It is thought-provoking that those who enforced the recent Southeast five-day sit-at-home declared by Finland-based Biafra campaigner Simon Ekpa had ignored the disclaimer by Nnamdi Kanu, who is known as the leader of the proscribed separatist group, Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

There was strong evidence of divisions within the group as zealous enforcers violently implemented Ekpa’s controversial order that Southeast residents should stay at home from December 9 to 14. The group is known for using terroristic methods in its fight for an independent “Biafra land” made up of Nigeria’s five Southeast states, and parts of the South-south geo-political zone.

Kanu, 55, who is in detention and facing trial for alleged treason and terrorism, had disowned those who declared the five-day sit-at-home, in a message delivered by his lawyer, Ifeanyi Ejiofor, who visited him at the Department of State Services (DSS) detention facility, Abuja.

The lawyer’s statement had described the sit-at-home announcement and any attempt to enforce it as “criminal acts,” adding that Kanu “unequivocally stated that he has not ordered any sit-at-home.” He directed that the people “should go about their normal life and businesses without let or hindrance.”

It was convenient for Kanu to distance himself from the five-day sit-at-home. But IPOB under him had declared sit-at-home several times leading to a standstill in many parts of the Southeast as people obeyed the order largely out of fear of the enforcers.

For instance, in May, the group under Kanu had ordered a sit-at-home in the Southeast, saying “the only sit-at-home order emanating and announced by IPOB leadership are the 18th and 26th of May, 2022 being the dates our leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu will appear in court.”

This suggests that IPOB under Kanu had disclaimed the five-day sit-at-home because it was not its own idea. But IPOB, whether under Kanu or not, has no business issuing sit-at-home orders in the first place. The group, whether under Kanu or not, is operating unlawfully, and its activities are unlawful.

Despite Kanu’s opposition, unidentified gunmen enforced the five-day sit-at-home in a series of destructive actions in the region. They killed six people in Imo and Enugu states, disrupted businesses in Ebonyi State, and kidnapped some expatriate staff of a German construction company involved in an ongoing road construction in Imo State, among other crimes.

The apex Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohanaeze, in a statement, said Ekpa was responsible for the destruction, adding that it would pursue his extradition to Nigeria “to face prosecution and trials over killings of South easterners, burning of public properties, and disturbances of public peace.”

Also, Kanu’s lawyer announced that they had formally commenced a legal action against Ekpa before the High Court in Abuja, “founded on a plethora of grave infractions arising from his violent, disturbing and false declarations.”

Importantly, IPOB spokesperson Emma Powerful, in a statement, said Ekpa “is not our member and can never be an IPOB member.” What about those who enforced the sit-at-home? Were they IPOB members? Beyond Kanu’s disclaimer, what did the so-called IPOB members do to stop the enforcement?

IPOB, in 2020, had launched its Eastern Security Network (ESN), which it described as “a vigilance group, established to protect Biafrans against terrorists.”  Where were ESN personnel when unidentified enforcers employed terroristic methods during the five-day sit-at-home disowned by the Kanu-led IPOB?

Interestingly, Ekpa, 37, describes himself as Kanu’s “disciple on Biafra restoration.” He had been announced as the lead broadcaster of Radio Biafra in July 2021 after the Federal Government re-arrested Kanu, but IPOB later “observed with regrets” that Ekpa “doesn’t want to follow the laid down rules of operation in Radio Biafra.” His status in the group was unclear after that.

He gloated over the five-day sit-at-home, saying it was “historic and successful.” This could encourage a repeat. The latest sit-at-home was a continuation of a practice introduced by the Kanu-led IPOB.  Ekpa’s version of sit-at-home suggests that those fighting for Biafra consider the method useful. Indeed, it can be said that the approach has become an obsession.

This is why the authorities must urgently tackle the group’s lawlessness. The Kanu-led IPOB described Ekpa as a “paid agent” sponsored to give the group a bad name. But the group has always had a bad name.

It is puzzling that IPOB has been allowed to continue operating despite its proscription. The authorities must stop accommodating the group. There are consequences for lawlessness, and those committing crimes using the group’s name should be arrested and prosecuted.

It is disturbing that Ekpa was quoted as saying “There will be no general election in Biafra land in 2023, it is a sacrifice and a task that must be done by all Biafrans across the globe.”

Notably, the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Usman Alkali Baba, accused “the IPOB and ESN” and “the pro-Yoruba secessionists” of working to stop elections in the Southeast and Southwest respectively. His representative made the accusation before the House of Representatives Ad-hoc Committee Investigating the Attacks on Offices and Facilities of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).  He highlighted recent attacks on INEC facilities in Osun and Ogun states in the Southwest, and Ebonyi, Imo and Enugu states in the Southeast.

The IGP, represented by the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) in charge of the Department of Operations, Mustapha Dandaura, said the Southeast secessionists “have been attacking our personnel, they have been killing our personnel. They have been retrieving arms from members of the security agencies, not only the police – the military and other paramilitary organisations that are there.” The country’s security agencies must act urgently to prevent a breakdown of law and order in the affected areas.

From all indications, IPOB has become a Frankenstein monster beyond the control of the people who created it. This makes the group more dangerous. It is unclear who is in charge of the group now, considering the enforcement of the five-day sit-at-home even after Kanu had opposed it.  The question of leadership and control of the group is critical. Ekpa’s move, and its outcome, show that it should not be taken for granted that Kanu is in charge.  Ultimately, the authorities must demonstrate capacity to uphold law and order.

Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) caused a stir at his inauguration on November 27. It was dancing time for the politician who has a reputation for exhibitionistic public dancing. But he went beyond entertainment in his inaugural speech, which was controversial in some respects.

He announced some directives, including “An immediate reversal to the constitutionally recognised name of our state, Osun State.” He ordered that “All government insignia, correspondences and signages should henceforth reflect Osun State rather than State of Osun which is unknown to the Nigerian constitution.”  He said the directives would be “backed up with appropriate Executive orders.”

Notably, “The State of Osun” was a creation of the Rauf Aregbesola administration. Aregbesola was governor of the state from 2010 to 2018, and the name-change was part of his legacy.

Adegboyega Oyetola, who succeeded Aregbesola and governed the state from 2018 to 2022, inherited the name created by his predecessor and kept it intact. Interestingly, his administration had reviewed some of Aregbesola’s policies but not the renaming of the state.  Both men are members of the same political party, All Progressives Congress (APC).

It is noteworthy that the Chairman, House Committee on Media and Publicity, Moshood Kunle Akande, who claimed to be speaking for the state’s APC-dominated legislature, wasted no time expressing its opposition to Governor Adeleke’s directive changing the state’s name.

In a statement, he argued that “The usage of the State Anthem, Crest and Flag is an enactment of the law and as such, its usage is a matter of law and not choice.” He added that “The enactment ‘State of Osun Anthem, Crest and Flag Law, 2012’ assented to on December 18, 2012, contained in Schedule 1, II, III, IV and V, which carefully details every component of this law is not in ambiguity.”

Importantly, he also said: “While we are aware of a court judgement in effect recognising ‘Osun State,’ the Assembly, pending the determination and exhaustion of all legal means, would not be drawn into this matter.”

The statement was inaccurate and misleading. There are in fact two court judgements that recognised Osun State and not “State of Osun.”  Within three years, two law courts judged that “State of Osun” did not mean Osun State, and the constructions should not be used interchangeably.

In June 2020, Justice Mathias Agboola of the Osun State High Court, Osogbo, had declared that, legally and constitutionally, “State of Osun” did not exist. He also declared that, under the Nigerian constitution, only Osun State could be said to exist.

Justice Agboola, in his judgement in a case brought before the court by a lawyer, Mr Kanmi Ajibola, against the state government over a personal tax of N5.3m that the state Internal Revenue Service had asked him to pay, said it amounted to “artistic colouration” when Osun State is referred to as “State of Osun.”

Ajibola had asked the court to declare the law upon which the tax was based as illegal since it was a law made by “The House of Assembly of State of Osun,” a body unknown to the constitution. “The issue of Osun State and the ‘State of Osun’ is a loud one,” the judge had observed.

Before this, in December 2017, Justice Yinka Afolabi of the Osun State High Court, Ilesha, had taken the same position on the issue. Justice Afolabi’s words: “The executive governor of the state changed the name in 2011. The renaming of a state goes further and deeper for anyone to single-handedly do. To re-order the name of Osun State as ‘State of Osun’ is hereby declared as illegal, null and void.”

The same Ajibola had instituted a case challenging the legality of the “State of Osun Land Use Charge Law.’’ He asked the court to declare that the “State of Osun Land Use Charge Law 2016,” having been enacted by a legislative body that is not known to the constitution and the state not known to the 1999 constitution, was illegal and unconstitutional.

The judge had ruled in his favour. After the verdict, Ajibola had said jubilantly: “The judgement has pronounced ‘State of Osun’ dead and so be it. For now, the judgement subsists except there is any other contrary opinion by the higher court.”

In a notice of appeal filed in January 2018 at the Court of Appeal in Akure, the then State Attorney General, Dr Ajibola Basiru, had raised eight grounds of appeal against the judgement, asking the appellate court to set it aside. Nothing has been heard of the matter since then. It is unclear if the Oyetola administration pursued the matter after inheriting it from the Aregbesola administration.

These rulings invalidating “State of Osun” have not been overturned by a higher court.  Despite these decisions, officials of the state, according to reports, had continued using “State of Osun” in their official engagements and communications, which amounts to disregarding the law.

Governor Adeleke’s directive reversing the name of the state is in line with the law, and he should be commended for respecting the law on this issue. Ironically, the reaction of the House of Assembly contradicts the law. It can be said that by opposing the directive, the lawmakers were breaking the law.

The supposed response from the House of Assembly may well be contrived. A minority-party member of the legislature, Adewumi Adeyemi Irekandu, a PDP member representing Obokun State Constituency, denied that the Assembly had reviewed the governor’s inaugural speech and activities of the inauguration as Akande had claimed in his statement.

In a counter-statement, Irekandu said “the Assembly has not met after the governor’s inauguration,” and “there was no place the resolution was passed by the Assembly.” So, who was Akande speaking for?

The governor’s position on this issue should not be politicised by the lawmakers who are majority-party members of the legislature, and are not members of the governor’s party.   It is a matter of law and legality, and the correct position is not what the majority-party members of the Assembly believe or say, but what the law says.

Those who are clinging to Aregbesola’s fantasy are just deluding themselves. It remains to be seen when they will wake up to reality.

Poor governance provides enabling conditions for multidimensional poverty, which is beyond monetary poverty. This is the essential takeaway from the national Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on November 17. Importantly also, poor governance in the country is attributable to multidimensional authorities.

”In general, the incidence of monetary poverty is lower than the incidence of multidimensional poverty across most states,” according to the report.

The report also said: “Over half of the population of Nigeria are multidimensionally poor and cook with dung, wood or charcoal, rather than clean energy. High deprivations are also apparent nationally in sanitation, time to healthcare, food insecurity, and housing.”

The report said 133 million Nigerians were multidimensionally poor. This figure represents 63 percent of the country’s population of more than 200 million.  Three out of five Nigerians live in poverty, according to the report.

The survey found that multidimensional poverty “is higher in rural areas, where 72 percent of people are poor, compared to 42 percent of people in urban areas.” Also, the report said 65 percent of poor people – 86 million – live in the North, while 35 percent – nearly 47 million – live in the South.

Interestingly, the Minister of State for Finance, Budget and National Planning, Clem Agba, observed in a defensive article: “These rural areas contributing the most to the country’s poverty status are outside of the Federal Government’s obligations but sit squarely within the jurisdiction and legal responsibilities of sub-national government, that is, state governors and local government chairmen and councillors.”

He also noted: “The surveys conducted were at Primary Healthcare Centres for the MPI health dimension, and in primary schools – for the education dimension. PHCs and primary schools are the responsibilities of the sub-national government.”

This was part of Agba’s response to “the idea that the Federal Government has thrown 133 million people into poverty after committing to lift 100 million people out of poverty in 10 years,” describing the view as “false and misleading.”

The junior minister’s observations show that tackling poverty in the country demands contributions from state and local governments too. He argued that “It is patently unfair to leave the Federal Government alone to take on the task of poverty alleviation in the country.”

Certainly, it is important to ask what state and local governments have done, and what they are doing, to tackle poverty in the spaces they govern.

The MPI data is based on a survey conducted from November 2021 to February 2022, and which sampled over 56,000 households across the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory. Unlike Monetary Poverty Measurement (MPM), it uses “deprivations in basic amenities” as a means of assessing poverty. Based on this new perspective on poverty, it provides new insights into the issue.

It is noteworthy that though MPI and MPM present different results, the former does not replace the latter, and they together give a holistic picture of poverty in the country.

The Nigeria MPI (2022) survey involved the NBS, the National Social Safety-Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI).

This underlines the reliability of the findings. The findings are extremely bad news. At the beginning of this year, there was bad news that the number of poor Nigerians had increased to 91 million. The World Bank had estimated that an additional one million people were pushed into poverty in Nigeria from June to November 2021.

The poverty figure had jumped from 83 million, the number of poor Nigerians according to the NBS in May 2020. This number was from its 2019 report on poverty and inequality in Nigeria.

These were disturbing results of Monetary Poverty Measurement (MPM). The latest Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) data, which transcends the MPM, is no less worrying.  The data from both sources calls into question the anti-poverty efforts of the Federal Government, and also raises questions about the seriousness of state and local governments in the fight against poverty. It can be said, ironically, that poverty in the country is governance-driven.

Notably, President Muhammadu Buhari, in his national address following the 2020 #EndSARS protests and the resulting anarchy, had boasted that “No Nigerian government in the past has methodically and seriously approached poverty-alleviation like we have done.”

Also, in September 2020, when Buhari inaugurated a National Steering Committee to oversee the development of the ‘Nigeria Agenda 2050 and Medium-Term National Development Plan (MTNDP),’ he mentioned the objective of lifting 100 million Nigerians out of poverty ”within the next 10 years.”

It is easy to identify the markers of poverty.  The United Nations (UN) defines extreme poverty as ”a condition characterised by severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information. It depends not only on income but also on access to services.” This definition captures not only monetary poverty but also the concept of multidimensional poverty.

Too many Nigerians are too poor, both in monetary and multidimensional terms. The authorities have a duty to find solutions to mass poverty in the country. This demands more than lip service. That is a lesson the relevant authorities in the country need to learn.

Agba highlighted the value of the MPI, saying, “The Federal Government has now, with the deployment of the MPI measurement tool and these findings, placed in the hands of state governors, LGA councillors, the legislature, private sector, and other key stakeholders, a policy tool to help address the overlapping, multi-sectoral deprivations that people face.”

He added: “It is only when the sub-national government collaborates with the Federal Government and adopts this data-driven and evidence-based approach to governance that we can truly and positively change the trajectory of poverty in our country.”

Indeed, data is useful in tackling poverty. But action is far more important. The MPI is a call to action. Poverty is unacceptable. So is the failure of the federal, state and local governments to deal with the problem using good governance.

We have delivered. I can say with pride that our job has been done for the benefit of the people of Nigeria and Cameroon which the bridge connects,” said Minister of Works and Housing Babatunde Fashola at the inauguration of the Nigeria-Cameroon Joint Border Bridge and Joint Border Post. The 1.5 metre two-lane border bridge over the Cross River at the Nigeria/Cameroon border at Mfum/Ekok and the joint border post at Mfum are fruits of collaboration between the two countries.

“The most important thing about this project is that the bridge not only connects Nigeria and Cameroon but it begins a journey of a Trans-Africa connection,” he explained at the ceremony on November 3.  He added: “The Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway from Enugu in Nigeria to Bamenda in Cameroon is also part of the Dakar-Lagos-Mombasa-Kenya Trans-African Highway and this is the significance of this project.”

President Muhammadu Buhari, who was represented at the event by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Zubairu Dada, observed that the bridge and joint border post “are proof that when African regions work with African institutions of standard, critical developmental projects can be achieved in record time.”

The project started in April 2017 and was completed in May 2021. This means that it began in President Buhari’s first term in office and ended in his second term as the country’s helmsman. It is also noteworthy that Fashola was the relevant minister under Buhari throughout the project period. This explains his sense of fulfilment on the completion of the project.

The project was funded by the governments of the two countries, the European Union (EU) and the African Development Bank (AfDB).  The inauguration was done after the defects liability period ended in October 2022.

The Joint Border Bridge is one of five major projects under the Transport Facilitation Programme for the Bamenda-Enugu Corridor also known as the Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway and Transport Facilitation Programme (NCMH&TFP).

Read Also; 63% of Nigerians are multidimensionally poor – Buhari

It is, ironically, a positive result of the Bakassi Peninsula border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon, on which the International Court of Justice gave its judgement in October 2002.

Following the judgement, a summit was held in Geneva, in November 2002, which involved the then Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Paul Biya of Cameroon, and the then United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan.

The participants set up the Nigeria/Cameroon Mixed Commission and reached a decision that Nigeria and Cameroon should have a joint infrastructural programme to link the two countries, and jointly implemented by them, with the aim of encouraging harmony between them after the acrimonious border dispute.

This gave birth to the Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway and Transport Facilitation Programme, designed to improve relations between the two countries by facilitating movement of people, goods and services between them.

President of Cameroon Paul Biya, who was represented at the opening ceremony by the Cameroonian Minister of Public Works, Emmanuel Nganou Njoumessi, said the direct beneficiaries of the programme “are the transport services users, as well as the 11 million inhabitants ( three million  in Cameroon and eight million in Nigeria) in the programme area representing  seven percent of the total population of the two countries,” adding that the programme would reduce overall transport cost and improve the living conditions of the populations living in the area.

He explained that the 443-kilometre long Bamenda-Enugu Corridor comprises the Cameroon Bamenda-Mfum-Ekok road sections, the Nigerian road sections of 240 kilometres, the bridge over the Munaya River in Cameroon and the border bridge Mfum-Ekok Bridge over the Cross River.

It is also intended to be a major economic route connecting countries in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and their counterparts in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS).  It is expected to contribute to an increase in trade by road and strengthen cooperation between the ECOWAS zone and ECCAS zone in general, and between Nigeria and Cameroon in particular.

The economic implications of the border bridge are important; and so are the security implications of the joint border post. President Buhari said the structures “will enhance security patrol and cooperation,” and “complement the current efforts of the Federal Republics of Nigeria and Cameroon to combat the scourge of terrorism and violent extremism in our region.” He noted that insecurity “has continued to threaten our economies and the maximisation of the potentials of our countries… as well as cause political upheavals in our region.”

Under the arrangement, there will be increased border security as state-of-the-art equipment will be installed at the Joint Border Post, and also the common control zone between the Joint Border Bridge and Joint Border Post will be better policed by the two countries.

The Federal Government demonstrated focus and commitment in ensuring a smooth internal approval process regarding its financial contribution towards the border bridge project.  The Federal Executive Council (FEC) initially approved US$38,042,847.21 for the project, which was later revised to US$44,500,873.60 due to some changes in scope.

Notably, Fashola continues to play a significant role in the infrastructure renewal, expansion and development programme of the Buhari administration within the country.  It is a responsibility that demands, in his words, “an expansion mentality.” His work, and the passion he brings to it, highlight the connection between infrastructure development and economic development.

It is interesting that the international project reinforced his concept of “road economy” or “the economy of road construction,” which is about how road projects have a ripple effect economically.

The economic advantages linked to the border bridge support Fashola’s argument that an improved road network will improve interconnectivity and boost economic activities; and also corroborates his emphasis on the importance of infrastructure as “the key driver” of development.

It’s one thing to develop infrastructure, it’s another thing to maintain infrastructure.   The new bridge and joint border post will be maintained by Nigeria and Cameroon during their operational years, and the two countries are expected to work out an arrangement for this.

Also, the two countries are required to maintain the single-lane bridge at the border, which is more than 70 years old, and keep it as a monument and a standby in case of major maintenance on the new bridge.

This story of cooperation between Nigeria and Cameroon speaks volumes about the gains of such a collaboration.

One saying strikingly captures the country’s flood experience this year: It never rains but it pours.  The troublesome floods brought many troubles.

Sadly, devastating floods in Nigeria are still hitting the headlines. This year’s floods have been described as the worst in the country since 2012. Many parts of the country were affected. Indeed, reports said the floods affected 33 of Nigeria’s 36 states. Official figures indicate that the floods displaced more than 1.4 million people, killed more than 600 and injured more than 2,000.

In addition, flooding destroyed vast agricultural land, disrupted fuel supplies, and caused food price increases. Also, it caused contamination of water sources that led to a cholera outbreak in the northeast of the country, which took more than 60 lives.

The Federal Government blamed the disaster on unusually heavy rains and climate change.  That was convenient, and gave the impression that the main contributory factors were beyond the control of the authorities. But it doesn’t tell the whole story.

The authorities glossed over an important point, the fact that the Federal Government’s non-completion of the construction of the Dasin Hausa Dam in Adamawa State had aggravated the flooding. Nigerian authorities had an agreement with the Cameroonian government to build the dam in order to contain the overflows resulting from the recurrent release of water from the Ladgo Dam in Cameroon.

The construction of the Lagdo Dam started in 1977 and was completed in 1982. It’s puzzling that Nigeria has not fulfilled its own side of the agreement between the two countries 40 years after as the Dasin Hausa Dam remains uncompleted.  The Federal Government should be blamed for such an inexcusable delay that worsened flooding in Kogi, Benue and other states in the northeast this year.

Other identified problems that exacerbated the flooding were arbitrary construction on natural flood plains and storm water paths, and poor drainage systems, which were compounded by weak enforcement of environmental regulations.

The problem is not over as flooding is expected to continue this month in Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta and Rivers states.

Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development Sadiya Umar Farouq was reported saying “there was enough warning and information about the 2022 flood,” and alleged that local governments, states, and communities failed to act on the warnings.

Interestingly, the Director General of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Mustapha Mohammed, echoed the minister’s words when he appeared before the Senate Committee on Special Duties, on November 7, to defend his agency’s 2023 budget proposal.

He also warned: “This flood is still coming in 2023.” He said his agency had written to states several times, adding “They must be advised early to set up State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) and local emergency committees and fund them adequately.” The NEMA boss said states had “ignored” early warnings concerning this year, suggesting that the destructive consequences could perhaps have been avoided.

His words imply that there are still states lacking emergency management agencies. Notably, in May 2016, NEMA had supplied information that there were no emergency management agencies in 11 states. It is unclear if the information is correct today.

At the time, the agency’s then director general, Sani Sidi, represented by a deputy director, Kayode Fagbemi, was reported to have said on the sidelines of a workshop in Abuja: “Each state is expected to have its own State Emergency Management Agency and NEMA has been advocating this by visiting governors to draw their attention as to why it is very important.

“Many have seen the need to build their SEMAs. But we can’t force them because we are in a federation and the state governors have their own executive powers and budget. But they need emergency response agencies, because it is very important. There are 25 states that currently have SEMAs in Nigeria.”

The importance of disaster preparedness, disaster risk reduction and disaster response cannot be overemphasised, particularly concerning a perennial problem like flooding related to the rainy season. The three levels of government in the country, federal, state, and local governments should be involved in dealing with such flooding emergencies.

It is noteworthy that the Bayelsa State Emergency Management Agency (BYSEMA), for instance, said 1,344,014 people had so far been directly affected in the state by this year’s flood.  The agency also said 1,210,183 people were displaced from their homes. The data, dated November 4, showed that 96 deaths had been recorded, and Yenagoa Local Government Area had the highest fatality figure.

BYSEMA Chairman Walamam Igrubia noted that the flooding affected several communities across the state’s eight local government areas, destroying farmlands, school buildings and health facilities among others. He stressed that reports and data indicated that Bayelsa was the most flood-impacted among the states in the country.

The questions are: Did the state get any warning from federal authorities as alleged by the minister and the NEMA boss? What did the state government do to prevent the flooding or to lessen its impact within its territory? These questions also apply to other states affected by the floods.

It may well be that federal and state authorities failed to learn the right lessons from the consequences of the 2012 floods which then President Goodluck Jonathan had called “a national disaster.”

The floods that year were described as the worst in 40 years. At the time, NEMA said 30 of the country’s 36 states were affected. The flooding killed more than 350 people and displaced more than 1.2 million people. Jonathan released N17.6bn to various states and agencies for damage response, flood relief and rehabilitation. Indiscriminate construction, deficient drainage systems and regulatory inadequacies had contributed to the disaster then, just like now.

NEMA has sounded the alarm on flooding in 2023. It’s not too early to start planning how to tackle floods in the country next year. The rainy season comes and goes. Today’s floods outstripped yesterday’s; and tomorrow’s floods may well surpass today’s.

Why floods happen, how to possibly prevent them, how to prepare for them, how to respond to them and how to minimise their impact are among vital questions that demand answers.

Ironically, the private company that recently exposed mind-boggling crude oil theft in the country seems to be showing more enthusiasm on the issue than the federal government which contracted it and is expected to arrest the thieves and punish them.

What can be said about the scale of crude oil theft in the country? It beggars belief. News of the discovery of an illegal four-kilometre pipeline in Forcados, Delta State, said to have been used to steal humongous quantities of oil for nine years undetected, sounded like fiction.

Crude oil is Nigeria’s main export, and the country is bleeding terribly from the effect of this scandalous stealing. Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Chief Timipre Sylva, through his representative, said at an event at the Petroleum Training Institute (PTI), Effurun, Delta State, on October 29: “Oil theft has denied the country of an estimated 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day. The adverse effect of this is the drop in the production of crude oil and decline in the national income.’’ It is estimated that more than $3.3bn (£2.9bn) has been lost to crude oil theft since last year.

An unbelievable number of oil-theft points have been discovered since August when the government controversially awarded a pipeline surveillance contract worth N48bn per annum to a company, Tantita Security Services, linked to Government Ekpemupolo, popularly called Tompolo, to check the massive oil theft in the Niger Delta.

The former leader of the militant group, Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, was reported saying: “I think we have found over 58 points that have been tapped in both Delta and Bayelsa states.” It’s unimaginable how many more oil-theft points will be discovered as the operation continues.

No arrests have been made. This is not just intriguing; it is also alarming. The identities of the thieves who built these theft points and ran them have not been revealed. Are they unknown? Are they unknowable?

“Since it is a breach against the law, whether on pipelines or not, the law will certainly take its course. But it is not NNPC that will handle that aspect,” the Group General Manager, Group Public Affairs Division, Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, Garba-Deen Muhammad, was reported saying.

He added: “The GCEO (Group Chief Executive Officer) said it on site when he visited the areas. He said when these people are found the law will take its course.”

Does this mean none of the criminals has been caught? If that is so, why is it so?  Tompolo has said his firm is “only providing intelligence for the security people to assist to do the work.”  The discovery of oil-theft spots should lead to the arrest of the thieves.

The authorities should not give the impression that the oil thieves are ghosts and the illegal facilities for oil theft were built by spirits. That can’t be true.

”It was a professional job,” said NNPC Group Chief Executive Officer, Mele Kyari, after he saw the oil-theft facilities. This observation underlines why those responsible for building and operating them should not be at large. He lamented that thieves had been stealing the country’s crude oil for more than 22 years but the theft had escalated to today’s staggering levels.

Interestingly, according to Tompolo, “Many of the security people are involved because there is no way you can load a vessel without ‘settling’ (bribing) the security people in that region.”

Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Lucky Irabor, who visited the crime scene with the NNPC chief, said it was an “eye-opener,” adding that the authorities would “ensure an extensive investigation into the whole revelation to get to the roots.”

Chief Executive of Tantita Security Services, Chief Keston Pondi, observed that “It is obvious that a lot of people are complicit in these illegal oil activities,” and suggested that people in the security sector, host communities, and even in the oil industry, were involved.

It was bad enough that the federal government contracted a private security company to monitor the country’s oil pipelines. The action amounted to an abdication of responsibility and an admission of incapacity. It is worse that the authorities have also demonstrated weakness by failing to promptly identify and arrest the thieves, and prosecute them.

This obvious tardiness suggests that the authorities did not expect the exposure done by the company, and were unprepared for the logical next step after the discovery, which should be identifying and arresting those implicated in the crime. The detection of the oil-theft facilities is not necessarily a plus for the company because it merely highlighted the government’s minus.

It was suspicious that government agents swiftly burnt an 87-metre-long vessel apprehended recently in Delta State, which was said to have been carrying 650,000 litres of stolen crude oil. Who owned the vessel? What about the seven people allegedly found on the vessel when it was caught?  Who are they? What happened to them after the vessel was seized?

It is disappointing that President Muhammadu Buhari, who controversially doubles as Nigeria’s Petroleum Minister, has failed to deal with oil theft despite his administration’s noisy campaign against corruption.  He leaves office next year after two four-year terms. From all indications, part of his legacy may well be a flourishing oil-theft system, which he encouraged by inaction.

Nigeria can learn from Saudi Arabia’s effective oil monitoring system. In a 2008 documentary, ex-CEO of Saudi Aramco, the oil giant’s equivalent of NNPC, Abdullah Juma’ah, gave an insight into the organisation’s command centre.

In a room with a 220-ft digital screen, which he described as the nerve centre of its operations, he explained: “Every facility in the Kingdom, every drop of oil that comes from the ground is monitored in real-time in this room, and we have control of each and every facility, each and every pipeline, each and every valve in the pipeline. And therefore, we know exactly what is happening in the system from A to Z.”

This shows the importance of technology in fighting oil theft. It is unclear to what extent the country relies on technology to monitor its crude oil.

If the country’s oil thieves are not caught and punished, it simply means the authorities are fuelling oil theft.

Known honorifically as Baba Agba, Yoruba expression that captures his age, veteran status and giant height as a multi-dimensional performer, Jimi Solanke is in the spotlight again some months after celebrating his landmark 80th birthday on July 4.

The celebration continues at June 12 Cultural Centre, Abeokuta, Ogun State, on October 22. With support from the Ogun State government, Evergreen Musical Company Limited will release a compilation of the complete musical works of Solanke, and unveil a 127-page photo journal that tells his story.  The collaboration is commendable.

The photo journal, produced by the company’s managing director, Bimbo Esho, is her first publication “after my 20 years of extensive research on the lives and times of Nigerian music icons.” It is titled The Grand Master.

Nothing perhaps better illustrates Solanke’s passion for thespianism, and devotion to its promotion, than his ongoing building project. The seasoned actor, composer, singer, dancer, folklorist and storyteller, gave an insight into this endeavour in an interview just before he entered his octogenarian years.

The place he is building in his hometown, Ipara, Ogun State, he said, “is a centre for creative and performing arts enhancement.”  It is called Ibudo Asa. He explained: “If you’re a graduate and you are still looking for how to step in and stamp your feet on the ground of performances, come, you will get your skills enhanced. We will through a practical approach take you through the rudiments of stage presence, voice mastery, acting, and total theatre experience for continuity of live stage performance…We will be having a lot of people coming for workshops on different areas of thespian life.”

On how much work has been done, and what still needs to be done, Solanke provided information showing that the centre could do with assistance. He said: “Well, we have put up a structure in place with rooms each having its own toilet, the ceiling is done and the whole place wired by an electrician…My hall contains at least 50-60 people. We have hosted a lot of artistes and visitors already. We have done book readings, and that is still testing, testing the microphone. It is the outside hall, the stage, and the sitting area that we are facing now.”

Read Also; On Gumsu Abacha Buni’s lowkey celebration

Support from government bodies, cultural organisations, culture-friendly companies and individuals, for instance, can help get the centre completed. As he struggles to realise his dream, which is a way to give back to society, there is a lesson for those in the arts sector on the need to embrace business-like approaches to project funding.

His creative life started early. As a student at Odogbolu Grammar School, in present-day Ogun State, he formed a music group called Koroba. The band performed folk songs using iron buckets as musical instruments.  He wrote songs in secondary school, including Onilegogoro, Ore Titan, Na Today You Come, and Khaki No Be Leather, for Highlife star Roy Chicago. He also worked with Highlife greats Eddy Okonta and Chris Ajilo.

One of his popular songs, Omiyale, which was inspired by the Ogunpa flood in Ibadan many years ago, is still relevant today as parts of the country are faced with flooding problems.

He was among the first diploma students in Nigeria’s first school of drama, which became the Department of Theatre Arts in the University of Ibadan, Oyo State. It was there his voice was trained and his spoken English polished. He was, in his words, “trained in all the ramifications of theatre” and “arrested by the spirit of drama.”

By this time, he was already known as a singer and his songs were being played on radio. He began his professional acting career in the early 1960s, in Ibadan, and was one of the pioneer members of the Orisun Theatre Company founded by Wole Soyinka, the prominent Nigerian playwright who, in 1986, became the first black African to win a Nobel Prize in Literature.  He later joined the Ori Olokun Centre in Ile-Ife.

When he moved to America, he formed a performing group called The Africa Review, which promoted African culture. The group performed mainly in schools, and was well known in Los Angeles, California, for dancing and storytelling.  ”That was where I actually started telling stories,” Solanke recalled. He used folk tales to demonstrate the value of African culture.

Described as a “master storyteller” by CNN, he created two popular children’s television shows based on storytelling, Storyland and African Stories, after he returned to Nigeria in 1986.

He has acted in films by Wole Soyinka, Ola Balogun and Tunde Kelani, all big names, which says a lot about his worth. “But my own interest is not in film making,” he declared. “I’m made for stage roles.” On stage, he has played Ovonramwen Nogbaisi, Kurunmi, Elesin Oba, and Sizwe, in well-known plays.

He takes his profession seriously.  Whether he is playing a role, making music, dancing, or telling a story, there is no question about his creativity, professionalism and enthusiasm. Ever conscious of his Yoruba and African roots, he remains a true cultural ambassador.

The forthcoming two-in-one event in Abeokuta is yet another plus for Lagos-based Evergreen Musical Company, described as “Africa’s greatest custodian and producer of music of yesteryears.”

When I first met the company’s Chairman/CEO, 75-year-old Femi Esho, some years ago, I had no doubt that he was a music collector extraordinaire. He gave me a valuable collection of the works of Afrobeat king Fela Anikulapo Kuti: “5 Audio CDs, 1 DVD (Live Performances) and 24-Page In-Depth Biography.” The compilation was done by his company.

In 2019, the company also released a compilation of 660 songs by Juju music legend Chief Ebenezer Obey. So, compiling Solanke’s works was familiar turf to the company.

According to Esho’s daughter, who is managing director of the company and author of the new Solanke photo journal,  he is “the undisputed largest collector of music of yesteryears with over 150,000 vinyl plates made up of 78rpm breakable plates, 45rpm and 33rpm, hundreds of reel-to-reel tapes, thousands of cassette tapes of various music along with archival materials such as His Master’s Voice (HMV), various reel-to-reel machines, various turntables with the oldest 100 years old, books and newspaper articles on Nigerian music, video recordings of early Nigerian music icons.”

This means that there is a lot of room for cultural collaboration between the company and culture-friendly entities in the public and private sectors. The company’s collaboration with the Ogun State government on the Solanke celebration illustrates the possibilities.

It is an irony to wonder if a priest is reformed because priesthood strongly suggests reformation.  But it is difficult to avoid this question concerning the controversial Catholic cleric, Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka, who has a reputation for making high-profile political prophecies and scathingly attacking alleged underperformers in power.

Interestingly, the beginning of Nigeria’s 2023 election campaigns in September coincided with the unbanning of Mbaka, who had been sanctioned in June for making political remarks that were unacceptable to the leadership of the Enugu Catholic Diocese. Mbaka is the head of the Adoration Ministry, Enugu, which was closed while the ban was in force.  The church reopened for its first mass on October 2 following Mbaka’s return to duty.

He had got into trouble regarding his stinging criticism of Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, whom he described as “a stingy man,” adding that “he is going nowhere.”

His reasons? Referring to Obi’s political problems in his first term as governor of Anambra State, which ended in 2010, Mbaka had said: “When he was chased out of Government House, he knew the role I played to bring him back, but how did he pay me back? … Ask Peter since then what he used to reward Adoration.”

So, it seemed like a case of a bitter, unforgiving priest against an alleged ungrateful politician.

Mbaka eventually apologised for putting Obi down following the intervention of the diocese leadership. “I am a servant of God. For the sake of peace, I ask for forgiveness in any way I am misunderstood,” he had said.

The cleric is used to controversy connected with his political comments. The public is also used to his romance with controversy. In May 2021, for instance, he had said: “By now, with what is happening, President Buhari should honourably resign… If you can’t do it, either you resign or you be changed…  Either Buhari resigns by himself or he will be impeached.”

Presidential spokesman Garba Shehu, well known for his combativeness, had attributed the priest’s position to an alleged grudge. He claimed that Mbaka was hostile because he had unsuccessfully asked the president for contracts as compensation for his support.

Remarkably, Mbaka, who was ordained a priest of the Roman Catholic Church in 1995, had controversially prophesied victory for Buhari over then incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.  This was perhaps his greatest political prophecy. When the prophecy happened, the prophet became the one to watch.

But in 2018 he told President Buhari to forget about reelection. He had said: “As I was waiting on the Lord, I’m asked to advise you, don’t come out for a second tenure; after this, retire peacefully. Come back to yourself or you will cry by the time you will be sent out of office. Those who are encouraging you to come out and run again want to disgrace you shamefully and publicly.” Buhari was reelected in 2019.

Not surprisingly, Mbaka drew public attention following the fulfillment of his prophecy that Hope Uzodimma would become Imo State governor after the removal of Emeka Ihedioha. It seemed far-fetched because of Uzodimma’s position in the governorship election result announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

He had declared: “I bless Hope Uzodimma, and empower him to spiritually take over.” It’s food for thought that the Supreme Court judgement, in January 2020, was consistent with his prophecy.  It was bragging time, and a euphoric Mbaka took advantage of it.

It was striking when the priest, in May 2021, said of the same Uzodimma: “If he is receiving advice from this sanctuary, he will not be messing up.”

An incident reported in December 2020 depicted Mbaka in a bad light. He was said to have supported and encouraged his followers who manhandled a team of BBC journalists at his house in Emene town, Enugu State.

This account presents an ugly picture indeed. Chioma Obianinwa and Nnamdi Agbanelo were supposed to interview him at his church but were asked to follow him to his house after the church service to conduct the interview. Their driver, Ndubuisi Nwafor, was with them.

At the house, as they waited in the compound, they “were suddenly surrounded by about 20 men.” Obianinwa said the men seized their equipment, accused them of writing “negative reports about Mbaka,” and threatened to kill them.

According to her, “The men outside his house said BBC Igbo writes negative things about Mbaka and started beating Nnamdi, Solomon and Ndubuisi. They gave them heavy blows on their heads and all over their body.”

At one point, Mbaka came out of the house because of the noise. But he allegedly fuelled the assault, calling the reporter “satanic.”   ”This fired up the men to continue the attacks as Father Mbaka continued shouting and abusing us,” she said.  ”He asked his men to seize our phones and cameras. They said they would kill us and nothing would happen. They removed my wig and tried to strangle Nnamdi.”

The journalists faced danger. Obianinwa screamed that the world would know they were killed in Mbaka’s house. “At this point,” she said, “Father Mbaka asked us to leave before his men killed us. He asked them to return our equipment and they chased us out of the compound. His men trailed us till we left the state to seek medical assurance and police help.”

It sounds unbelievable.  Such a conduct is not expected of a priest and his followers. Perhaps the devil was around in that compound that evening.

Mbaka’s silence on the report was not clarifying.  Did such a thing happen as claimed by the alleged victims? Apart from his intriguing prophetic performances, he should not also be known for maltreating journalists.

Notably, he was suspended and activities at his church stopped because, according to the Catholic Bishop of Enugu Diocese, Callistus Onaga, some of his “teachings and utterances” were “not consistent with the teachings and faith of the Catholic Church.”

Mbaka has argued for prophetic performers, saying, “Those who are advocating banning prophecy are ungodly.  The Catholic Church is a prophetic church. Stopping prophecy is closing the mouth of the Holy Spirit.”

This suggests that the public should expect political content and hot political prophecies from him now that he has returned to his duty post, and the 2023 elections are approaching.  According to him, “I support good people and good governance.” Mbaka’s three-month punishment is unlikely to have reformed him.