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  • Fubara and state of emergency

    Fubara and state of emergency

    On Tuesday, President Bola Tinubu suspended the main democratic institutions of Rivers State when he proclaimed a state of emergency pursuant to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution. The House of Assembly, Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu were asked to step aside for six months. A sole administrator, former Naval Chief of Staff Ibok-Ette Ibas, was appointed to run the state for six months in the first instance and restore normality. The National Assembly, in approving the president’s action, anticipated a shorter state of emergency period. In his broadcast, the president predicated his action on the implacability of the warring sides in the Rivers crisis, and the implications for critical national infrastructure, particularly two pipelines vandalised in the Ogoni area of the state on Monday.

    The proclamation was almost spontaneous, coming on Tuesday hours after suspected militants blew up sections of the Trans Niger pipeline in Gokana Local Government Area of the state, disrupting electricity supply to parts of Abia State. Given the elaborate preparations necessary to deploy resources and troops to police the emergency, it is unlikely the pipelines vandalisation was anything more than a trigger. The president must have authorised the plan for a state of emergency days ahead of the proclamation. He was more likely to have been influenced by Mr Fubara’s frustrating and deliberate refusal or reluctance to give effect to the Supreme Court judgement of February 28 that compelled him to relate with the legitimate House of Assembly in budget presentation and screening of commissioners. Regardless of the propaganda the governor deployed, much of it not as clever as he thought, it was clear he had only feigned to implement the judgement.

    It is one thing to instigate a welter of court cases, many of them ending in a cul de sac, but it is another thing to deploy propaganda and arm-twisting to undermine the Supreme Court judgement. The governor was clever enough to understand that his tormentor and main antagonist in the Rivers crisis, former governor Nyesom Wike, was not as magnanimous in victory as the situation demanded. Recognising that the former governor’s triumphalism and hysteria had struck a negative impression on the minds of Riverians, Mr Fubara hoped that if he baited Mr Wike long enough, circumstances in the state could tilt the argument against both the House of Assembly and their main backer in Abuja. For the governor, the court defeat was too humiliating, perhaps unfair, and undeserving of implementation. He simply did not see the plausibility of relating with an enemy who had rubbed his nose in the defeat and kicked him in the groin.

    The pipeline vandalisation obviously took the crisis a notch further, with Abuja understanding clearly that Mr Fubara had remorselessly turned the ‘guns’ on the nation itself, a heinous crime against national security. But it is even more likely that the state of emergency proclamation was contingent upon factors more insidious. Apart from the governor’s plot to weaken or even invalidate the court’s judgement and render it ultimately nugatory, the presidency also suspected or feared that impeaching the governor could tilt the state into almost irreversible anarchy. Mr Wike had hyperbolically declared that heavens would not fall should the governor be impeached, oblivious to the fear that the state could indeed explode, but the federal government was unprepared to take chances. The presidency would not tie the hands of Mr Wike’s camp to fight back against Mr Fubara, for many reasons including politics, but it knew it had a more salient responsibility to the nation than considering and acknowledging its own political interests. It knew, probably from security reports and even common sense, that Mr Fubara would not go down quietly in the face of impeachment threats, an action that appeared to materialise in the pipeline vandalisation.

    Unfortunately for the governor, he had been quoted at a public function as instructing youths of the state not to be ‘perturbed’ about events in the state, but to ‘await instructions’ at the appropriate time. The vandalisation of the pipelines was interpreted as ‘instructions’ given to the youths or militants, while the governor did not condemn the violence or take proactive or reactive steps to ensure peace and order in the state. Mr Fubara’s serial tragic missteps, more than Mr Wike’s grandstanding and loquacity, contributed enormously to the proclamation of a state of emergency. With one stone, the president defused the violence anticipated over the fear of impeachment and the pipeline vandalisation that could have spiralled out of control damaging the economy and reinforcing other forms of violence if militants and other disaffected Nigerians sensed the weakness or dilatoriness of government. President Tinubu was more than willing to act in ways some legal experts interpret as constitutionally controversial rather than indulge a governor who sadly has a record nearly two years long of defying the law and the constitution.

    The proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers State was unavoidable. The governor, much more than his enemy, Mr Wike, made that outcome inescapable. But there have been a lot of discussions about whether a state of emergency should involve suspending elected officials, in this case, the governor and the legislature. In the first instance, neither the president nor the constitution talked about emergency rule. Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution provides for the proclamation of a state of emergency, and the president in his speech also talked about the same thing. In addition, the constitution does not define the parameters of a state of emergency, how wide or deep. It only defines the conditions precedent to the proclamation. The president, too, perhaps anchoring his wide-ranging action on historical examples, simply left the public to infer the plausibility of how expansively the administration had gone in suspending democratic institutions.

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    Clearly, after the furore has died down, the National Assembly will take another look at Section 305 of the constitution and attempt to define its parameters, perhaps a little bit more rigidly than currently provided for. They will try to remove all ambiguities. But they must caution themselves in doing so because if the hands of a president is restrained or shackled too much, it could lead a governor as incautious as Mr Fubara to test the constitution to its inelastic limit. The Rivers governor was completely inured to the dangers constituted by his defiance and instigations. Right from when he allegedly inspired the arson on the legislative building, to when he approved its demolition, not to say his serial defiance of court judgements as he chose which judgements to take and which lawmakers to deal with, it was a mere short walk to constitutional and national security disaster. He indulged in these provocations because he was sure he had wrong-footed Mr Wike who had been painted as greedy, insatiable and meddlesome. Backed by a sizable percentage of Rivers elders, Mr Fubara paid less attention to fighting his cases in court than harnessing public anger against the Wike camp.

    If commentators on the Rivers crisis had been less partisan, they would have seen clearly that the emergency proclamations in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa under the Goodluck Jonathan administration differed markedly from that in Rivers. In the earlier three, they were designed to defeat insurgency or checkmate enemies without. In the 2004, 2006 and First Republic state of emergency proclamations, they were designed to quell internecine political conflicts threatening the republic in the affected states and regional administrations. In fact, the Dr Jonathan emergency proclamations had no pretext to be called state of emergency. They were nothing more than heightened military exercises heavily supported and bankrolled by the relevant state governments against Boko Haram insurgents. The classical definition of a state of emergency actually involves the suspension of civil and constitutional authorities. If the constitution left the definition unresolved or ambiguous, it is probably because it never countenanced the day when a Mr Fubara or Edo State’s Godwin Obaseki would destroy the legislature, bar lawmakers from doing their work, and instigate the populace in the classical dictatorial sense into taking the law into their own hands.

    There was no saving Mr Fubara last week. He should now concern himself with ensuring that he changes his mindset completely away from his natural instinct for autocracy to that of a democrat, even if it makes him a very awkward democrat. His statement rebutting the president claim about his involvement in Mondays vandalisation of pipelines does not show a man willing or capable of learning from his mistakes. He is fixated with Mr Wike, but the latter is not the governor. He is. To hope that the public would continue to conflate their distaste for Mr Wike’s obtruding methods with their support for his rashness in such a manner that extenuates the governor’s authoritarian methods is to chase shadows and doom both his return to office and his first term.

  • Rivers, state of emergency and saving bad case with strong hands

    Rivers, state of emergency and saving bad case with strong hands

    In a bold and necessary move, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has declared a state of emergency in Rivers State. This decision, made in response to escalating political turmoil and alarming security threats, underscores his commitment to preserving stability and protecting the lives and livelihoods of the people.

    The political crisis in Rivers had reached a boiling point, with the state legislature paralyzed, governance stalled, and tensions boiling over into violence. The President’s hand was forced by a series of explosions targeting critical oil and gas infrastructure—a stark indication that the crisis was spiralling out of control. The destruction of the Trans Niger Pipeline, an economic lifeline, was not just a local issue but a national emergency.

    Far from being a hasty decision, the state of emergency followed extensive consultations with key stakeholders. Before making the proclamation, President Tinubu convened a high-level security meeting with the National Security Adviser, the service chiefs, intelligence heads, and the Inspector-General of Police. The leadership of the National Assembly was also present, demonstrating the gravity of the situation.

    After hours of deliberation, and with fresh intelligence reports at hand, the President took the only course of action that could prevent further escalation. His decision was swift, precise, and, most importantly, constitutional.

    In his national address, Tinubu laid out the justifications for the proclamation. He pointed to the destruction of the Rivers State House of Assembly by Governor Siminalayi Fubara in December 2023, which has yet to be rebuilt. He referenced the Supreme Court’s ruling that declared the absence of a functional legislature as unconstitutional, warning that no state could function under such conditions.

    Read Also: Why NGF is silent on Rivers crisis, by DG Shittu

    “The state has been at a standstill since the crisis started, depriving its people of the dividends of democracy,” Tinubu stated.

    The suspension of Governor Fubara, his deputy, and all members of the state House of Assembly for six months is not an act of punishment but a necessary reset. In a democracy, elected officials must act in the interest of their constituents, not their political survival. The Rivers crisis had reached a point where governance was impossible. The executive and legislative arms were locked in a bitter standoff, and militant groups were exploiting the chaos to further destabilize the state.

    President Tinubu, in his characteristic wisdom, understood that an impartial administrator was needed—one with the experience and understanding of the region to navigate its complex political and security challenges. His choice of retired Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas as the Administrator of Rivers State is both strategic and practical.

    A former Chief of Naval Staff, Ibas is a man of discipline and deep knowledge of the Niger Delta’s terrain. His military background equips him to handle the security threats posed by militant groups, while his administrative experience positions him to stabilize governance. Importantly, he is not from Rivers State, ensuring neutrality in a highly polarized environment.

    The President has been clear: this is not military rule. The judiciary remains intact, and the administrator will not legislate. Instead, any necessary regulations will be subject to approval by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) and promulgated by the President. This careful balance ensures that while order is restored, democratic principles are upheld.

    The people of Rivers State have suffered enough. Political actors on both sides have failed them, prioritizing personal and factional interests over governance. With this intervention, President Tinubu has created a breathing space—a pause in hostilities that allows all parties to reassess their actions and return to the path of responsible leadership.

    His message is clear: Rivers State must not be allowed to descend into anarchy. The oil-rich region is too critical to Nigeria’s economy and security. Stability must be restored, and democracy must function.

    For those who question the necessity of this move, the recent explosions serve as a stark reminder of what was at stake. If decisive action had not been taken, the crisis could have escalated into a full-blown security catastrophe, with consequences not just for Rivers but for the entire country.

    As the initial six-month period unfolds, all eyes will be on Rivers State. The administrator’s ability to restore normalcy will be key. More importantly, political actors in the state must see this as a moment of reckoning. They must recognize that their mandate is not a personal prize but a responsibility to the people.

    The National Assembly will have its role to play by reviewing the emergency proclamation, but the ultimate resolution lies with the political leadership of Rivers. They must abandon the path of strife and work towards genuine reconciliation.

    President Tinubu has shown leadership at a critical moment. His decision was not just about resolving a political dispute but about protecting the fabric of Nigeria’s democracy. In times of crisis, true leadership is measured by the courage to act in the interest of the people. On this, the President has not faltered.

    For Rivers State, this is not an end but a new beginning—a chance to move from conflict to cooperation, from chaos to governance. With this intervention, there is hope that sanity will return, and the state will once again fulfill its potential as a beacon of economic and social progress.

    Steady Hand in Challenging Times

    President Tinubu once again demonstrated his unwavering commitment to governance, balancing a series of crucial engagements while addressing one of the most pressing political crises in recent history. Despite the weight of events in Rivers State, the President remained focused on his broader agenda—ensuring the nation’s progress in multiple spheres, from education and security to humanitarian efforts and national unity.

    The week began on a celebratory note as President Tinubu extended his congratulations to Dr. Fene Osakwe, the first African to win the prestigious Cyber Personality of the Year award in the United Kingdom. Osakwe’s historic achievement in cybersecurity not only highlighted Nigeria’s growing global influence in the digital space, but also underscored the administration’s commitment to excellence in innovation and technology. The President’s recognition of such feats sends a strong message: Nigerian talent is world-class and deserving of recognition.

    Yet, even in moments of celebration, the President did not lose sight of the human aspects of leadership. On the same day, he reached out to Dr. Tunji Olowolafe, expressing his condolences on the passing of his wife, Gbemisola Olutayo Olowolafe. Tinubu’s personal approach to governance—acknowledging not just policy and politics, but also the lives and losses of those who contribute to the nation’s progress—was once again evident.

    By Monday, the President was fully engaged in the critical task of nation-building. In a move that reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to strengthening higher education, he appointed the fiery priest, Bishop Matthew Kukah, as the Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of the Federal University of Applied Sciences, Kachia. Bishop Kukah’s deep intellectual background and moral authority make him an inspired choice for the role, reflecting Tinubu’s strategy of bringing respected and visionary leaders into public institutions.

    Later that day, governance met faith as the President hosted an Iftar dinner for members of the National Assembly, an event that transcended religious observance to become a platform for national unity. Representing the President, Vice President Kashim Shettima called on lawmakers to prioritize cohesion over division, a timely message as the nation navigates complex economic and political realities. A striking highlight of the evening was the House of Representatives’ donation of ₦705 million to support vulnerable Nigerians during Ramadan—a testament to the administration’s ongoing commitment to social welfare.

    By midweek, Tinubu made one of the most consequential decisions of his presidency: the swearing-in of Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (Rtd) as the Sole Administrator of Rivers State. With months of political unrest escalating into a full-blown crisis, the President’s decisive action was aimed at restoring stability and ensuring governance does not grind to a halt. Flanked by his closest advisers, Tinubu executed the swearing-in with the gravity the moment demanded, making it clear that the security and welfare of Nigerians remain his top priority.

    But even amid such high-stakes governance, Tinubu’s administration continued pushing forward reforms. On Wednesday, he approved the appointment of board members for the newly established Nigerian Independent System Operator (NISO), a critical step toward ensuring efficiency and transparency in the electricity sector. The reform signals Tinubu’s commitment to tackling Nigeria’s long-standing power supply issues with decisive policy action.

    Thursday saw the President commend the National Assembly for ratifying the state of emergency in Rivers State, emphasizing that national security must always supersede partisan considerations. His gratitude to lawmakers reflected an understanding that leadership, especially in times of crisis, requires cooperation across all arms of government.

    On the same day, tragedy struck in Karu, Abuja, with a devastating tanker explosion claiming many lives; the police put it at ten persons as at Friday. Tinubu responded swiftly, ordering a thorough investigation into the incident and directing immediate medical assistance for the injured. His ability to pivot from handling a political emergency to addressing an urgent humanitarian crisis speaks to the demands of leadership and his readiness to meet them.

    The President also made time to engage with traditional leadership, hosting the Asagba of Asaba, Obi Prof. Epiphany Azinge, and representatives of the Asaba Kingdom. Such meetings are more than ceremonial—they reinforce the administration’s respect for traditional institutions as vital stakeholders in national unity and development.

    As the week drew to a close, Tinubu turned to celebrating the contributions of distinguished Nigerians, honoring two exemplary figures—pharmacist and public health icon, Ifejola Arowolo at 80, and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Dr. Oluwakemi Pinheiro, at 60. These tributes, though seemingly symbolic, serve as reminders that nation-building is not only about policies but also about recognizing those who have shaped the country through their life’s work.

    Through the highs and the challenges of the week, one thing remained constant: Tinubu’s steady leadership. While the Rivers State emergency undoubtedly dominated national discourse, the President’s schedule reflected a leader who understands that governance is multifaceted. From education to humanitarian relief, security to economic reforms, and even moments of personal outreach, Tinubu’s week was a testament to his resolve to keep Nigeria moving forward, no matter the circumstances.

    Now that we are in a new week, which takes us to the end of the month of Ramadan, he is expected to spend time with family and his kin in Lagos, being a devout Moslem himself. We only need to wait to see as the week unfolds.

  • The Rivers state of emergency

    The Rivers state of emergency

    In a national broadcast on 18 March, 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, exercising the powers conferred on him by Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, declared a state of emergency in Rivers State to resolve the political logjam in the state arising from the feud between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the Rivers State House of Assembly. The crisis had led to the demolition of the House of Assembly complex, the running of the state with only four or three legislators loyal to the Governor and the seizure of the salaries and entitlements of the 27 lawmakers whom he believed were disloyal to him and could impeach him. The terms of the state of emergency included the suspension for six months of Governor Fubara, his Deputy Governor (Mrs. Ngozi Odu) and the elected members of the House of Assembly and the nomination of an Administrator (Vice-Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas) to run the affairs of the state during the period.

    The President referred to the Supreme Court judgement of 28 February, 2025, which observed: “a government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make up the government of a state under the 1999 Constitution as amended. In this case the head of the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him to govern without the legislature as a despot. As it is there is no government in Rivers State.” He also noted: “The Supreme Court then made some orders to restore the state to immediate constitutional democracy.” Still, “both the House and the governor have not been able to work together. Both of them do not realise that they are in office to work together for the peace and good governance of the state.” He also noted: “The latest security reports made available to me show that between yesterday and today there have been disturbing incidents of vandalization of pipelines by some militants without the governor taking any action to curtail them.”

    Usually, on a controversial constitutional issue such as the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) is expected to be the point of reference and the arbiter, and its opinions are expected to be definitive and authoritative. Unfortunately, in the present circumstance, the views of the NBA have not been of much help. For example, in its reaction to the state of emergency, an 18 March, 2025 release by the NBA President, Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN, stated: “These [constitutional] provisions provide that a state of emergency declared by the President does not assume automatic validity. It requires legislative ratification within a defined timeframe to remain in effect.”

    The NBA further declared: “A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.” Mazi Afam Osigwe, SAN, then declared: “The NBA, therefore, emphasizes that the National Assembly should not approve the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State as the same is unconstitutional.”

    Read Also: Why NGF is silent on Rivers crisis, by DG Shittu

    Probably taking their cue from the NBA, the Peoples Democratic Party, through its National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, on 19 March, 2025, also said: “Section 305(2) of the Constitution clearly states that the President must transmit the proclamation to the National Assembly, which must approve it before it takes effect. Tinubu’s order for immediate implementation is a blatant violation of the Constitution.” Ologunagba further claimed: “The purported suspension of Governor Fubara is unconstitutional, impracticable, invalid, and completely out of the question. No provision of the Constitution empowers the President to dismantle a sub-national government or suspend a democratically elected governor under any circumstances.”

    However, some commentators have been more cautious. For example, Babatunde Ogala, SAN, in a TVC interview titled “I see Fubara return as governor after suspension is lifted – Ogala”, on 19 March, 2025 said: “In my opinion, I think NBA perhaps should have tarried a while before speaking out.” He then noted: “The first step the constitution prescribes is the proclamation; so that the President takes action first and goes for ratification. … It did not say that he must seek the consent first before proclamation. Proclamation comes first. He has to declare first before going to the National Assembly.”

    This view is consistent with Section 305(6)(b) of the 1999 Constitution which states: “(6) A Proclamation issued by the President under this section shall cease to have effect – … if it affects the Federation or any part thereof and within two days when the National Assembly is in session, or within ten days when the National Assembly is not in session, after its publication, there is no resolution supported by two-thirds majority of all the members of each House of the National Assembly approving the Proclamation.”

    Babatunde Ogala, SAN, further noted with respect to President Tinubu’s suspension of the Governor, Deputy Governor and the elected members of the Rivers State House of Assembly: “When you declare a state of emergency, it is unusual times … Let us wait for the National Assembly to say no, you cannot suspend. Those are his [the President’s] terms of the state of emergency, because the state of emergency is not just a blanket thing. He could declare a state of emergency and say we retain all structures. He could declare a state of emergency and say maybe it’s the legislative arm we are suspending.” 

    In addition, Babatunde Ogala, SAN, said: “The Supreme Court had consolidated about eight different appeals and the key thing the Supreme Court said – this is the highest court of the land – they had said the governor was … behaving like a despot, that governance had ceased in the state. … The Court made allusion to the demolition of the House of Assembly, how the House had been scuttled, how he was running the state without that other structure for governance. So, in clean conscience, can we really say there was a democratic structure in Rivers without a House of Assembly? … Nothing thus far has been done that is not in accordance with the Constitution. Nothing.”

    Honourable Justice (Prof.) Mojeed Owoade (rtd.) also observed, in a 19 March, 2025 Arise News interview: “The law is dicey. Nobody seems to know the limit of Section 305, except it is properly interpreted. … Yes, Section 188 talks about how a governor can be removed: impeachment, sickness, et cetera. No one is sure that that precludes removal in a state of emergency. Like I said, that is for interpretation.”

    Furthermore, popular Lagos-based lawyer, Mr. Jiti Ogunye, asserted in a TVC interview on “Beyond 100 Days with Nifemi Oguntoye” on 19 March, 2025: “I’m aware that a number of lawyers in Nigeria, including the Nigeria Bar Association, have contested the power of the President to suspend a governor and members of the House of Assembly while declaring a state of emergency. In all these public declarations or pontifications or enlightenments, as the case may be, nobody has been able to cite a precedent in Nigeria by which a court of law positively and categorically declared that kind of action by previous Presidents or Prime Minister to be illegal and unconstitutional. I’m a lawyer. Lawyers live by and they practise by precedents and decided cases … and so what has occurred largely will be regarded as enlightened opinion. I won’t say guesses. Enlightened opinions on what the issues are. … People are speaking too affirmatively when there is no guidance, case law guidance, on the subject.”

    Jiti Ogunye continued: “Historically in this country, declaration of a state of emergency on ‘a political crisis’ has always come with these kinds of suspension. … So, the point I’m making is that while there is nothing under Section 305 that clearly permits a President to take this step … there is no case law precedent prohibiting that conduct as we speak. So, all of us are then left with our own opinions.”

    The conflicting or contradictory or superficial or even emotional views of sundry legal practitioners have given room for a wide range of non-experts to pontificate magisterially on the constitutionality and legality of declaring the state of emergency by President Bola Tinubu and his suspension of Governor Fubara, his Deputy and the elected members of the House of Assembly. This situation has resulted in what is called the “Dunning-Kruger effect.”  According to Healthline.com, the Dunning-Kruger effect “is a type of cognitive bias [or delusional self-perception] that causes people to overestimate their knowledge or ability, particularly in areas with which they have little to no experience.” The debate on the state of emergency in Rivers State has therefore continued to be muddied with all sorts of sentimental outbursts and illogical arguments passing off as informed opinions.

    Meanwhile, as the Alhaji Atiku Abubakar-led coalition of opposition political parties was stoking dissent by the National Assembly members on 20 March, 2025, and directing or urging them not to approve President Tinubu’s declaration of the state of emergency in Rivers state, both arms of the National Assembly were critically examining the details of the declaration. At the end of the day, both the Senate and the House of Representatives approved both the declaration of the state of emergency and the suspension of the Governor, the Deputy Governor and elected members of the House of Assembly.

    It is heartening that in his speech at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, after his swearing in on 19 March, 2025 as the Administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd.), said that he recognised that the task before him was “to work together with other stakeholders to ensure that we bring peace, order and security and stability to the people and government of Rivers State and Nigeria at large”.

    In addition to these commitments, the Administrator should, as a matter of priority, pay the 27 legislators whose salaries and entitlements were stopped by Governor Fubara. He should also note that, arising from the Fubara-Legislature conflict, the elders in Rivers State have suffered collateral damage, with neither of the feuding sides respecting them. Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd.) therefore needs to do all he can to bridge the divide, restore confidence in the elders and get them to interact harmoniously for the benefit of the people of the state.

    Moreover, given the shambolic Local Government elections which held under Governor Fubara on 5 October, 2024 and have now been rightly declared null and void by the Supreme Court, it is important for the Administrator to organise new free and fair Local Government elections or at least prepare the ground for free and fair elections to hold into the offices of that very crucial level of government.

  • The recrudescence of criminal herders’ kidnapping activities in Southwest

    The recrudescence of criminal herders’ kidnapping activities in Southwest

    These infidels are back. They struck again this past week, killing five in Akure. Yes, infidels they are because were they true Muslims, though renegade Fulani murderous herders they are, there isn’t a chance in a million, they would have committed such gruesome murders during Sallah.

    No. I wasn’t surprised they are back, because they never really left these shores; not since the Muhammadu Buhari – era Fulani armada Southwards when, in spite of a so – called ban on interstate movements,  thousands of these vermins were freighted down in Dangote -like trucks, complete with cows, AK 47 rifles, arrows and daggers and intentionally  planted in our forests in Southern Nigeria, among them elderly Almajiri’s then recently expelled by Northern state governors. The latter are now scavengers demeaning most Southern cities, begging.

    I shouted myself hoarse on these pages but to no avail.

    For instance my article of 17 May, 2020 titled:”Waves and waves of Northerners coming South despite ban on interstate travel – What is a presidential order now worth?”, contained an advisory to Professor Agboola Gambari, then the new Chief of Staff to President Buhari which I would like to quote in full.

    It reads:”His appointment can only come as a surprise to those who do not know him as a keen Arewa ideologue. I expect him to use this opportunity to achieve at least two things, nationally, and personally.

    Given his advanced age and extensive experience at the world level, especially, having served in places like Myanmar and Iraq, two absolutely atrocious countries, representing the U.N Secretary – General, he should be able to assist the President in mending a divided and painfully agonising Nigeria. With the massive resurgence of banditry in Katsina, Kaduna and Zamfara portraying the government as weak, he should be able to dig deep into both the Boko Haram and banditry conundrum, with a view to reaching an agreement which, apart from stanching the ferocious blood-letting

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    on both sides , will also put a stop to these North-induced ‘burning’ of billions and billions of naira, on security – related matters, which the country could have put to much better use especially in that same part of the country which accounts for more than 70 percent of the  national poverty index.

    He should also devote some quality time to seriously interrogate the nuisance the Fulani Nationality Movement, (FUNAM) is fast turning to. Only on May 2, 2020, that atavistic body issued a statement, saying, inter alia, to Northerners now being furiously transported southwards: “We your leaders held meetings across the key Northern States of Sokoto, Bornu, Katsina,  Kano, Yobe, Kebbi, Bauchi and Kaduna. Our resolve is that Northern youths should move enmasse to Southern States. Relaunch the mass movement in ways they have never seen … If the towns and cities are hostile,  hang out on the street corners, in uncompleted buildings, occupy the forests, pitch tents, make any where available as your abode, your rest places, your home.We urge you to be armed. The infidels may want to attack you”. Were this statement made by any other group in the country, the Nigerian police would have become unusually hyperactive, but a whole two weeks after, mum has been the word from both the police and the other security agencies”.

    Two issues emerge from the above. One, the nefarious elements are back, killing everywhere in the South but now more viciously in the Southwest where there have been several instances in the past few weeks, amongst them the notorious seizure of many surveyors, at a go, in Ondo state and the absolutely harrowing experiences of Prince Eniola Ojajuni, the Afenifere National Youth President and his team who, on February 17, 2025,  became victims of this growing wave of kidnappings by Fulani herdsmen in Southwest Nigeria. Ojajuni has since escalated their traumatic ordeal to the whole world. While this portrays weakness on the part of government, at all levels – Federal, state and at Local Government, it has shown more poignantly, that the killers planted in Southern forests a few years back have now matured and, are ready to start reaping benefits for their patrons who  probably reside very far away from Southern Nigeria.

    I say this because, according to Ojajuni: “The kidnappers, armed with over 20 AK-47 rifles, operated with precision, coordination, and alarming confidence. They used my phone to track, negotiate, and monitor communications, revealing their advanced technological capabilities. These criminals have established well organized kidnapping camps across Southwest Nigeria, strategically positioned for their operations:Ondo State – 27 camps, Ekiti State – 16 camps, Osun State – 7 camps and, Ogun State – 5 camps. Their reign of terror targets innocent travelers, extorts families, and destabilizes communities with impunity”.

    The recent resurgence of kidnapping activities by criminal Fulani herders has sent shockwaves throughout Nigeria, raising concerns about the safety and security of citizens in the country.

    This phenomenon is not new, as the Southwest has witnessed sporadic incidents of kidnapping and banditry by Fulani herders in the past. However, the latest wave of attacks has been particularly brazen and widespread, prompting calls for urgent action by government and security agencies.

    One of the most disturbing aspects of these attacks is the seeming impunity with which these criminal elements operate.

    Despite the presence of security personnel in the affected areas, they have continued to carry out their nefarious activities with alarming frequency.

    This has led to widespread fear and anxiety among the people, with many residents living in constant dread of being kidnapped or attacked.

    Shockingly, one victim somewhere in the North, who managed to overpower, and killed his attacker in self defence, recently saw the Supreme Court confirm his death sentence, obviously suggesting extra judicial considerations.

    The impact of these kidnappings on the affected communities has, of course, been devastating. Many families have been torn apart, with loved ones being held captive while the killers wait for ransom. The emotional trauma and psychological distress cannot be overestimated. Nor are the economic consequences less severe as many businesses, especially farms, have been devastated and forced to shut down, whilst the patrons of these irritants smile to the bank.

    Unfortunately, despite the efforts of security personnel,  kidnappings have continued unabated.

    It has now become obvious that in addition to various state’s efforts, for instance Amotekun in the Southwest, Federal authorities must now consider establishing  a special task force to tackle the menace head on. The task force should consist of personnel from all the security agencies- the police, military and, for purposes of intelligence gathering, the Department of State Services (DSS).

    In conclusion, concerning the  return of this menace in the Southwest, state governments must be encouraged to do more than hitherto, especially by further arming Amotekun which has done tremendously well, in keeping these criminal Fulanis out for quite some time.

    No amount of resources should be spared in putting increased technology at their disposal in addition to enhancing their investigative capabilities, especially as they are dealing with a very dangerous, and stealthy, people. All must be done to bring Amotekun to speed if we would like to sleep with our eyes closed in Yoruba land.

    Kudos, in advance, to our state governors, and well meaning stakeholders, as they take these onerous responsibilities in hand.

    Odua a gbe wa o.

  • Give the Youth Corps members living allowance!

    Give the Youth Corps members living allowance!

    In the shadow of our nation’s gleaming skyscrapers and political pronouncements of progress, thousands of our brightest young graduates subsist on an allowance that naturally can’t feed some household pets of a number of our politicos. I speak, of course, about the corp members serving under our mandatory National Youth Service Corps scheme – a program designed with noble intentions but now  maintained with shameful neglect.

    Let me be direct: The current allowance structure for NYSC members is not merely inadequate – it is a national embarrassment.

    These young men and women represent the culmination of our educational system, the future professionals and leaders we have invested in for decades. After years of academic struggle, they are dispatched to unfamiliar communities across the nation to contribute their knowledge and energy toward national development. And how do we compensate them for this mandatory year of service? With an allowance that barely covers transportation to their place of primary assignment.

    I recently spoke with Adebayo, a corps member serving at a particular ministry a driving distance  from the nearest city. “I spend nearly half my monthly allowance just getting to work,” he told me. “After rent in the only safe accommodation I could find, I’m left choosing between eating meagerly or saving up.” This is a young man with an engineering degree.

    Is this how we honor commitment to national service?

    The economic realities are stark. While inflation has spiraled and the cost of basic necessities has multiplied, corps members’ allowances at N33,000 have remained stagnant for years. What once might have provided modest but dignified support now relegates these graduates to a year of financial hardship that borders on destitution.

    The mathematics is simple and damning. The current allowance structure fails to cover even the most basic living expenses in most deployment locations. Rent, transportation, food, clothing, communication – the fundamental requirements for service – collectively exceed what we provide. This isn’t opinion; it’s arithmetic.

    Read Also: Why NGF is silent on Rivers crisis, by DG Shittu

    Critics will inevitably argue that national service is about sacrifice, not comfort. I agree. Service should indeed involve sacrifice – of time, of familiar surroundings, of immediate career advancement. But it should never require sacrificing dignity, health, or one’s safety. When corps members skip meals to afford transport to their assignment, when they live in unsafe housing because it’s all they can afford, when they cannot purchase the basic of their needs to perform their duties effectively – this isn’t noble sacrifice. It’s systemic exploitation.

    Others will point to budgetary constraints. “Where will the money come from?” they’ll ask. This argument rings hollow when considered alongside the extravagant allowances allocated to political officeholders or the mysterious disappearance of funds in various government departments. If we can find money for legislative furniture allowances and security votes, surely we can find it for the young people upon whose shoulders our national future rests.

    The consequences of this neglect extend far beyond individual hardship. It breeds that initial cynicism about public service among our youth. It undermines the effectiveness of corps members in their assignments. It creates a perverse incentive structure where seeking exemptions or gaming the system becomes more rational than genuine commitment to service.

    Consider what message we send when we mandate service while refusing to provide the means to serve effectively. We tell our graduates that their contribution is simultaneously compulsory and worthless. We demonstrate that national development is important enough to commandeer a year of their lives but not important enough to fund properly.

    This contradiction has not gone unnoticed by the corps members themselves. Increasingly, they view their service year not as an opportunity for national contribution but as an obstacle to overcome before real life can begin. This represents a tragic squandering of idealism and energy that could be channeled toward genuine national development. Is it for nothing that they have rechristened the meaning of NYSC to Now Your Suffering Continues!

    The NYSC scheme, when properly supported, has tremendous potential. It creates a unique opportunity for cross-cultural understanding in our diverse nation. It provides essential services to underserved communities. It exposes young graduates to the realities of different parts of the country and builds networks that transcend regional and ethnic boundaries.

    But this potential can only be realized when corps members are given the resources to thrive, not merely survive.

    What would adequate support look like? At minimum, it would include:

    An allowance of N70,000 that reflects economic realities and provides for decent accommodation, nutrition, transportation, and basic professional needs. This isn’t luxury – it’s the foundation for effective service.

    Functional accommodation in NYSC camps and subsidized housing options in deployment locations, particularly in high-cost urban areas or extremely remote communities, matter of fact can the NYSC authorities enforce a no accommodation- no deployment policy to any area of primary assignment that cannot provide decent accomodation or at least subsidise it by 50 percent.

    Let me tell you a story, as Regional Commander of the Oba Akoko axis, Ondo State, I got a fellow Corp member redeployed to another community because his area of primary assignment was stalling in providing the young man accommodation. I felt that it was unfair to ask a Corp member to take from his then N9,500 pay to cater for his own accomodation and got him redeployed, so how then can those in authority feel comfortable with corpers paying from their noses or squatting like refugees for such a time period.

    Healthcare coverage that addresses the realities of serving in diverse environments with varying health challenges as well as professional development resources that make the service year an opportunity for growth rather than a period of stagnation should also be provided

    These aren’t extravagant demands. They represent the bare minimum required for corps members to fulfill their obligations without compromising their wellbeing.

    The irony is that increasing corps members’ allowances would likely pay dividends far exceeding the investment. Adequately supported corps members would be more effective in their primary assignments. They would be more likely to engage meaningfully with their host communities. They would emerge from their service year with greater appreciation for national unity and more positive attitudes toward public service.

    Instead, our current approach teaches them that government commitments are hollow and that public service is a path to hardship rather than fulfillment. These are dangerous lessons for the future leaders of any nation.

    As we approach another budget cycle, I challenge our lawmakers and executive officials to look beyond the numbers and consider the human cost of their decisions. Each figure in the NYSC budget represents a young person who has committed a year of their life to national service. Each naira allocated or withheld has real consequences for their experience and effectiveness.

    The question is not whether we can afford to increase corps members’ allowances. The question is whether we can afford not to. The current situation isn’t merely unsustainable – it actively undermines the goals the NYSC was established to achieve.

    Our corps members deserve better. Our nation deserves better. It’s time to align our financial commitments with our rhetorical ones and give the NYSC the support it needs to fulfill its vital mission.

    The future of our national youth  service program – and perhaps of public service ethos in our nation – depends on it.

    I so submit!

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XII)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XII)

    The population of Europe was on the rise at the beginning of the Industrial revolution. Looking back, this increase was at least partly instrumental in pushing this revolution forward. The revolution required a large population to push it and two processes merged to produce a situation in which the outcome was greater than the sum of the two processes.

    The population of Europe had increased steadily since the end of plague years during which the continent lost about half of its population. For various reasons, Europeans began to colonise other parts of the world where the overspill of their increasing population was accommodated. Mostly in the New World; the Portuguese in Brazil, the Spaniards in the rest of what we now call Latin America and the British in what became the USA. In the aftermath of the wars which led to the independence of countries in Latin America, many settlers came over from Spain and Italy to settle in Uruguay, Chile, Columbia and others in that region turning the Americas into European settled countries. In this way, the European diaspora spread all over the Americas having slaughtered the indigenous people and imported millions of Africans to do all the heavy lifting for no pay. This led to a situation in which European capital accumulation prepared the way for total world domination and the rise of capitalism.

    As long ago as 1823, the USA declared herself the superpower in the Western hemisphere. In doing so, she sealed off Europe from the Americas to prevent any further colonisation from Europe. At the time of the promulgation of what is now known as the Monroe doctrine, the USA had no power to enforce the doctrine but it stayed on the books and became USA policy. Later on, the USA became powerful enough to dictate policy to her hemisphere neighbours and she could shield the Western hemisphere from European powers. The USA was invited to the Berlin conference even though she had no interest in hacking out any colonies in the backwoods of Africa. Her interest in colonies with the potential for capitalist exploitation was restricted to her neighbours in Latin America. The invitation to Berlin was simply an acknowledgement that American interests could no longer be ignored. European powers on their own welcomed this arrangement because it allowed them to carry out their designs on the African continent without looking over their shoulders at what American interests in the matter were. American representatives were in Berlin but their minds were fixed on Latin America. When the time came she flexed her muscles and sent her troops to help shove out Spain completely from the Western hemisphere. In doing so, the independence of Cuba from Spain was secured and the Monroe doctrine became fact after close to ninety years.

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    The Europeans spread throughout the world with the British spreading out farthest into Australia, parts of Canada, parts of South Africa,  Rhodesia and New Zealand. All these were settler colonies to which they migrated in considerably significant numbers. They also  emigrated to parts of Kenya, to the very fertile land in the Rift valley where they acquired large tracts of land from which they had evicted the indigenous people, mainly the Kikuyus. Decades later there was the Mau Mau uprising against the settlers. This occurred in the immediate period after the Second World War. In cold blooded imitation of German reaction to the Hereros of South West Africa, the uprising was ruthlessly put down by the British. They poured in thousands of battle hardened troops into Kenya. They then proceeded to herd thousands of people into primitive encampments where suspected Mau Mau fighters were interned for long periods. Many of those who disappeared into those camps were subjected to intolerable torture or simply executed. Put down like rabid dogs who had been given an odious name. They kept a lot of hangmen busy. Jomo Kenyatta who later became the President of an independent Kenya was jailed for five years and placed on restriction for another two years for being the leader of the Mau Mau, a charge which could not be proved beyond reasonable doubt. The most important settler colonies in Africa were Algeria in the North and South Africa.

    The Dutch arrived in the Cape of Good Hope in 1652. This was roughly the halfway point between the Netherlands and Dutch possessions in the Dutch East Indies mainly Malaya and Indonesia which were valuable sources of spices which were much sought after in Europe. It made sense for the Dutch to set up a refitment point in the Cape. This they did under Jan  van Riebekke in 1652. Ships belonging to the Dutch East Indies Company sailing to and from the East picked up fresh supplies at the settlement on the Cape. It was strictly an agricultural outpost which supplied passing ships with fresh food. The first thing that needed to be done and was done with despatch was to eliminate the indigenes of that region through military action and the spread of exotic diseases. They then  imported slaves from the surrounding area and all the way from Malaya. The descendants of these Malayan imports are now referred to as Coloureds. In doing these, they laid the foundation for the sin of apartheid which is still awaiting redemption.

    In time, many settlers arrived from the Netherlands and France. The French arrived on the Cape as refugees, Huguenots, Protestants who had to flee from France after the Saint Bartholomew massacre carried out by their Catholic neighbours and countrymen. Today, the flourishing vineyards of South Africa owe their origin to these French refugees.

    For close on one hundred and fifty years the Dutch colony on the Cape was devoted to agriculture. So much so that they acquired the name Boers or Farmers in English. The Cape colony first attracted the attention of Britain in the closing years of the eighteenth century. That interest was ignited by war with France and a determination to keep the French out. The British moved in to protect the trade route to India, the territory which they were looting systematically if not ruthlessly at the time. It did not take them long to realise the potential of that region for producing the raw materials with which British factories were fed and translated to wealth. In the end, the British took over the administration of South Africa, their new creation on the Cape. It also became a British colony which attracted migrants from Britain and set the stage for the hundred and fifty year tragedy of apartheid.

    The arrival of the British in South Africa led to serious demographic problems especially after slavery was ended throughout the British empire. The Boers had depended on slave labour to run their farms for a century and a half. This being so, they were not about to submit to the British on this point. In order to preserve their way of life and extricate themselves from British overlordship, they set out on what has come to be known as the Great Trek into the interior. They loaded up their ox wagons with all their possessions and armed with the most lethal guns available moved into lands belonging to African tribes such as the Xhosas and Zulus, dispossessing them of their lands as they went. They then settled on these lands on which they set up their Boer republic of the Transval, Natal and Orange Free states at the expense of the original owners of the land. This is why today, the whites in South Africa who make up 8% of the population own and control 72% of all available land. Blacks who constitute 81% of the population own only 4% of the land. This means that all the capital in South Africa is concentrated in white hands even if blacks have the consolation of political power. The current, albeit minority government is trying to rectify this situation but it is difficult to see how justice can be done under the prevailing circumstances. The contribution of South Africa to the rise of capitalism has been tremendous. But the human cost has been even more so. This connection is worthy of further interrogation.

  • Beyond the debacle

    Beyond the debacle

    After theatre comes thunder. Now that the political somnambulists in Rivers State have wandered their way into a sucker punch, all is quiet on Lord Harcourt’s Beach. But the politically naïve and foolishly optimistic always find some straw to cling to in the hope of finding some restitution in the face of unremitting tragedy. It all adds to the suspense. And since Nigeria is a country of one political drama per diem, it helps to sustain the adrenalin surge in the audience as drama becomes the national diet which keeps the nation permanently on edge.

    Before the national assembly endorsed the suspension of constitutional order on Thursday, the rumour was rife that somebody way up in the Aso Rock hierarchy was about to get his political comeuppance in the hands of irate lawmakers who were fed up with all the political shenanigans going on. It turned out a damp squib. But rather than wild jubilations, the circumstances call for sober national introspection.  We need to probe why after twenty six years of post-military rule, genuine democratic rule continues to elude the nation and why the democratic process is often imperiled by complex, countervailing and overdetermined forces which often compel us to live dangerously. To do this, we need to return to the Rivers State imbroglio and its squabbling political elite.

       On further reflection, it might have been a political death wish, but how any of the major protagonists could not see this coming is an affront to rectitude and political common sense. We warned. We cautioned. We admonished them. This was a duel programmed for mutual self-demolition. But they were too far gone. It seems to be in the DNA of the post-military breed to gamble with everything until there is nothing left to game and gamble except gambling with gambling itself. Then what is left is for the gamblers to be taken home, and that is if there are takers. Politics in a distressed polity mirrors the preoccupation with serial coup-plotting in a distressed military formation. In the game of thrones, even the victor presumptive is hostage to political misfortune.

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    Two weeks ago, this column issued the final travel advisory on Rivers State. It bears repeating today:

    “Once again, we warn that an extraordinary state of emergency looms in Rivers State. It is going to be extraordinary because it will involve a complete militarization of the state with the possibility of fatally undermining the prospects of the principal product the nation depends upon at this moment. This column is not interested in the outcome of the ego tussle in Rivers State between lapsed godson and former godfather but the extent to which the battle will impact on the democratic prospects of the nation and its continued viability. It is unfortunate that the political common sense that Nyesom Wike demonstrated by making sure an Ijaw person succeeded him and forcing this through has now completely disappeared in a miasma of mutual hatred and contempt”. Travelling Theatre and Travelling  Thunder, The Nation on Sunday, March 9, 2025.

      Last Tuesday, thunder struck at the ancient theatre of Riverine political deities, sweeping away all extant democratic organs with full militarization of the enabling structures of governance. Once again, the political cohabitation between godfather and former godson has ended in tears and tragedy. In any fledgling democratic system, a state of emergency in any part of the federation represents a profound political setback. It truncates the learning process and further de-acculturates the political class from the democratic norms which they have never fully imbibed as it cuts them off from the principal source of their livelihood and state patronage. In an unruly environment in which politics is weaponized to confront real and imaginary feelings of age-long victimhood, many of the demobilized and disbanded party henchmen and honchos will resume petty crimes or heavy infractions where the state is most vulnerable. This is likely to compound the security situation in the coming months, a situation which will in turn invite scary state reprisals.

       It is unfortunate that it has come to this once again Rivers State and the fabled state’s political juggernauts have returned to their homestead from the forest bearing ant-infested firewood. Yoruba drummers always warn their masquerades against climbing aladin-clogged trees. (Aladin is a tough, no-nonsense ant mutant with a ferocious bite which can send the victim into a delirium of pains leading to swift disembarkation or precipitous fall. In olden days, this oblique warning was usually sounded by the drummers whenever Alapansanpa, the Ibadan master masquerade justly celebrated for its power and the potency of its whiplash, approached the area known as Isale-Ijebu which was brimming with no-nonsense and non-obliging sub-ethnic irredentists who always had their firearms well-oiled for confrontation. They could not be blackmailed or bamboozled by the cultural dictates of the host community.

      Ogundeji sogigun

      Magun’gi aladin

      Sogigun

    Caution and discretion always prevailed in this explosive encounter between man and masquerade among the Ibadan natives. Their principal historic luck is ethnic homogeneity. Unfortunately and as a result of ethnic mix and age-long anxieties about ethnic domination, violence and armed confrontations have been the recurrent decimals of politics in River States since the coming of the politics and strategy of alignment with dominant nationalities. Subtle persuading and sophisticated bargaining have no place in the political lexicon. The political entrepreneurs holding the people to ransom will not let go. Thrice in twenty six years, the state has witnessed a breakdown of law and order as a result of the revolt of political subalterns against their masters with dire consequences: Amaechi versus Odili; Amaechi versus Wike and Wike versus Fubara.  Rotimi Amaechi was said to have been a mere office boy in Peter Odili’s clinic, but he went on to send his former boss into political coma from which he is lately rousing.  Nyesom Wike, the former local government chairman, became the agent of the political defenestration of his boss, benefactor and enabler. And now, Wike himself is fighting for his political life in the hands of his anointed son, political collaborator and acknowledged guru of financial hocus-pocus.

        In the absence of consensus, conciliation and compromise among the political elite of the state,      

    what  plays out in Rivers State and to a less extent in many other parts of the nation is the unmediated subalternization of politics, a play of giants in which strongmen of means, material and munitions prevail and the whole nation feels like a vast military garrison superintended by a hostile colonial force. That is until stronger men emerge. A direct corollary of this is the robotization of political hierarchies in which human actors are compelled to act like unfeeling and unthinking cyborgs in the face of overwhelming economic tariffs until the subaltern finds his voice. The dire effects of this twin-incubus on the post-military polity are better imagined in terms of party cohesion, internal discipline, energetic but legitimate dissent, lawful associations and the credibility and legitimacy of the parties themselves as authentic agents of national development and genuine democracy. It is curious and very interesting that some of the bitterest and most unsparing denunciations of the State of Emergency in Rivers State are coming from disaffected party insiders, former ministers, special advisers etc who are still nominal party members until they formally renounce their party membership. It says a lot about the state of the parties and the kind of democracy we shall leave for posterity at the end of it all.

      Why this is so is the debate we should be having while we still have the time rather than  rancorous sparring sessions about the legality or otherwise of the presidential abridgement of the increasingly rowdy proceedings in Rivers State which has for now put a lid on the executive, legislative and judicial rascality in the roiling rivulets. It is a reflection of the grave polarizations in the polity that matters of great security implications are treated with levity and viewed from the partisan lens and the cold suspicion that there must be something in it for the powers that be no matter where it is all leading the nation. Even where the body-politic is hemorrhaging on all fronts, it is seen as a smart career move from the man they have learnt to fear and hate in equal measure. This is straight from the Machiavellian play-station: it is better and more secure to be feared than to be beloved.

     But since no single individual however politically talented and exceptional can have complete mastery over the competing and contradictory power dynamics of his society, it follows that bad can flow from good and good can flow from bad. There is also the law of unintended consequences to contend with. Whatever the impure motives ascribed by his implacable political adversaries to the declaration of a State of Emergency in Rivers State, what is obvious is that the president has thrown the warring factions, particularly its two leading political gladiators, a lifeline.

       By sparing Siminalaya Fubara the impeachment axe that could have decapitated his political career despite his obtuse calling for insurrection, the obdurate political neophyte has been given an opportunity to reassemble his scrambled wits and put his political house in order. Nyesom Wike has also been given the chance to reorder his political priorities and master his choleric tantrums. If after six months in political purgatory, nothing has changed, then something will give. The respite should also afford President Tinubu an opportunity to begin to give serious considerations to the kind of political legacy he hopes to bequeath this fractious and dangerously polarized nation. Let no one deceive him that all is well.

  • Empress Natasha visits Obong Okon

    Empress Natasha visits Obong Okon

    As the Natasha affair degenerates into ethnic sabre-rattling among some cultural groups and their affiliated unions, the dreaded Ebira Cooperative Assembly has issued a proclamation from their deep forest reserves around Ogaminaza demanding for the manhood of all Efik/Ibiobio free born citizens for sacrifice to appease their native deities for the grave injuries done to their daughter in the senate and the resulting loss of repute and means of livelihood. Failure to comply will result in the forfeiture and confiscation of such manhood and their owners as may be deemed appropriate.

      Not surprisingly and since dry bones were being freely mentioned in the presence of an old woman, Okon was the first to jump into the fray.

     “Oga, he be like if say na dis Godswill  boy go finish all dem Efik and Kukuruku men. Dem Efik elders say make him sumbit him discharge papers but him no gree”, the mad boy noted with a wink.

      “And what is discharge paper?”

    “Ha oga no be dem thin dem go take go Rainbow Laboratory for Calabar to see if na true, true? Rainbow no dey waste time”, Okon sang with relish.

    “Get lost, idiot!” yours sincerely screamed at the urchin.

     But knowing the capacity and reputation of the dreaded group for the enforcement of their writ, all hell has been let loose at the National Assembly. Some serving and undeserving senators were sighted on the hallowed precincts of the senate fearfully clutching at their midsections and emitting a groan of acute discomfort. Okon joined the fray again and was having none of that nonsense.

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      “No mind dem yeye people. Na dem emergency loot dem dey hide. Dem no dey use dem head and dem cap again like dem Kano wuruwuru man. Na dem blokos and dem dross dem dey use for now. But dem don forget say Oyinboman sabi dem foolish Afrika man, well well.” Okon exploded as he fidgeted frantically probably thinking that his temerity had taken him too far. It did not take him long to find out. A few days after, the mad Saro dustbin woman charged into the living room, heaving and panting.

    “ Ha oga katakata come burst for Freetown. He get one better Oyinbo woman for outside who say him come see Okon ooo. Him name be Natasha. I don see her dey cry for inside television before before. Na touch and don’t go. Okon don carry firewood ants inside your bedroom. Dem don soak him garri finish ooo”, she charged breathlessly. Upon hearing this, Okon back-heeled and scaled through the perimeter fence, screaming “Ah, market don mature oooo at last!”

      “Ha Okon, wont you say hello to your visitor?” yours sincerely called out.

      “Oga, I no want dem woman trouble ooo. She don dey cause trouble for Efik people since him dey Secondary school for Abak. Him get one boy like dat…”

       “Okon, enough of that rubbish. What do we tell the lady?” snooper demanded, brimming with mischief and mirth.

       “Oga tell am say man don perish for Otedola Bridge”,

  • Obasanjo, Sowore and misguided revolutionaries

    Obasanjo, Sowore and misguided revolutionaries

    In his book, Nigeria: Past and Future, former president Olusegun Obasanjo continues his pastime of inciting the youth to rebellion. Since the last presidential election, he has made it his sing-song to indirectly call for a revolution, pretending that circumstances and hardship would inevitably lead to more aggressive and assertive action by frustrated and disenchanted Nigerian youth. In his new book, he says: “We are currently sitting on a ticking time bomb partly because of the system we practise, how corruptly we practise it, and how exclusively we practise it with impunity, callousness, brazen outrage and total disregard for any element of righteousness, integrity, accountability, sensitivity, compassion, inclusiveness and the fear of God. If the incumbent leaders do not shape up and satisfy the yearnings and demands of their people, especially the youths, who are disappointed, dissatisfied, bitter, hungry, angry, unemployed and disempowered, then the future is indeed very bleak, with no light at the end of the tunnel.”

    Then he adds: “These young people watch helplessly as their leaders tell them blatant lies unabashedly, while continuing their orgies of vulgar and ostentatious lifestyles rather than investing the money from the nation’s commonwealth in SMEs to create jobs and generate wealth. Should we have the misfortune of pushing these young people to the point of crossing the Rubicon, the country will pay a very high cost because a chain of events will be unleashed, the end of which no one can predict… I am not calling for violent change, but it will become a reality if we continue on the present trajectory.” The sanctimonious Chief Obasanjo is too clever by half. He identifies the country’s political system as a predisposing factor for the revolution he has seemed to hanker after since he lost the argument and the influence he loved to wield over Nigerian leaders. Yet, he operated the same ‘despicable’ system for eight years, and did not even remember to advocate its reform when he infamously lobbied for a third term. But, today, he is wise after the event.

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    Last year, he began calling for political reform that would create an amalgam of African or indigenous political system different from either the parliamentary or presidential system. No one gave him a hearing, for they recalled how a while ago he blamed the practitioners of the system for the inoperability of the system, suggesting that no matter how beautiful a system, the operatives’ insular and ossified worldview would make any system inoperable. In his new book, it was, therefore, not surprising that he frontally blames the system for the country’s malaise and adds that political leaders by their orientation have worsened the crisis. Chief Obasanjo is not dishonest about his panaceas. After the 2023 presidential election, and unwilling to learn from Nigeria’s recent history, he called for the cancellation of the results that were yet to be fully released. Failing that, he called for insurrection to stymie the entire electoral process. He desperately longed for a revolution. But he is not the only one.

    Days ago, on Channels Television, activist and founder of Sahara Reporters, Omoyele Sowore, also called for a revolution, employing sarcasm to deliver his message. Insisting that what was taking place in Rivers would make Nigerians rise against poor leadership and bad governance, he said that the proclamation of a state of emergency in Rivers would spur the revolution he dreamt about. But just in case anyone doubted his bona fides, he described himself as a proponent of justice, not an anarchist. According to him, “To be clear, I am not here to defend godfather and son. I don’t care about them. I hope they destroy themselves. I am happy because maybe this is going to force Nigerians across the country to wake up. They have been too complicit and docile as a result of cowardice. It will force Nigerians to complete the 30 days challenge and move on to the stage where it will be complete revolt. That is not me saying I love anarchy but love Justice.” That was of course not the first time he would campaign for revolution. His activism in the past few years has centred on ‘revolution now’.

    Chief Obasanjo and Mr Sowore are just archetypes of the many highly-placed Nigerians who romanticise revolution. Their fascination with revolution will likely continue for a fairly long time, as long as social contradictions exist. They imagine that revolutions happen to others, that their course can always be managed, and their outcome predictable and guaranteed. It is not clear how they read their history, or whether they took the trouble at all of perusing any history book. Had they made time to study History, particularly those of them eager to either influence Nigerian politics or determine who rules, they would be less dogmatic. They do not look like they are willing to moderate their revolutionary talk until it happens, if at all it ever happens. But as long as there is hardship, as long as discord persists among the ruling class especially, the revolutionaries will continue to shout themselves hoarse. They will completely ignore lessons from the French, Russian, Cuban, Italian revolutions, among many others.

    Despite his noise, Mr Sowore is incapable of deep reflections, as he is often led by emotions, bitterness and self-importance. But Chief Obasanjo is supposed to be significantly informed about national and global affairs. That he has chosen to remain superficial is a reflection of his personality flaw, the jaded leitmotif of his worldview and books. Added to the fact that he is incapable of appreciating insults, and because he thinks he is the sun around which everything revolves, there is nothing any book on world revolutions or counsel from experts on revolutions can tell him to sober him up and be less sanguinary about his political interventions. He is approximately 92 years old. If age has not tempered his hysteria, nothing ever will. For Mr Sowore, he appears sensible enough to know that his piffle about revolution does not stand a cat in hell’s chance of coming to reality except nature, not the social contradictions he parrots, plays a joker on Nigeria.

  • Controversial youth corper fools them all

    Controversial youth corper fools them all

    Ushie Rita Uguamaye, also called Raye, a 24-year-old youth corper serving in Lagos State, made social media sensation some two weeks ago when she lamented the hardship in the land and described President Bola Tinubu as a terrible president, and Lagos as a smelling city. It is not known what sanctions the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) would bring against her, but it turned out it was a social media challenge she and others threw themselves to find out who could best create a storm.

    Everything she said on TikTok ran counter to her lifestyle. She spoke of hunger, being forced to live on N33,000 per month allowance, when in fact she dined at expensive restaurants, wore designer dresses and hair, rode in Uber taxis, and generally lived above her means, regardless of how those means were procured. What saddens many Nigerians is not the prank she played on the country or the hypocrisy of her lamentations, but how easily she beguiled top political leaders desperately looking for a cause célèbre. The beguiled leaders even began casting her as a revolutionary lodestar, a lightning rod for their bitter recriminations against the government of the day.

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    That she fooled so many is perhaps not unusual; but that the fooled chose to focus on her laments to the exclusion of her intolerably bad manners shows how decadent, shameless and unintelligent Nigeria’s political leadership class and activist groups have become.