in what Harold Bloom called “an age of visual overstimulation” is certainly appreciated, but Soyinka’s magnetism and lateral thinking are probably more appropriate for rescuing the genre at this juncture. It looks like the real losers are Oxford University and the art of poetry.

  • How long will APC rule?

    For a party that emerged through a marvellous merger just two years ago and on the verge of ruling-party status at the federal level, it may seem premature to contemplate the life expectancy of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the context of power. But such reflection is timely ahead of the inauguration of the incoming Muhammadu Buhari presidency on May 29, particularly because of the pronouncements on the party’s lifespan by political prophets.

    In other words, against the background of the 16-year governmental lifespan of the outgoing Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from 1999 to 2015, can the APC rule for a longer period? It is thought-provoking that President Goodluck Jonathan, who is heading for the exit following a stunning electoral defeat, expressed optimism about his party’s chances of regaining power at the centre in 2019. Jonathan said to party members after receiving the report of the PDP Presidential Campaign Organisation at Aso Villa, Abuja: “We must continue to be united as a party. And continue to work hard so that as we move towards subsequent elections in 2019 and 2023, PDP will come out stronger.”

    Also, PDP National Publicity Secretary Olisa Metuh said: “In this regard, all members who have reports, grievances and suggestions on the way forward should transmit same to the Post-Election Review Committee for an all-inclusive roadmap in the overall effort to regain power in 2019.”

    It is possible that Jonathan’s confidence merely reflected ostrichism and a conscious denial of his party’s decline and fall, which is understandable because overexcited stalwarts had predicted 60 years of PDP rule.  However, perhaps things are not so simplistic, considering the perspective of the Minister of National Planning, Dr. Abubakar Suleiman. In an interview, Suleiman said of APC: “I give the party just one year, it will fizzle out. APC does not have what it takes to stay in power for 16 years or more as the PDP did.” He added: “How will Atiku, Tinubu, Obasanjo and others work together for long? It cannot last for long.  They do not have anything in common. Many of the people in APC have come together for selfish interests and when the expectations are dashed by Buhari’s government, they will scatter.”

    This pessimism is not only projected by PDP hierarchs, it is promoted with curious enthusiasm. However, it is noteworthy that this viewpoint, which predated the general elections and  dates back to the merger talks leading to the formation of APC, was flawed by the constitution of the party against all odds as well its triumph at the polls. APC’s record-setting performance has been described as “the first time in Nigeria’s political history that an opposition political party unseated a governing party in a general election and one in which power will transfer peacefully from one political party to another.”  Remarkably, APC also won the majority of seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives in the historic 2015 elections. Apart from winning the presidential poll, the APC is in the saddle in 22 states, the PDP in 13 and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in one.

    Interestingly, the diversity of forces that formed APC was responsible for the ouster of PDP. It was a demonstration of the potency of collaboration that the product of the combination of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), was sufficiently muscular to overcome the PDP.

    However, APC cannot afford the luxury of resting on its laurels; and this is why the party must take the prophecies of doom seriously. The glory of its celebrated election victory will not be sufficient for future feats.  For a party that earned the votes of the electorate based on its campaign for change, APC itself will need to change from a vote-seeking party to a vote-attracting party, meaning that being in power will demand a new imagination.

    There is no doubt that the end of the PDP era has created great public expectations, and all eyes will be on APC to live up to expectations. When power formally changes hands, it would be expected that the actions of APC will begin to speak louder than its words. Ultimately, that is the challenge of change.

    It is interesting to note that the PDP prophets have concentrated on APC’s alleged incapacity to survive, and glossed over the PDP’s sinking ship. One significant voice highlighted the necessity for soul-searching. Senate President David Mark was quoted as saying that the party was “already hemorrhaging.” Mark warned: “Unless we halt the bleeding and find the necessary therapy, we may be heading for the final burial of the party. The party is already comatose and we should do all we can to resuscitate the party rather than this unnecessary rancour and buck passing.”

    Now, given the vigour of APC, contrasted with the PDP’s loss of vitality, it should be easy to guess which of the two parties may slump when the going gets tough. The two parties will be grappling with unfamiliar roles. Federal power is new to APC, just as opposition politics is strange to PDP. Will it be easier for APC to master its new status than for PDP to manage its reduced station?

    Aware of the picture, APC’s National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, observed that PDP “has neither the capacity nor the commitment to be in the opposition.” Mohammed declared that an opposition party needs to be “creative, knowledgeable, resourceful and above all credible,” adding, “It is not by cheap blackmail.”  Mohammed was also quoted as saying: “This is why we wish to extend to the National Working Committee of the PDP a free orientation, just as we have offered the party’s spokesman a free crash course on how to be an opposition party spokesman. The theme of the orientation will be ‘transiting from the ruling party to an opposition party’.”

    It remains to be seen how 2015 to 2019 will play out, how quickly and effectively APC can deliver the desired change to cement its position, and how speedily PDP can recover from its post-election trauma to renew and reposition itself for the future.  How long will APC rule? Or how soon will PDP return?

  • Shettima on my mind

    FOR the first time, I decided to reproduce a previously published article. With the country’s general elections concluded, I reflected on the incoming state governors, particularly Kashim Shettima of Borno State who has been reelected for a second term. He was my focus in the piece “My Governor of the Year 2013” published on December 30, 2013, which is reproduced here.   

    It took only 30 minutes for Borno State Governor Kashim Shettima to qualify for the accolade, and his eligibility was perfected in highly remarkable circumstances. Shettima on December 15 reportedly departed from Abuja on a 7pm Arik flight to Lagos, where he was scheduled to participate in three meetings. A little over two hours after he left the federal capital, specifically at 9.15pm, the governor was having dinner at Mummy B Food Canteen, located in Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos, which he last visited some 20 years ago. He was drawn to the local restaurant with only four tables for 10 customers at a time by his love of amala, which he reportedly “missed so much”.

    So irresistible was his craving for the particular food, prepared in a particular way, that it was Shettima who gave directions to the official convoy, and he reportedly trekked to the eating spot in the company of two commissioners, his special adviser on media, staff of Borno Laison Office in Lagos and security aides. Interestingly, he was recognised as an old customer by the restaurant owner, Iya Moriya; and for his meal, he insisted on being served with the same kind of plates he was used to two decades ago. By the time he left the place at 9.45pm, word had travelled round the neighbourhood that a VIP was around.

    In significant ways, Shettima’s amala activity represents an enlightening metaphor for political leadership in a pluralistic polity. To start with, the 47-year-old leader born in Maiduguri, Borno State, in the country’s northern region, demonstrated that he was ethnically accommodating by his taste for food of a different cultural provenance from his own. Amala is a cultural dish popular among the Yoruba in the country’s Southwest region, and to have a northerner who would readily eat it without discrimination is a plus for Shettima’s pan-Nigerian credentials.

    Furthermore, it is commendable that Shettima remembered. Not only did he have a clear memory of the enjoyable taste of the particularamala, he also could recollect the route to the restaurant, even though he had not been there in years. It is striking that he even remembered the plates of yesteryear. More importantly, perhaps, he remembered that he had not always been a governor and that he had a past. His remembrance of things past mirrored his modesty, despite the context of high political office.

    In a manner of speaking, Shettima’s interaction with the restaurant workers can be likened to a descent from an Olympian height. It was a rare event that held lessons for the powerful. He certainly could have avoided eating in the lowly restaurant, given the fact that he had people at his beck and call that could have gone there to get a take-away meal for their boss. It is pertinent to wonder at the cost of eating in such a cheap restaurant, when he could have opted for a five-star hotel in the megacity, all at government expense.

    What was Iya Moriya’s recipe that made her amala so unforgettable for Shettima? His visit to the eating place must have made her day, not necessarily in financial terms, but on the psychological plane. Shettima returned to her restaurant as a governor, which was something to be proud of; and the happening may well have elevated her profile in the area, apart from giving her understandable bragging rights. By his association with the people, and his electrifying presence, therefore, Shettima scored well.

    For the avoidance of doubt, it is relevant to highlight Shettima’s education and exposure for the benefit of the narrow-minded who might consider his behaviour as perhaps informed by possible lack of sophistication. A Masters degree holder in Agricultural Economics from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, and a former lecturer in the same subject at the University of Maiduguri, Borno State, and a one-time top-level banker, he served as Commissioner of the Borno State Ministry of Finance and Economic Development and Commissioner in the Ministries of Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Education, Agriculture and later Health before his election as governor in 2011 on the platform of the then All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), which this year merged with others to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is significant that Shettima governs the terrorised Borno State, which is currently under emergency rule imposed by the federal government, along with Adamawa and Yobe states, in a controversial anti-terror measure specifically introduced to check the murderously rampaging Islamic religionists known as Boko Haram. It is a reflection of his sensitivity that he lately overlooked his personal security in a visit to Bama local government area of the state, which is officially regarded as exposed to Boko Haram insurgents and the scene of carnage in recent times. At the palace of the Shehu of Bama, Alhaji Kyari Ibrahim El-Kanemi, where he donated N100 million toward the rehabilitation of terror victims in the community, Shettima said momentously, “I took an oath of office as the governor two years ago to work for the people devoid of ethnic, religious and political affiliations. That is why it becomes a duty for us to share in your moments of grief.” It is noteworthy that his gesture tellingly contrasts with the rather detached attitude of the central administration on the contentious issue of compensation for casualties of the mayhem.

    In another defining instance, Shettima demonstrated understanding leadership during an unscheduled visit to Gen. Mohammadu Shuwa Memorial Hospital in Maiduguri, where he donated blood to an expectant mother in need of transfusion. According to the Commissioner for Health, Dr Salma Kolo, “The governor was disturbed by the condition of the woman and wanted to help. He later discovered through the medical attendants that his blood group matched that of the woman, so he decided to help out.”

    Remarkably, in these days of self-described professional politicians who go to extreme lengths to remain politically relevant, it is food for thought that Shettima has a vision of his post-governorship years. “I have a Masters degree, but after the political interregnum I wish to go back and get a PhD so that one can become a true intellectual in the real sense,” he said, while receiving the governing council of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) in his office.

    In the end, there seems to be a fine quality to his personality that should naturally dovetail with good governance. Regrettably, his story is the stuff of fantasy in the real world of the country’s largely unfeeling politicians.

  • Shettima on my mind

    FOR the first time, I decided to reproduce a previously published article. With the country’s general elections concluded, I reflected on the incoming state governors, particularly Kashim Shettima of Borno State who has been reelected for a second term. He was my focus in the piece “My Governor of the Year 2013” published on December 30, 2013, which is reproduced here.   

    It took only 30 minutes for Borno State Governor Kashim Shettima to qualify for the accolade, and his eligibility was perfected in highly remarkable circumstances. Shettima on December 15 reportedly departed from Abuja on a 7pm Arik flight to Lagos, where he was scheduled to participate in three meetings. A little over two hours after he left the federal capital, specifically at 9.15pm, the governor was having dinner at Mummy B Food Canteen, located in Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos, which he last visited some 20 years ago. He was drawn to the local restaurant with only four tables for 10 customers at a time by his love of amala, which he reportedly “missed so much”.

    So irresistible was his craving for the particular food, prepared in a particular way, that it was Shettima who gave directions to the official convoy, and he reportedly trekked to the eating spot in the company of two commissioners, his special adviser on media, staff of Borno Laison Office in Lagos and security aides. Interestingly, he was recognised as an old customer by the restaurant owner, Iya Moriya; and for his meal, he insisted on being served with the same kind of plates he was used to two decades ago. By the time he left the place at 9.45pm, word had travelled round the neighbourhood that a VIP was around.

    In significant ways, Shettima’s amala activity represents an enlightening metaphor for political leadership in a pluralistic polity. To start with, the 47-year-old leader born in Maiduguri, Borno State, in the country’s northern region, demonstrated that he was ethnically accommodating by his taste for food of a different cultural provenance from his own. Amala is a cultural dish popular among the Yoruba in the country’s Southwest region, and to have a northerner who would readily eat it without discrimination is a plus for Shettima’s pan-Nigerian credentials.

    Furthermore, it is commendable that Shettima remembered. Not only did he have a clear memory of the enjoyable taste of the particularamala, he also could recollect the route to the restaurant, even though he had not been there in years. It is striking that he even remembered the plates of yesteryear. More importantly, perhaps, he remembered that he had not always been a governor and that he had a past. His remembrance of things past mirrored his modesty, despite the context of high political office.

    In a manner of speaking, Shettima’s interaction with the restaurant workers can be likened to a descent from an Olympian height. It was a rare event that held lessons for the powerful. He certainly could have avoided eating in the lowly restaurant, given the fact that he had people at his beck and call that could have gone there to get a take-away meal for their boss. It is pertinent to wonder at the cost of eating in such a cheap restaurant, when he could have opted for a five-star hotel in the megacity, all at government expense.

    What was Iya Moriya’s recipe that made her amala so unforgettable for Shettima? His visit to the eating place must have made her day, not necessarily in financial terms, but on the psychological plane. Shettima returned to her restaurant as a governor, which was something to be proud of; and the happening may well have elevated her profile in the area, apart from giving her understandable bragging rights. By his association with the people, and his electrifying presence, therefore, Shettima scored well.

    For the avoidance of doubt, it is relevant to highlight Shettima’s education and exposure for the benefit of the narrow-minded who might consider his behaviour as perhaps informed by possible lack of sophistication. A Masters degree holder in Agricultural Economics from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, and a former lecturer in the same subject at the University of Maiduguri, Borno State, and a one-time top-level banker, he served as Commissioner of the Borno State Ministry of Finance and Economic Development and Commissioner in the Ministries of Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Education, Agriculture and later Health before his election as governor in 2011 on the platform of the then All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), which this year merged with others to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is significant that Shettima governs the terrorised Borno State, which is currently under emergency rule imposed by the federal government, along with Adamawa and Yobe states, in a controversial anti-terror measure specifically introduced to check the murderously rampaging Islamic religionists known as Boko Haram. It is a reflection of his sensitivity that he lately overlooked his personal security in a visit to Bama local government area of the state, which is officially regarded as exposed to Boko Haram insurgents and the scene of carnage in recent times. At the palace of the Shehu of Bama, Alhaji Kyari Ibrahim El-Kanemi, where he donated N100 million toward the rehabilitation of terror victims in the community, Shettima said momentously, “I took an oath of office as the governor two years ago to work for the people devoid of ethnic, religious and political affiliations. That is why it becomes a duty for us to share in your moments of grief.” It is noteworthy that his gesture tellingly contrasts with the rather detached attitude of the central administration on the contentious issue of compensation for casualties of the mayhem.

    In another defining instance, Shettima demonstrated understanding leadership during an unscheduled visit to Gen. Mohammadu Shuwa Memorial Hospital in Maiduguri, where he donated blood to an expectant mother in need of transfusion. According to the Commissioner for Health, Dr Salma Kolo, “The governor was disturbed by the condition of the woman and wanted to help. He later discovered through the medical attendants that his blood group matched that of the woman, so he decided to help out.”

    Remarkably, in these days of self-described professional politicians who go to extreme lengths to remain politically relevant, it is food for thought that Shettima has a vision of his post-governorship years. “I have a Masters degree, but after the political interregnum I wish to go back and get a PhD so that one can become a true intellectual in the real sense,” he said, while receiving the governing council of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) in his office.

    In the end, there seems to be a fine quality to his personality that should naturally dovetail with good governance. Regrettably, his story is the stuff of fantasy in the real world of the country’s largely unfeeling politicians.

  • How does it feel to be Shekau?

    IT is thought-provoking that Abubakar Shekau, the elusive leader of Nigeria’s Islamist terror group, Boko Haram, has a place among “The World’s Most Influential People” listed by TIME. The identified influencers in the 2015 TIME 100 include four Nigerians and Shekau is the most intriguing of them, specifically because he is an anti-hero. According to the TIME portrait, “the citizens of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, know Abubakar Shekau all too well: he is the most violent killer their country has ever seen.”

    Of course, Shekau’s terrifying profile is compounded by the outrageous seizure of more than 200 schoolgirls by Boko Haram terrorists in Chibok, Borno State, over one year ago.  With most of the kidnapped girls still missing and the world still in shock, Shekau and his followers are like an open wound on humanity’s conscience.

    Interestingly, the struggle to uncage the Chibok girls is the reason Obiageli Ezekwesili, a former Minister of Education, is considered influential by TIME: “The #BringBackOurGirls campaign that she championed is very important.” According to the description of the activist, “It has been a year, and the girls haven’t been rescued, but she has made a difference by speaking about it. Not just speaking but shouting.”

    Before the TIME ranking, an international think tank, the Project for the Study of the 21st Century, said the Boko Haram insurgency was the fourth deadliest conflict in the world in 2014 and was responsible for 11, 529 deaths. It is noteworthy that the think tank added that the figure of fatalities could be underestimated.

    However, the estimation of the human suffering resulting from the destructive imagination and vision of the insurrectionists is more accurate. “We are seeing tremendous suffering,” UN Assistant Secretary General Robert Piper was quoted as saying. He continued: “We estimate that only about 20 percent of agricultural land in Borno State (the hardest-hit area) was harvested last season.” Piper, the coordinator of the UN’s humanitarian work in Africa’s Sahel region, pointed out that the situation “leaves a massive deficit.”

    Also, Piper noted that there were “dramatic rates of acute malnutrition” among the displaced children in Nigeria. In statistical terms, he highlighted a recent survey of displaced children around Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, which showed that over 35 percent of them were malnourished. “That is very, very high,” he was quoted as saying. The picture of disturbing death and dying demonstrates the destructive power of Boko Haram.

    News of the latest international intervention in the terror-driven crisis, the European Union N325 million planned support for about 45,000 children and adolescents displaced by the activities of the terror champions in Borno State, reinforced the reality of Boko Haram’s depressing impact.  ”The project is expected to contribute to mitigating the negative psychosocial implications of the humanitarian crisis that currently plagues Borno State, which has largely disrupted education and health services, including immunization activities,” the Minister for National Planning, Dr. Abubakar Sulaiman, said at a ceremony to formalise the financing agreement concerning the 11th European Development Fund support. According to Sulaiman, the project is expected to be implemented in 300 communities across 11 local government areas in the state for a period of 36 months.

    The activities of Shekau and his destroyers necessitated ongoing emergency rule in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states, and prompted the controversial rescheduling of the country’s recent general elections. From the look of things, the multi-national regional force formed to crush Boko Haram, including fighters from Nigeria and neighbouring Chad, Cameroon and Niger, will probably fail to achieve its objective before the newly elected Muhammadu Buhari, a retired Army General, takes over from President Goodluck Jonathan on May 29. This explains the TIME depiction of Buhari who is numbered among the leading global influencers: “From battling the Boko Haram insurgency to tackling endemic corruption, Buhari has many challenges ahead.”

    It remains to be seen how well the country’s immediate future, with all its promise of change built on Buhari’s antecedents as a no-nonsense enforcer of propriety, would fulfill the great social expectations regarding the termination of terror. Considering Shekau’s ambitious expansion, uncertain days lie ahead. The TIME profiler said rather ominously: “Shekau’s latest action may finally summon a US response: he has publicly aligned his group with ISIS, the terrorist group that holds territory in Syria and Iraq and has expanded its reach into Yemen and Libya.”

    The fourth Nigerian recognised by TIME is the internationally important novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, who is described as “Conjurer of Character”.  According to the magazine’s delineation, “her greatest power is as a creator of characters who struggle profoundly to understand their place in the world.”

    This takes us back to Shekau, who may be seen as a non-fictional character engaged in a struggle to make the world understand his position. But the point is that Shekau’s place and position betray a profound lack of understanding. Also, Shekau is ultimately not understandable because he is a product and a promoter of misunderstanding.

    If these four are among “the world’s most influential people” in the magazine’s estimation, does it follow that they are Nigeria’s most influential people at this time?  Certainly, there are dimensions of influence and these diverse individuals represent different things to different people. It is instructive that TIME Editor Nancy Gibbs said: “Every year we hope the TIME 100 will introduce you to influential people you might not have met before and encourage you to find out more about them.”

    Well, I haven’t met Shekau, Ezekwesili and Buhari, but I’ve met Chimamanda. I would like to find out more about Shekau in particular, especially because his identity is an enduring mystery. What’s in a name? Shekau has been reported dead, or more specifically, reported killed, on two occasions. But the Boko Haram commander-in-chief continues to torment the country. Although   there is speculation that Shekau may have become “a brand name” for whoever is the leader of Boko Haram, the most wanted man in Nigeria is still referred to as Shekau.

    It is striking that against the background of a desperate manhunt for Shekau, a military source was quoted as saying: “Nobody, not even some of the arrested insurgents, could locate or get in touch with him now. This is why troops have been placed on red alert to arrest whoever is Shekau alive.” The question must be asked: How does it feel to be Shekau?

  • The writer’s wrestle

    A few days ago, my eyes were drawn to email on “the book no one would publish.” It was one of the “eclectic excerpts” delivered regularly to my email address. After reading it, I felt like sharing it. The thought-provoking excerpt is from a 2015 book by Brian Grazer, A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life.

    Commentary to provide context:  The first book of Theodor Seuss Geisel, better known to us as Dr. Seuss, was rejected by twenty-seven publishers before it was finally accepted by Vanguard Press: “Being determined in the face of obstacles is vital. Theodor Geisel, Dr. Seuss, is a great example of that himself. Many of his forty-four books remain wild bestsellers. In 2013, Green Eggs and Ham sold more than 700,000 copies in the United States (more than Goodnight Moon); The Cat in the Hat sold more than 500,000 copies, as did Oh, the Places You’ll Go! and One Fish Two Fish Red Fish Blue Fish. And five more Dr. Seuss books each sold more than 250,000 copies. That’s eight books, with total sales of more than 3.5 million copies, in one year (another eight Seuss titles sold 100,000 copies or more). Theodor Geisel is selling 11,000 Dr. Seuss books every day of the year, in the United States alone, twenty-four years after he died. He has sold 600 million books worldwide since his first book, And to Think That I Saw It on Mulberry Street, was published in 1937. And as inevitable as Dr. Seuss’s appeal seems now, Mulberry Street was rejected by twenty-seven publishers before being accepted by Vanguard Press. ..

    ”The story of Geisel being rejected twenty-seven times before his first book was published is often repeated, but the details are worth relating. Geisel says he was walking home, stinging from the book’s twenty-seventh rejection, with the manuscript and drawings for Mulberry Street under his arm, when an acquaintance from his student days at Dartmouth College bumped into him on the sidewalk on Madison Avenue in New York City. Mike McClintock asked what Geisel was carrying. ‘That’s a book no one will publish,’ said Geisel. ‘I’m lugging it home to burn.’ McClintock had just that morning been made editor of children’s books at Vanguard; he invited Geisel up to his office, and McClintock and his publisher bought Mulberry Street that day. When the book came out, the legendary book reviewer for the New Yorker, Clifton Fadiman, captured it in a single sentence: ‘They say it’s for children, but better get a copy for yourself and marvel at the good Dr. Seuss’s impossible pictures and the moral tale of the little boy who exaggerated not wisely but too well.’ Geisel would later say of meeting McClintock on the street, ‘[I]f I’d been going down the other side of Madison Avenue, I’d be in the dry-cleaning business today. …’

    My mind went to Amos Tutuola. One defining moment in Tutuola’s life will just not go away, it will never go away.  The famous Nigerian writer who died in 1997 is considered the first African novelist in the English language “to attract international attention” with the 1952 publication of his first book, The Palm-Wine Drinkard, by Faber and Faber in London. In 1953, the book was translated and published in Paris as L’Ivrogne dans la brousse by Raymond Queneau.

    A writer noted: “Indeed, he could hardly have had more distinguished literary godparents, because it was T.S. Eliot at Faber and Faber who recommended that his first book, The Palm-Wine Drinkard and His Dead Palm–Wine Tapster in the Deads’ Town, should be published in 1952 and it was Dylan Thomas who gave it its first prominent review, when he praised this “brief, thronged, grisly and bewitching . . . tall, devilish story”.

    Tutuola’s early history: “When his father died in 1939, Tutuola left school to train as a blacksmith, which trade he practised from 1942 to 1945 for the Royal Air Force in Nigeria. He subsequently tried a number of other vocations, including selling bread and acting as messenger for the Nigerian Department of Labour. In 1946, Tutuola completed his first full-length book, The Palm–Wine Drinkard, within a few days.”

    Tutuola was quoted as saying, “I was still in this hardship and poverty, when one night, it came to my mind to write my first book The Palm–Wine Drinkard and I wrote it in a few days successfully because I was a story-teller when I was in the school.” It is noteworthy that the novel has been described as “one of the most important texts in the African literary canon, translated into over a dozen languages.”

    The gripping image of a tormented soul struggling to escape the punishment of poverty and creatively imagining the liberating power of letters is an enduring metaphor for self-knowledge, self-recognition and self-belief. Tutuola never fails to arrive whenever I reflect on the writing life and how it can change a writer’s circumstances.

    Stories like these show why it is important to “keep on keeping on.”  Sometimes, like this moment, I ponder what Roger Rosenblatt calls “the craft and art of writing” and wonder where it may lead me. I have just finished reading Unless It Moves the Human Heart by Rosenblatt, an eye-opening book about teaching and learning writing. Speaking about writing programmes in America, Rosenblatt said in his book, published in 2011, “Since 1975, the number of creative writing programs has increased 800 percent. It is amazing… all over America, students ranging in age from their early twenties to their eighties hunker down at seminar tables like this one  in Iowa, California, Texas, Massachusetts, New York, and hundreds of places, avid to join a profession that practically guarantees them rejection, poverty and failure.”

    What am I talking about? I’m thinking about the writing space and the publishing environment in Nigeria. I’m thinking about how a writer can repel rejection, pulverise poverty and foil failure. I’m thinking of the future of writing and writers in a country that produced the United Nations, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) World Book Capital 2014, Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital.

  • Outsiders inside

    How did it happen that three Igbo Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidates in Lagos State won elections into the House of Representatives in the March 28 polls? How did the winners defeat Yoruba rivals from the All Progressives Congress (APC), which is the ruling party in the Yoruba-dominated state?

    A report said: “In Amuwo Odofin local government, which has a very high Igbo population, especially in areas like Kirikiri, Satellite Town and FESTAC, the PDP candidate, Oghene Egboh, who is from the Niger-Delta, defeated Mr. Ganiyu Olukolu of the APC. In Ajeromi/Ifelodun, which is one of the most densely populated areas in Lagos State and is home to Ajegunle (another Igbo dominated area), the PDP candidate, Mrs. Rita Orji, who also hails from the South-East, defeated Taiwo Adenekan of the APC.” The report also said: “In Oshodi/Isolo federal constituency 2, the incumbent, Mr. Akeem Munir, lost to Mr. Tony Nwoolu of the PDP.”

    The account continued: “The story was the same in the Igbo-dominated Ojo LG, where the PDP candidate, Mr. Tajudeen Obasa, won the seat. In Surulere federal constituency 2, which is home to Aguda and a few Igbo settlements, Mr. Tunji Soyinka of the PDP defeated Mr. Hakeem Bamgbala of the APC.”  In addition: “In Mushin federal constituency 2, the APC candidate, Yemi Alli, lost to Dauda Kako-Aare of the Accord Party. Kako-Aare, who is the incumbent, lost at the APC primary last December to Alli and defected to Accord.”

    These striking developments suggest the strength of a particular non-indigenous group and it is not surprising that the election results have given rise to an emotionally charged controversy on the so-called Igbo factor in contemporary Lagos politics. However, this may be a matter in which appearance is different from reality. In a stakeholders’ meeting ahead of the Governorship and House of Assembly elections on April 11, the APC National Leader, Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu, was quoted as saying, perhaps simplistically: “The turn-out of APC members during March 28 elections was poor and that was why APC was defeated in some polling units, wards and local governments in Lagos State…Some people said that APC lost in some wards and local governments to PDP because of Igbo votes; that is not true?”

    So, what is true? Tinubu observed that “losing six House of Representatives seats to the opposition in Lagos State has never happened in the history of Lagos,” referring to the period between 1999 and 2015 which witnessed an exclusive reign by the ruling party in various stages  of its metamorphosis. There is no doubt that what is particularly alarming about this latest historical redefinition must be the rise of non-indigenes who are also non-Yoruba, specifically Igbo.

    It is interesting that the PDP presented Igbo candidates for the National Assembly elections in the first place. How such candidates emerged in a Yoruba-dominated state presents a sociological question that may well beget a sociological answer. It may well be that an old order is being reordered; and this possibility deserves the attention of those used to the usual.

    It is noteworthy that the new Igbo federal lawmakers representing Lagos were elected in areas with a reportedly influential Igbo presence, which suggests that political consciousness among the diverse populace of the megacity is not only expanding but also escalating.

    The success story of Egboh, for instance, who polled a total of 29,761 votes over 20,616 votes scored by the incumbent Olukolu, is instructive in a number of ways. He was quoted as saying: “My success as member of House of Representatives-elect was very significant being a non-indigene to have won the seat for the first time in Amuwo Odofin, Federal Constituency. Again this is the first time the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) won in Amuwo Odofin Federal Constituency.”

    It is significant that Egboh was said to have “linked his success to hard work, focus and the experience of being a politician having served two terms as councillor, both in Amuwo Odofin and Ojo Local Government Areas.” Also, he “said his house-to-house campaign had indeed paid him, saying he had been working for the election in the past two years.” This is evidence of a gradual but sure redesign of the state’s political landscape.

    Irrespective of the outcome of the state governorship and legislative polls, it is reasonable to expect that the Igbo victories in particular will inspire and encourage other ethnic outsiders in Lagos to have big political dreams. Perhaps such dreams may be less fantastic in the cosmopolitan environment of Lagos, which is perceived as a melting pot.

    It is relevant to note that in July last year the National Council of State formed a committee to address the alleged discriminatory promotion of indigenousness in states across the country and work towards ending the institutionalisation of indigenity. The committee included the governors of Sokoto, Niger, Enugu, Akwa Ibom, Ondo and Gombe states, representing each of the country’s six geo-political zones, and they were expected to identify discriminatory practices in all states of the federation.

    Of course, it is no news that Lagos has been tagged “no man’s land” in certain quarters, especially by those who view its richly diverse populace and cultural variety as evidence of its alleged non-ownership by a particular ethnic group. However, it is easy to note the flaw in such perception, which denies the reality of an autochthonous population in the land.   The journey to this juncture dates back to the 14th century, according to historical sources. A society called Eko is said to have existed before the coming of the Portuguese in 1472. The Lagos community is said to have emerged in the 18th century, while Lagos became a British colony in the 19th century. Lagos State was created in the 20th century, specifically May 1967, and the 21st century has witnessed its transformation to a megacity with a population put at over 10 million.

    At the heart of what might be considered a growing ethnicity-based political rivalry in the state is the indigene-settler question, which is not peculiar to Lagos, although the peculiarity of its diversity probably accounts for the intensity in this case. As regards Lagos, there must be such a thing as the core of the cosmopolis. This is food for thought and cannot be wished away by those who want to belong without a sense of belonging.

    It is generally understood that indigenous peoples have historical ties to a specific territory as well as cultural distinctiveness; but there needs to be an understanding that the inclusion of outsiders, especially in the political space, may not necessarily be negative. But it may not necessarily be positive either.

  • Ambode’s ‘CHELSEA UNITED’

    Why would anyone want to leave a winning path? This is the key question for the electorate ahead of the Lagos State governorship election expected to hold on April 11. The question perhaps requires no answer because there may be none; or more reasonably, because there is unlikely to be any reasonable answer. Guided by reason, the voters ought to continue on the path of reason.

    Five months before the All Progressives Congress (APC) Lagos State governorship hopeful and frontrunner, Akinwunmi Ambode, 51,  formally expressed his ambition at a well-attended October 24 ceremony at the Onikan Stadium last year, he published a piece in celebration of the state’s 47th anniversary. The May 27 article followed Ambode’s then controversial May 15 public endorsement by the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu. The preeminent Lagos monarch had declared at a book launch at the Civic Centre, Victoria Island, Lagos: “The elders of Lagos have said that Ambode will be governor…The elders have been meeting…We review things regularly…The elders have said that Ambode should be the next governor of Lagos.” It is remarkable that the king’s confident prophecy is on course.

    Interestingly, in his piece titled “Happy Anniversary: “Lagos State”, Ambode wrote: “As Lagos turns fifty in the next three years, therefore, the future beckons on whoever would take over the baton in the relay of enduring people-friendly policies to solidify and build on these worthy legacies.” His reference to legacies was a tribute to the governmental accomplishments of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was the state governor from 1999 to 2007, and Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola, whose second-term ends this year after succeeding Tinubu at the helm in 2007.

    It is worth noting that Ambode illuminated his administrative background, and gave an insight into his edge over rivals. He said: “Having been in a vantage position to work with the last two governors for 13 years, I conclude this piece as I share with you all one lesson I learnt from serving under them by using the football anecdote.” According to Ambode, “My two former bosses, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Mr. Bbatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), are both great supporters of Manchester United, while I, their ward, am a Chelsea fan. I have come to regard Asiwaju as the “special one” because, like the famous bearer of that title, Chelsea manager Jose Mourinho, he laid the solid foundation for the evolution of modern Lagos. Like ‘Mourinho’, he has the vision and the winning formulae. In May 2003, at his inaugural speech for his second term in office, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu declared that “we will build with vigour on foundation laid in the first term until the momentum of positive change becomes forever irreversible in Lagos State.”

    Ambode continued: “But the special one needs a special manager and an ebullient visionary to accomplish the goals. If Lagos State were Manchester United, His Excellency, Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) is the quintessential and indefatigable Alex Ferguson. He brought in his Midas touch in all facets of governance to actualise that positive change in the development and growth of Lagos State.”

    Finally, Ambode wrote: “So, where does that leave me, their student? I learnt first that in any club managed by these two managers, there is no room for a David Moyes. And I pledged to myself that if I am ever entrusted with the responsibility of administering a football club, I will name it CHELSEA UNITED, if just to assure my two bosses that I learnt from their different but complementary styles in building and running a formidable team.”

    In an important sense, Ambode is on the threshold of “administering a football club”, if political governance may be seen from such perspective. His experiential empowerment cannot be discounted. To go by the saying, “Experience is the best teacher,” Ambode leads the field by a wide gap in the governorship race. Of course, it is another question whether Ambode has been a teachable student.

    For an answer, it is useful to highlight Fashola’s well-quoted testimonial, which Ambode described as “my gold medal for public service.” It is particularly noteworthy that at the time Fashola wrote the glowing letter of commendation following Ambode’s voluntary 2012 retirement after a 27-year career in the state civil service, it was not a political statement and was not politically relevant. However, with a few days to the governorship poll, Fashola’s tribute to Ambode deserves to be recognised as a political medallion.

    Fashola wrote: “I write on behalf of the people of Lagos to commend your high sense of dedication, selflessness and integrity which you brought to bear on the civil service. I wish to specifically remark that working closely with you has been of tremendous mutual benefit, particularly in the present administration.” He continued: “You have displayed high sense of professionalism and have been a good team player, guided by the philosophy of a true public officer, who must place himself last while rendering service to the public. We are convinced that your brilliance and zeal will make you excel in your future endeavours.”

    It is worth mentioning that the medallist’s background includes stints as the Accountant- General of Lagos State from 2006 and 2012, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Finance, and Auditor-General for Local Government. These features of Ambode’s profile demonstrate that he is probably the most experienced individual in terms of familiarity with the state civil service operations to seek the position of governor since Lagos State was created in 1967.

    What about his impact? Ambode’s critical role in the creation of the State Treasury Office (STO) should be of special significance in rating him as a governorship candidate. The STO has been acknowledged as a ground-breaking development which has fundamentally improved how the state’s funds are raised, budgeted, managed and spent. It goes without saying that Ambode’s confirmed authoritative grasp of treasury issues gives him a superior advantage.

    What about his clear-sightedness? “If we take the concept of resource generation, allocation and distribution into cognisance and apply the principles of good governance, we will achieve economic growth and development,” Ambode said while presenting a paper titled “Public Finance: Probity and Accountability” at a workshop organised in August last year by the Lagos State Government and the Lagos Business School.

    It is quite reassuring to know that Ambode signified his intention to continue on the path of meritorious governance charted by Tinubu and Fashola by speaking of “continuity of excellence”. Ambode’s “CHELSEA UNITED” football metaphor holds a winning promise that the electorate ought to appreciate and endorse.

  • Problem beyond the polls

    Two days after the country’s presidential poll, the  immortal lines from Shakespeare’s Macbeth are relevant : “When the hurlyburly’s done – When the battle’s lost and won.”  Against the background of the continuing anti-terror battle, the hurly-burly is certainly not done.

    News of the latest garland for Boko Haram, the Islamist guerilla force that has terrorised the country since 2009, deserves attention.  The group’s insurgency was the fourth deadliest conflict in the world in 2014 and was responsible for 11, 529 deaths, according to a release by an international think tank, the Project for the Study of the 21st Century. It is noteworthy that the think tank said the figure of fatalities could be underestimated.

    However, the estimation of the human suffering resulting from the destructive imagination and vision of the insurgents is more accurate. “We are seeing tremendous suffering,” UN Assistant Secretary General Robert Piper was quoted as saying. He continued: “We estimate that only about 20 percent of agricultural land in Borno State (the hardest-hit area) was harvested last season.” Piper, the coordinator of the UN’s humanitarian work in Africa’s Sahel region, pointed out that the situation “leaves a massive deficit.”

    Also, Piper noted that there were “dramatic rates of acute malnutrition” among the displaced children in Nigeria. In statistical terms, he highlighted a recent survey of displaced children around Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, which showed that over 35 percent of them were malnourished. “That is very, very high,” he was quoted as saying.

    This picture of disturbing death and dying demonstrates that the hurly-burly is not done and the battle has not been lost and won.  Shockingly, what many internally displaced persons have gone through, especially those uprooted by Boko Haram, came to light via a statement by the Director of Information, The Catholic Church Diocese of Maiduguri, Rev. Fr. Gideon Obasogie. He said: “A good number of those trapped around the Cameroonian borders are gradually finding their way into Maiduguri. Counting their ordeals, some will tell you how they fed on grass and insects. A group from Pulka community alone buried over 80 children, who took ill in the bush and died.”  Over 90, 000 Catholics have been uprooted by the developing tragedy, Obasogie noted, adding that the church has spent over N3 million on internal refugees at different locations in Maiduguri, Borno State.

    Relevant to this appalling picture is the information by the Director-General, National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Mr. Sani Sidi, at last year’s opening of its annual consultative meeting with the heads of States Emergency Management Agencies. Sidi said about 734,062 persons were internally displaced by conflicts and disasters in various parts of the country; 676, 975 of them were displaced by conflicts and 66,087 by natural disasters. It is significant that he pointed out: “Disaster occurrences and the number of affected people have risen significantly in recent years.”

    It is not clear how NEMA arrived at these figures, and it is worth mentioning that they are a far cry from the statistics publicised by the 2014 Report of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre and the Norwegian Refugee Council, which indicate that out of 33 million internal refugees across the world, about 3.3 million Nigerians are internally displaced because of the Boko Haram insurgency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states.  The yawning gap between the positions of the two bodies concerning the number of dislodged victims of the six-year-old violent campaign by Islamist terrorists in the affected areas is a cause for concern because it suggests that the scale of the problem may not have been captured and is likely to be beyond the range of the available figures.

    How devastating and disruptive Boko Haram has become is clear from its influence on the controversial rescheduling of the general elections.  To properly grasp the group’s role, it is useful to quote the February 7 statement by the Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Attahiru Jega, on why the elections were postponed a week to the first vote. According to Jega, “Last Wednesday, which was a day before the Council of State meeting, the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) wrote a letter to the Commission, drawing attention to recent developments in four Northeast states of Borno, Yobe, Adamawa and Gombe currently experiencing the challenge of insurgency. The letter stated that security could not be guaranteed during the proposed period in February for the general elections.”

    Jega continued: “This advisory was reinforced at the Council of State meeting on Thursday where the NSA and all the Armed Services and Intelligence Chiefs unanimously reiterated that the safety and security of our operations cannot be guaranteed, and that the Security Services needed at least six weeks within which to conclude a major military operation against the insurgency in the Northeast; and that during this operation, the military will be concentrating its attention in the theatre of operations such that they may not be able to provide the traditional support they render to the Police and other agencies during elections.”

    It is not surprising that the magical and illogical six-week time frame set for the conquest of insurgents who have carried out terroristic activities since 2009 has passed with Boko Haram still threatening and frightening. Optimism won’t win the terror war, no matter how well-dressed.  The naked pessimism of the people is unmistakable.

    The reports of recaptured territories by the country’s troops in a regional collaboration with four neighbouring nations, Benin, Cameroon, Chad and Niger, have been captivating largely because the people never knew exactly what had been captured. Reports said the contributions to the multi-national force total 8, 700 individuals and its objective is to “foster a safe and secure environment in the impacted regions.”

    With the eventual adoption of a frontal attack, it is comical that National Security Adviser Col Sambo Dasuki (retd) last year introduced a simplistic angle to the anti-terror campaign.  Dasuki’s amazing “Roll out of Nigeria’s Soft Approach to Counter Terrorism”, whatever its theoretical merits, represented an ill-defined all-inclusive method. According to him, “The soft approach provides us with a frame-work that identifies the roles and responsibilities of every segment of our society: the governors, local council chairmen, national and state assembly members, political parties, trade unions, the private sector, traditional institutions, ministers and other government officials, academics, in fact, a ‘whole-of-society’ approach that involves everyone vertically and horizontally to confront violent extremism.”  It was a mystifying approach and an exaggerated perspective that glossed over the fundamental point, which is, confronting and crushing terrorism with the logic of superior sovereignty.