Category: Columnists

  • FOR JOOP BERKHOUT (The Brave Bookman, 1930 – 2025)

    FOR JOOP BERKHOUT (The Brave Bookman, 1930 – 2025)

    Migrant bird with a plural plumage

    You have crossed many oceans 

    And nested your eggs in trees

    Too tall for the breaking wind

    Those eggs touched the ground

    And books were born

    In them were ideas which unchain the mind,

    Wisdom which tames the terror of hidden things

    In the universe of your being

    Is a compass with a thousand points

    Your Northern needle being so steady

    You have never lost your way around the Light 

    From the hilly heights of Tanganyika

    To the copper plains of Zambia

    Those restless feathers powered north where,

    Europe-born, you dug your feet deep into the Nigerian soil

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    From Evans Brothers to Sunshine House to Safari Fare

    The Book remains the priest of your passion

    The temple of your trust where the altar

    Glows from the lyric of a thousand lamps

    From that busy haven in Kingston- upon- Thames

    To Cambridge-Okigbo House in Ibadan, the world’s best books

    Live between your covers, ennobled

    By your ageless energy, your relentless enterprise

    Seasons come, seasons go

    Passing moons unfurl your feathers

    Wherever your feet have touched the ground

    A city of Light has risen and bloomed

    •First published in this column four years ago when the  famous Bookman was 90.

    Re-used here with minor adjustments.

  • They say Zelensky won’t walk alone

    They say Zelensky won’t walk alone

    Incensed by what seemed to be the continuing defiance of Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky, President Donald Trump has, apart from his vacillations, ordered a pause in military aid to and intelligence sharing with Ukraine. It became clear early last week that Mr Trump and his aides merely needed a pretext to coerce Ukraine to do the Russian president Vladimir Putin’s bidding. There was little Mr Zelensky could have done or said to obviate the cessation of help or placate the fury of the boastful and antagonistic US president who has so far refused to put any kind of pressure on the Russian leader. There had been tons of analyses and suggestions indicating that had the Ukrainian president stooped to conquer, and had he flattered the obviously insecure Mr Trump, the fate that befell Mr Zelensky would have been avoided. This is balderdash.

    Once Mr Trump won reelection, his aides and relations had warned Ukraine that they were toast, and should either capitulate to Russia or look elsewhere for help. The US president has an unfathomable and unbreakable bond with Mr Putin, and perhaps too an unearthly fascination with Russia, that has made it impossible for any Ukrainian leader or the country itself to mollify him. While the Republican Party is now ambivalent towards Ukraine, and its lawmakers have seemed to moderate their opposition to Russia or Mr Putin, the US president has been unambiguous in his detestation of both Ukraine and Mr Zelensky. He cites political, 2024 campaigns, and personal reasons. Indeed, the famous but bitter television exchange between the cornered Ukrainian president and the governing US troika of President Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and cabinet member and wealthy Elon Musk showed the implacability of the new US administration.

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    During the controversial shouting match two Fridays ago between the US president and vice president on the one hand and Mr Zelensky on the other hand, a condescending reporter ridiculed the Ukrainian president’s wardrobe. At least he was only rude, not tendentious. The Ukrainian was surprisingly calm and adroit in handling that insult about his wardrobe. But then the pugnacious Mr Vance weighed in and heartily insulted Mr Zelensky and lied against him, insisting that he had never once said thank you to both the US and Mr Trump. It turned out Mr Zelensky had actually done that many times. But the vice president would not be incommoded by a few untruths, nor fazed by the appalling breaches of diplomatic protocols as US officials openly and remorselessly harried the Ukrainian president.

    In the heated and foul-tempered exchange in the White House, not once did the president or his deputy remonstrate with Russia, either obliquely or openly, nor attack Mr Putin for the invasion. Instead, Mr Trump kept up a relentless barrage of abuses and threats against Mr Zelensky, denouncing him as a nobody who was posturing as a wartime leader only because of American military assistance. He misinterpreted the Ukrainian president’s boldness and confidence as defiance, fuming that without American help, Ukraine would be wiped out. There was nothing noble about Mr Trump’s beliefs and language; his mind was in fact a kitchen midden of worn out and stale ideas of international relations and strategic power equations. He boasted about US power, abused his predecessors, notably Joe Biden and Barack Obama, and concluded that because the Ukrainian president disagreed with some of his conclusions, his guest was not interested in a ceasefire or a peace deal. He even added later that Russia would be more generous in a peace deal than ‘difficult’ Ukraine. It was not just the callousness of the American president that rankled; even his logic and summations, not to talk of his very soul, were darkened and ignoble.

    Two Fridays ago, Mr Trump’s lynch mob hoisted the Ukrainian president and drew and quartered him. They will not be placated by anybody, not Europe, which is divided and hesitant, nor Southeast Asia, which is also in the throes of its own existential crisis as they stare down China’s irredentist gun barrels. Complacent Europe has suddenly found itself in a position they never imagined in a thousand years: the prospect of losing their Nato security shield; anticipating the fearful consequences of the imminent denudation of American power and influence and the concomitant vacuum which that would create; and assembling a coalition to halt what may turn out to be the rampage of Russia in Europe, starting with the Baltic States. No one envies Europe. Despite their public asseverations, they know that there is no convincing Mr Trump and his mob. The new US administration is impervious to the lessons of history, especially its own history, and commonsensical logic. Perhaps Europe can, after all, forge some kind of tentative unity among its fractious members as well as calm the centrifugal forces among their countries. They may yet discover that they are much stronger than they think they are, and can as a matter of fact foster new economic relations with other countries to lessen their dependence on the increasingly unreliable US.

    Key European countries like Britain, France and Germany, and some Eastern European countries like Poland which fear they might be next if buffer Ukraine is vanquished, will galvanise themselves into action and additional spending. They have promised that Ukraine would not walk alone. They seem determined to walk their talk, but they must hope that their flesh, when it begins to feel the Russian pinch, is as willing as their spirit. Slowly, they will begin to acknowledge that nearly a century of close relationship with the US and dependency on the Transatlantic accord to guarantee global order and security have become anachronistic. They are being called upon to change, and Mr Trump, as his hallucinatory speech to the joint session of Congress last Tuesday demonstrated, is the unlikely and inelegant sentinel. It galls them to have to change so abruptly; but it is either they rally together or they perish separately, as America sinks into isolationism, mercenary foreign policy, and precipitate decline under the leadership of a boastful, inept, frenetic, and divisive president so wholly unsuited for the American presidency. No wonder, in the apocalyptic books of the Bible, there is no unambiguous mention of America’s role at the end of time.

  • Supreme Court and Fubara V. Wike

    Supreme Court and Fubara V. Wike

    As far as the legal aspect of the political discord in Rivers State is concerned, the Supreme Court on February 28 closed the chapter with a hint of exasperation. Whether it concerns the status of the Martins Amaewhule-led House of Assembly or the tangential but nevertheless consequential issue of the validity of the October 5, 2024 local government election, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has been left flummoxed. Even though Nigerians were divided along two main partisan lines on the Rivers crisis, and took their likes and dislikes, and logic and illogic, from each side of the divide, last Friday’s Supreme Court judgement was nevertheless anticipated and unavoidable. The governor, every astute reporter and columnist knew, had no chance at all of winning. The court’s conclusion was that Speaker Amaewhule and his 26 lawmakers defected by word of mouth, it seemed, not in the eyes of the law; and a hurting and uncalculating Mr Fubara had rushed the local government election in order to seize the high ground from his nemesis and former mentor, Nyesom Wike. To lose abominably in one of the two major arguments that became the fulcrum of the state’s politics since Mr Fubara fell out with his predecessor and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister is unsettling. To lose in both arguments is unmitigated disaster. But to the governor, political arguments are neither won nor lost by half measures. He thus managed to lose on both sides, and did it spectacularly and, as the court reasoned, unequivocally.

    There is still a solitary and obviously dismal case at the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt involving the status of the 27 lawmakers filed by the Fubara camp. Until the Supreme Court broke the camel’s back on February 28, the governor reposed some hope in the Port Harcourt court to judge the matter in his favour. Now, even that hope is forlorn. The Federal High Court in question had deferred the case of the alleged defection of the lawmakers when it was brought to its notice that the Supreme Court might be making a pronouncement on the same issue. To expect the lower court to decide the same case with a different outcome is to stretch hope to its inelastic limit. All doors are now shut against Mr Fubara whom adverse situation evidently compels to change tack and produce the highest degree of ingenuity, patience, and tactics. He never seemed capable of demonstrating any of those virtues, and seemed to play scorched-earth politics that harks back to a medieval era. But today he must find those virtues and embrace them if he is not to perish politically. He needs help from some of the country’s best counsellors, but he seems to rely only on his instincts, instincts that have propelled and then betrayed him from one crisis to another, and from one blunder to another. An example of his instinctive approach to politics, especially when dealing with an enemy as implacable as Mr Wike, was his nudging of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) to hold LG election on August 9 even before he and his team had read and digested the judgement.

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    The Wike-Amaewhule camp has not displayed inspiring political astuteness of any kind, but it has, perhaps undeservingly, enjoyed the most clement of political weathers. He and his loyal 26 lawmakers announced their defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC) quite alright, but the governor’s impatience and tactlessness caused them to retrace their steps before they gave legal or constitutional effect to their blunder. By ordering another LG election for August even before he has had the opportunity to study the Supreme Court judgement and reflect on its import, it is clear that Mr Fubara is either reluctant to or incapable of changing tack. He seems bent on self-destruction. Though he matches the Wike camp in displaying triumphalism over the most tentative of political victories, he has not enjoyed any lasting and soothing relief of any kind, either through political solutions moderated by President Bola Tinubu or judicial mediation orchestrated by the courts. To halt the dangerous pirouette of serial failures and fragile victories in which he seems locked, the governor needs a team of uncommon and inspired advisers to help him at least checkmate the rampaging Wike army. Yet, achieving victory after so many failed attacks against the opposing camp appears quite farfetched; the best he can do is achieve a stalemate. But even that stalemate now seems endangered by his unreflective statements and frantic measures.

    Rivers State needs to move forward beyond the tit for tat that typifies the Fubara and Wike relationship. In the giddy early months of the Fubara revolt, before the courts put paid to their clumsy manoeuvres, the state’s elders unfortunately pitched their tents with such mercantilist gusto and total lack of circumspection that they became an embarrassment to the peace process. Their challenge in Rivers, going forward, is how to find the men and philosophy to achieve some kind of peace at least in the interim on a scale that allows for some tranquility and development. They do not have those kind of men, nor the arcane philosophy capable of penetrating their ignorance. For all his posturing, Mr Wike remains angry, impulsive and self-righteous to the point that no advice can seem to get through to him. He festoons his politics with religion, in the same egregious manner like Mr Fubara does; but it is doubtful whether God sides with individuals so mean-spirited and so unrelenting. Indeed, Mr Wike has never accepted responsibility for foisting an unprepared and unqualified successor, and he has carried on as if the governor is entirely to blame for the chaos enveloping the state.

    Mr Fubara has tried unsuccessfully to frame the conflict in the state as one between a forward-looking new governor and an exhausted godfather who stifles and overwhelms his successor, and won’t let him breathe. No, the conflict is a little bit more nuanced than that. It is about two men who can’t seem to find the wisdom and the nobility to navigate through their mistakes and their grandstanding. There is in fact no determining the precedence between the governor’s childish political insurgency and the ignoble and sometimes classless responses of the former governor. One throws tantrums, the other whines in hyperbole. The Supreme Court judgement of two Fridays ago provides an opportunity for the two men to reflect on their fumbles, assuming that Mr Wike and his men can be less triumphal, and Mr Fubara can restrain himself from digging deeper into the quagmire. So far, nothing suggests both men have the capacity or the altruism to take advantage of the court judgement to forge a new beginning for the state they hypocritically claim to love.

    Hon. Amaewhule has been a competent, principled and reliable fighter, and an intelligent person to boot; but he stunned everyone last week when he gave the governor an ill-considered 48-hour ultimatum to represent the state’s 2025 budget. Did he expect the governor to base his decisions on newspaper reports of the court case? Mr Wike needs to prevail on the 27 victorious lawmakers to moderate their stand and approach the smouldering crisis with some class and nobility. But if the former governor cannot find the maturity to douse his own fiery and sanctimonious approach to politics, how can he be trusted to give leadership to the House of Assembly? Nor does it even make sense to expect him to give the lawmakers leadership. In fact, he has no constitutional elbow room to give any kind of leadership to the House of Assembly. He has since late 2023 been obtruding and irreverent, when he should be subtle and magisterial. Whether they have what it takes or not, Mr Wike and his men should go and look for what it takes to manage a state from wherever they can find the subtlety. The country is tired of their self-righteousness, their unending and brutal political and legal battles, and their vexatious impeachment threats. No wonder the Fubara camp has begun another round of foolish litigations to buy time.

    As for the unprepossessing governor, who seems even far more flawed than his enemies, and whose mind continuously seethes with practically every wrong motive, it is time to calm down and use his head instead of his disquieted mind. He has not surrounded himself with the right men, not to say wise elders with requisite experience, and he has shown no inclination to listen to the voice of reason. He has spoken silly threats about ‘giving instructions to youths awaiting his message’, some of whom have already threatened to blow up crude oil pipelines on his behalf. And he gets the naïve impression that those egging him on to more revolt well after the court processes have all but ended are the real patriots. This is incomparable nonsense. If he is wise, he should recognise the face of defeat. More, he must also recognise that it is time to make peace, no matter how tenuous, and palliate his arch enemies no matter how unappeasable. If he cannot get a second term, let him at least try to have a memorable one term.

  • Rivers crisis and its lessons

    Rivers crisis and its lessons

    It boils down to two issues. The first is the peculiar predecessor-successor crisis due to wrong calculation or faulty succession plan. The second is the violation of the constitution and the rule of law in the bid to consolidate one’s hold on power.

    While the first hurdle can be resolved by a political solution mutually agreed upon by the two strong camps, the circumvention of the constitution is a serious matter that can only be determined by the court.

    In the political fight, the combatants are not of the same strength. The strength of one is the weakness of the other, and vice versa. A critical factor is the influence of external forces. This is because the scramble for power and influence in Rivers State may impact positively or negatively on serious future calculations in other states and even at the centre.

    The first hurdle could not easily be scaled by a sheer political pact, even though it originated from the highest office in the land. A big opportunity for concessions, consensus, and ‘win-win’ was bungled without sparing a thought for its consequences.

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    It meant, therefore, that the alternative route was the judiciary, the final arbiter whose verdict must be painfully complied with now, no matter the initial hesitation or reluctance. In a democracy, the Supreme Court’s verdict is the ultimate. Any disobedience of the apex court’s judgment is tantamount to inviting anarchy. It is risky for the continuity of democratic governance. Also, any eruption of violence due to the hardline posture or resistance to order may not be condoned by the Federal Government.

    The Rivers scenario may shape succession politics in other states and zones in the future. If politics is based on an ideology, it may be easy to resolve. This is because ideological parties, more or less, usually establish a pattern of leadership succession in the party and government by its members who understand the ideas, focus, aspirations and public expectations about the platforms. Such parties also have a system of political elimination of deviants from their ranks in a bid to prevent the consequent pollution of the organisations. None of the existing political parties in Nigeria has this attribute. They are mere vehicles for acquiring power.

    In Rivers, history will record that Siminalayi Fubara brought upon himself and his state an avoidable crisis. In the past year, his government has been generating tension. Certain steps he has taken have underscored the naivety and limitation of political experience on the part of a technocrat catapulted to power.

    The next few months will task the governor’s ingenuity and acumen. The driver’s seat has become hotter since last week. Already, the state is divided. Peace may take a further fight.

    The Supreme Court judgment was not unexpected. It only halted the pattern of executive recklessness and political absurdity.

    The apex court restrained the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF)  from further releasing funds to the Rivers State government until a valid Appropriation Act is passed by a lawfully constituted House of Assembly with Martins Amaewhule as the Speaker.

    The direct interpretation is that Fubara has spent Rivers money without lawful appropriation for 26 months. This is a serious infraction. A wiser governor would have negotiated with the aggrieved lawmakers. The dialogue would have prevented the 48-hour ultimatum the governor got to hurriedly re-present the 2025 budget.

    The five-member panel of the apex court also ordered that Amaewhule and 26 other members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, who were alleged to have defected, should be allowed to resume legislative duties. This means that Amaewhule is the authentic Speaker who has been denied, deprived, and oppressed along with 26 others by the governor. The corollary of the verdict is that Victor Oko-Jumbo is an interloper, an impostor, and a fake presiding officer.

    The Supreme Court also ordered all members of the Rivers State House of Assembly to resume normal legislative businesses without any hindrance. What this portion of the judgment connotes is that the governor cannot pull down the Assembly complex under the guise of renovation. Also, security agents and political thugs cannot be incited to frustrate the lawmakers.

    Normal legislative business encompasses receiving the 2025 budget and the list of commissioners afresh. It also means taking on serious oversight functions, including the probe of spending without parliamentary approval, investigating the activities of the state electoral commission and the screening of nominees for appointments, as prescribed by the law.

    The Supreme Court condemned Fubara’s conduct for acting unlawfully by pulling down the House of Assembly, owing to his fear that there were moves to impeach him.

    In another judgment, the Supreme Court declared the local government elections illegal because they violated the Electoral Act. The council chairmen, councillors, and their aides who may have drawn money illegally have moved out of the local government secretariats.

    There was no dissenting judgment. Also, it is not likely that the governor will go back to the Supreme Court for the review of the judgment, which has vindicated the claim of pro-Wike lawmakers that the polls were held in error.

    What is required now is for the Fubara camp to adjust to a judgment and its implications for their political future.

    As the FCT minister and the governor went their separate ways, the Rivers PDP was split. The successor-predecessor crisis broke out early. During his inauguration, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose had advised Fubara to exercise wisdom in his dealings with his benefactor and godfather. The admonition was ignored.

    Wike frowned at the governor’s penchant for allocating positions and privileges to those who worked against his victory while neglecting members of the dominant camp who weathered the electoral storm with him in 2023. Fubara complained about meddlesomeness or undue interference in his government.

    The governor tried to consolidate his hold on the party. But he could not take all the party structures from his former boss who brought him from the position of a Permanent Secretary to that of the Chief Executive. Fubara attracted some elders who had scores to settle with Wike, some of who never backed his governorship ambition in 2023. He also tried to play the ethnic card, portraying the conflict as another confrontation against his Ijaw ethnic group, forgetting that the former governor fought the Ijaw battle for a sense of belonging by insisting on a power shift from “upland” area to the “lowland” area.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had initially intervened in the Rivers logjam by trying to broker peace. The president felt that democracy was being threatened when the crisis led to the demolition of the House of Assembly by the state government. The resignation of some commissioners also meant that there was a division in the Rivers ruling party.

    But the combatants only returned from Abuja to Port Harcourt to resume hostilities. The governor jettisoned the important element the peace pact. On the heels of the face-off, the two sides returned to court for adjudication. Reconciliation broke down totally. The governor said the presidential peace pact was merely advisory.

    Since then, Fubara and his illegal Oko-Jumbo-led four-member House of Assembly sunk deeper into mistakes. Under the pretext that Amaewhule and others had defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the governor insisted that they had ceased to be members of the House of Assembly.

    But parliamentary seats cannot be voided by a mere threat to defect. APC has not claimed that the 27 are part of the ruling party. PDP cannot present a letter backing its claim that they had defected. Resignation involved certain processes beyond an unclear verbalisation.

    The illegal House of Assembly screened the commissioner-nominees and passed the 2024 and 2025 budgets. Illegal council polls were conducted and violence engulfed the state.

    The Supreme Court judgment became the watershed. The verdict is final, and it has serious implications for governance in Rivers.

    Raising and spending money for recurrent expenditure and developmental purposes are the chief functions of government. The withholding of allocations to Rivers means shrinkage of revenue base, in the interim. Rivers, an oil-bearing state, is rich. Its internally generated revenue (IGR) is only second to that of Lagos State. However, the federal allocation is still the main source of income. Even now, the IGR cannot be spent without the approval of the Amaewhule-led Assembly. Expectedly, the Assembly has become hostile towards the recalcitrant governor.

    It also implies that no federal allocation can go to Rivers councils since democratically elected local governments are not in place in the state. Grassroots development may be hampered.

    The governor was duly elected. His legitimacy derives from the people’s mandate conferred on him. But the composition of the State Executive Council was not neat. The screening of commissioners and special advisers by an illegal Speaker did not follow due process. So were other appointments that required parliamentary consent.

    Apparently, the governor might be deemed to have committed impeachable offences in the face of the law.

    In this political drama are great lessons for the wise – to avoid creating a crisis, tread the path of peace, and stay humble in the corridors of power.

    In the days ahead, where the political pendulum swings in Rivers will depend largely on how Fubara manages the crisis his leadership style has foisted on the state. It is up to him and his cheerleaders to wield the olive branch pronto – humbly and politely.

    He should take a cue from the psychological advice that the best managers are not those who are prudent in times of scantiness but those who can change course when they see a crisis and avoid a collision with it. The ball is in his court.

  • IBB in history

    IBB in history

    Self-styled former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida’s long-awaited memoir, ‘A Journey in Service’, brings to the forefront an earlier book, published in 2010 titled ‘Diary of a Debacle: Tracking Nigeria’s Failed Democratic Transition (1989-1994), authored by renowned journalism scholar, inimitable satirical columnist and diligent public intellectual, Professor Olatunji Dare. In the light of IBB’s account in his book of the reasons for and the personalities behind the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, now confirmed to have been won by Chief MKO Abiola, Professor Dare’s ‘Diary of a Debacle’ acquires greater poignancy, saliency, relevance and significance.

    For in delectable after delectable column giving a ringside account of events as they unfolded before, during and after the annulment including the pronouncements and actions of the major dramatis personae, Professor Dare proves conclusively that IBB did not have any intention of leaving power and thus made no effort to reign in those of his military colleagues that he belatedly admits in his book, were vehemently opposed to the transition from military dictatorship to a democratically elected government.

    Professor Dare’s disdain and dislike for what he perceived as IBB’s duplicity, slipperiness and Machiavellian disposition is unhidden in his chronicles of events surrounding the annulment but he hardly ever succumbed to the passions of raw anger or blind outrage. Yet, Dare had much to be displeased with as regards the IBB dictatorship. His newspaper, The Guardian, was one of the courageous voices shut down for prolonged periods during IBB’s inglorious reign. His pungent and popular columns understandably attracted the close attention of the regime’s security goons.

    His refusal to be part of a delegation to apologize to the military to facilitate the reopening of the newspaper rendered him virtually jobless. Yet, his articles were couched with characteristic literary and linguistic flair and the facts were presented with the meticulous diligence and integrity of the professional historian. A resort to anger, vulgar insults and cheap abuse would no doubt have devalued their intellectual worth and diminished their worth as reliable historical documents.

    Those responding in fiery anger to IBB’s memoir may have some lessons to learn from Professor Dare’s class and style in the presentation of his material. Can it be that there is absolutely nothing of worth and not a single iota of truth in a memoir of over 400 pages? That would be an intellectually dishonest overgeneralization. For a dictator who ruled the country for eight years, we surely should be interested in a dispassionate analysis to situate his place in Nigeria’s history. Much more important and critical than his regime’s Political Transition Programme that produced the annulled June 12, 1993, presidential election was its Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which was its flagship economic policy.

    There are those who contend that there was no alternative to SAP at the time the Babangida regime came to power in August 1985. The austerity measures and remedial economic policies implemented by the preceding Shehu Shagari civilian administration and the General Muhammadu Buhari military regime were simply not producing the desired effects. Professor Adebayo Olukoshi analyzed some of the Buhari regime’s policies such as devoting over 44% of the country’s total foreign exchange earnings to debt servicing and the policy of counter-trade which involved bartering Nigeria’s crude oil for raw materials, spare parts, machinery and consumer goods from a number of countries.

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    In his words, “In the face of this, the problems of the Nigerian economy worsened, with inflation still rising further, infrastructural facilities deteriorating, more workers losing their jobs, the payments problem persisting, the industrial sector suffering more setbacks and the agricultural sector stagnating”. All of these increased the intolerance and authoritarianism of the Buhari regime and facilitated the successful Babangida’s palace coup in 1985.

    The core of the IBB regime’s SAP was the massive devaluation of the Naira and the country has continued to suffer from its debilitating effects to this day. Commenting on the consequences of the devaluation of the Naira and the introduction of the Second Tier Foreign Exchange Market announced on February 26 September, 1986, the late Pa Alfred Rewane, had written that “As my friends and I discussed the implications of the government’s announcement, I expressed the view that the devaluation of the Naira was a recipe for disaster and that within five years, the Naira would be worth less than 20 per cent of its then existing value, leading to the possible collapse of the Nigerian economy”.

    Rewane continued, “I reminded them of a standard economic argument that devaluation of the national currency is best contemplated where the nation’s economy depends largely on the export of manufactured goods for its foreign exchange earnings, and where devaluation is considered appropriate to ensure the competitiveness of its manufacturers. I went on to say that, for a country like Nigeria, which earns the bulk of its foreign exchange from the export of crude oil and a variety of agricultural products, such as cocoa, groundnuts, palm produce, rubber etc, there is no advantage in devaluing its currency”.

    Unfortunately, Pa Rewane ‘s prediction has been all too true. The IBB regime’s SAP resulted ultimately in the massive de-industrialization of the economy, phenomenally increased unemployment, the virtual wiping out of the middle class and widespread increase in poverty levels. But as evidenced by the minuscule number of billionaires at his book launch, who raised N17 billion for his presidential library within an hour, his regime also created a new class of super-rich Nigerians whose wealth was predicated more on government patronage than any outstanding ingenuity or extraordinary skill or creativity.

    However, the administration’s Political Transition Programme was fashioned to protect and preserve the SAP and make it a permanent policy feature in Nigeria. Thus, while the SAP undertook a far-reaching deregulation of the Nigerian economy, through the privatization and commercialization of state-owned enterprises, considerable whittling down of fuel and other subsidies, deregulation of prices and interest rates, trade liberalization, reduction of public expenditure and removal of administrative controls in foreign exchange transactions among others, the Political Transition Programme was highly regulated and characterized by rigid military regimentation. That is why any elections conducted under this suffocating military-political environment can be described as the freest and fairest in Nigeria only within necessary contextual limits.

    IBB’s Political Transition Programme involved the patently undemocratic banning, unbanning and rebanning of so-called old-breed politicians, the imposition of two government-created parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP), the imposition on these two parties of government created manifestos and constitutions positioning the parties a little to the left and a little to the right of a centre determined by the military. But for the banning of the so-called old-breed politicians, it is unlikely that either MKO Abiola or Bashir Tofa would have emerged as presidential candidates of either the NRC or SDP. It is certainly not fortuitous that the two presidential candidates that emerged were close friends of IBB.

    Again, in the earlier presidential primaries that were held, General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua had emerged the clear winner in the SDP while Alhaji Adamu Ciroma and Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi were heading for a run-off in the NRC. However, IBB cancelled the primaries in which two northern candidates were emerging alleging monetization of the process and he received widespread approbation in the South for this forerunner to the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election. Indeed, some newspapers in the Southwest wrote front-page editorials commending IBB for the cancellation of the primaries. When his regime eventually annulled the June 12 election so clearly won by Abiola as IBB himself has now admitted, it is understandable that the criminal act received little condemnation outside the Southwest.

    IBB and the other pro-annulment forces within his regime had obviously presumed that MKO Abiola could be placated with government patronage or induced like Elesin Oba in Wole Soyinka’s ‘Death and the King’s Horseman’ with the pleasures of the flesh to forgo his mandate. But the billionaire businessman and Egba warrior chief rose to the occasion, stood doggedly by his mandate and lived up to the saying of the Yoruba that a honourable death is far more desirable than a shameful existence.

    There are those who condemn IBB as being cowardly for blaming others like Abacha for the annulment although taking responsibility as the one ultimately in charge at the time. They contend that he could easily have retired Abacha and the other officers opposed to the transition programme. But this view underestimates the complexities of politics within a military regime despite the unitary character and rigid hierarchical structure of the military as an institution. From what we know of Abacha, would he just have quit meekly if sacked or would he and his loyalists have fought back ferociously even if it meant bringing down the roof on everybody?

    General Yakubu Gowon was alerted about a coup plot against his regime before his trip to Uganda for the meeting of the Organization of African Unity. But there was little he could do but meekly accept his fate with philosophical equanimity. General Obasanjo was military Head of State after the demise of Murtala Mohammed but the powers behind the throne were Generals Yakubu Danjuma and Musa Shehu Yar’Adua. Military politics may be more intriguing and intricate than we think.

    What will be the final verdict of history on IBB, MKO, Abacha and other dramatis personae in the confounding conundrum of the June 12 annulment? Was IBB the sole villain with no redeeming feature whatsoever? Was he in the final analysis an embodiment of the weaknesses and limitations of the collective Nigerian society and character, features which he thought he understood and sought to manipulate but which finally undid him? Or is there as the famous Gbolabo Ogunsanwo once famously asked an IBB in us all?

  • Can these Eagles fly?

    Can these Eagles fly?

    It would be uncharitable to tag the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) as a colony of jesters though some of their decisions on the beautiful game in Nigeria seem to suggest so. I’ve tremendous respect for most of them. How best can you describe a perpetually broke body that allows its employee to submit a 39-man team list unchallenged? I shudder to call them comedians, especially when they told us that they wanted to build a hotel to prune the huge sums of cash spent on accommodation whenever they assemble for a game.

    I deliberately refused to join issues with the federation when the NFF and NSC chieftains recently went on an inspection of the hotel’s site in Abuja, knowing that body doesn’t stop entertaining me with some of their weird decisions. Indeed, where would the NFF find the cash to build a five-star hotel in Abuja with a crowd of 39 foreign-based stars asked to fly straight to Kigali for the March 21 tie against Rwanda?  What happens to the hotel when the players, coaches and backroom staff don’t have games to play? I thought that the NFF and indeed their supervisors would have gone to the government asking to use some of the seized buildings by the EFCC, especially those handed back to the Federal Government, instead of embarking on another white elephant project.

    A body that is still indebted to the players, coaches and backroom staff has cast an indulgent eye on the huge expenses associated with camping 39 players for the game in Kigali for five days, except they are saying the Eagles Head Coach would prune the list to a manageable 23 players in the coming days? I laughed my heart off reading one online story which suggested that the team’s Head Coach Eric Chelle has plans to drop 15 players from the 39 he pencilled for both games against Rwanda in Kigali on March 21 and against Zimbabwe in Uyo, four days later. Medicine after death. Pity! In fact, I joked about it further when the names of those dropped were not mentioned nor did the dropped list come from the NFF through Dr. Ademola Olajire.

    At the unveiling of Chelle as the Super Eagles Head Coach, we were told he was an ardent follower of Nigeria’s senior soccer team, fuelling speculations that he would not toe the path of previous foreign coaches who invited between 28 to 38 players to camp for a game where only 16 of them eventually get to prosecute the game on match day. Not so for Nigerian administrators where prudence isn’t in the country’s lexicon when it comes to spending the government money which is cheap. Instead of a bogus 39-man list, it would show how well Chelle has been following Nigerian stars’ performances in the European leagues, if he invited 23 of them and listed between four or five as standby. I’ve always written here that there appears to be a fixed list where coaches employed to handle the Super Eagles must defer if they want to do their jobs. The only difference is the eight new likely debutants and a few home-based players which is understandable. Otherwise, how does anyone explain the choice of Kelechi Iheanacho and those nursing or recuperating from injuries in the 39-man list? Or would members of the NFF’s technical committee tell us that they too approved the invitation of 39 players? Incredible.

    Any coach who invites as many as 39 players for his first game is either confused or incompetent, I dare say. How can Chelle explain the choice of five goalkeepers (Stanley Nwabali (Chippa United, South Africa); Maduka Okoye (Udinese FC, Italy); Amas Obasogie (Singida Blackstars, Tanzania); Adeleye Adebayo (Enosis Paralimni, Cyprus); Kayode Bankole (Remo Stars) for an assignment he knows that European clubs would reluctantly release to countries between three to five days to the first game?

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    Looking at the 39-man list dispassionately and based on how the goalkeepers have fared for their clubs, it won’t be out of place to pick those with international matches experience. Of course, Nwabali and Okoye tower above others. If indeed there is synergy between Chelle and the Nigerian coaches who have been chosen to work with him, he should easily concede the choice of the third goalkeeper to them. No doubt the CHAN Eagles first choice goalkeeper should get the nod except he is injured. I don’t think so.

    Inviting 10 defenders (William Ekong (Al-Kholood FC, Saudi Arabia); Bright Osayi-Samuel (Fenerbahce SK, Turkey); Bruno Onyemaechi (Olympiacos FC, Greece); Gabriel Osho (AJ Auxerre, France); Calvin Bassey (Fulham FC, England); Olaoluwa Aina (Nottingham Forest, England); Zaidu Sanusi (FC Porto, Portugal); Igoh Ogbu (SK Slavia Prague, Czech Republic); Jordan Torunarigha (Gent FC, Belgium); Ifeanyi Onyebuchi (Rangers International) is quite a crowd?

    I can understand the choice of the home-based player Ifeanyi Onyebuchi  from Enugu Rangers International. I won’t be surprised if I’m told that Onyebuchi has left Enugu Rangers for one of the leagues these scouts use.

    Well, Chelle knows best. He is the one wearing the shoes and knows where it itches. I wish him good luck.

    Chelle chose 10 midfielders namely Wilfred Ndidi (Leicester City, England); Raphael Onyedika (Club Brugge, Belgium); Alhassan Yusuf Abdullahi (New England Revolution, USA); Fisayo Dele-Bashiru (Lazio FC, Italy); Frank Onyeka (Augsburg FC, Germany); Alex Iwobi (Fulham FC, England); Joseph Ayodele-Aribo (Southampton FC, England); Anthony Dennis (Goztepe SK, Turkey); Chrisantus Uche (Getafe CF, Spain) and Papa Daniel Mustapha (Niger Tornadoes).

    Again, I can understand why Papa Daniel Mustapha from Niger Tornadoes in Minna was picked – for exposure? That is fine but I hope he isn’t already out of the country or is on the verge of travelling out of the country and needs a Super Eagles invitation to increase his market value.

    Whosoever allowed Iheanacho’s name to be included in this list doesn’t want him to develop beyond where his game has descended. The media has different channels to monitor happenings around the world, so those who listed Fisayo Dele-Bashiru who plays for Lazio FC, Italy should tell us where they saw him playing football in the last 12 days. Some Europa and Conference games were played on Thursday and Dele-Bashiru couldn’t feature for Lazio FC, in their UEFA Europa League Round of 16 tie at Czech club Viktoria Plzen which Lazio won 2-1 in away turf.

    The joke in the 39-man squad was an invitation extended to Ahmed Musa, Super Eagles top scorer at the main World Cup. Chelle picked 14 strikers comprising (Samuel Chukwueze (AC Milan, Italy); Victor Osimhen (Galatasaray FC, Turkey); Ademola Lookman (Atalanta FC, Italy); Kelechi Iheanacho (Middlesbrough FC, England); Victor Boniface (Bayer Leverkusen, Germany); Simon Moses (FC Nantes, France); Sadiq Umar (Valencia FC, Spain); Nathan Tella (Bayer Leverkusen, Germany); Cyriel Dessers (Glasgow Rangers, Scotland); Tolu Arokodare (KRC Genk, Belgium); Chidera Ejuke (Sevilla FC, Spain); Paul Onuachu (Southampton FC, England); Ahmed Musa (Kano Pillars) and Jerome Akor Adams (Sevilla FC, Spain).

    One only hopes that the choices here are Chelle’s. Otherwise, we are done for now that the die is cast or what do you feel about these scenarios, dear reader? You tell me.

  • Who owns the Schools?

    Who owns the Schools?

    Preamble

    Experiences of life keep informing us of what people and institutions really are against what they are presumed to be. It is quite unfortunate that Africans, especially Nigerians, whose livelihood still depends heavily on the imitation of the misconduct of European colonialists, without considering the implications of such imitation, are the ones proclaiming civilization in Nigeria’s contemporary times. The Yoruba elite of the South West of Nigeria are particularly guilty of this cultural bastardization.  They are the ones who believe that the ability to speak and write the colonial language called English is what constitutes civilization. With the foreign languages permanently on their tongues, they have bartered their African brains for European brains.

    Unlike the Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria and the Hausa people of the North, the Yoruba elite have become a serious embarrassment to their cultural pedigree through the relegation of their linguistic heritage. To them, the legacy of their ancestral lineage is a primordial shame not worth to be called a modern heritage. Thus, in their homes as well as in their public and private discussions, the language of communication is invariably English. And whoever is incapable of speaking Queen’s English or writing Shakespearean prose is considered primitive and unfit to live in cities and towns.

    It is, culturally, a laughable orientation attributable only to a tribe of black people who prefer to substitute their naturally endowed culture for that of the wild white people and thereby getting lost in the wilderness of cultural confusion. How can such people who are deeply engrossed in colonial mentality believe in the cultural emancipation of others? Today’s article is not meant for discussing the details of this fundamental aberration that chains a people to the apron of perpetual colonialism. Another day in the near future will do.

    Reactions to Appeal Court Ruling in Lagos    

    Reactions of various colours and hues have been trailing on the ruling of the Appeal court in Lagos State in respect of a litigation over Hijab wearing in public schools by Muslim female pupils in that State. But every reaction seems to be an exhibition of antecedent and level of civility on the part of those who have been reacting to it. The ruling was not the first to be pronounced by a Nigerian court of competent jurisdiction concerning Hijab wearing in public schools. It was preceded by a High Court ruling in the same State some years ago and we can still vividly remember the reactions that trailed it.

    When a Lagos High Court ruling that prompted an appeal by the litigants in Hijab case was pronounced in 2013, there were various reactions which have not lost on us. The affected Muslims, at that time, who got the wrong side of the judgment, did not bring fanaticism into it. They did not take the law into their hands by threatening fire and brimstone. Rather, they simply exhibited civility and adherence to the rule of law by appealing to a higher court. That is civilization in all its ramifications.

    Precedent   

    The unnecessary controversy over the right of wearing Hijab in public schools by Muslim female pupils in those schools is not peculiar to Lagos State. A similar court pronouncement was made in an Osun State High Court not long ago and we know the reactions that trailed it. So we cannot be alarmed by any inflammatory reaction to the court ruling from any quarter since we are familiar with its trend as far as such quarters are concerned. The original aim of writing on this topic today is neither to celebrate any victory nor to vilify any recalcitrance. But to congratulate the Lagos State Muslims on their civilized behaviour throughout the period of the case and to further encourage them to stick to the upholding of the rule of law in all circumstances including one of unwarranted provocation.

    Meanwhile, the outcome of that case has thrown open a fundamental question which had for long remained tacit. Who owns the public schools in Nigeria generally and in Lagos State in particular? This question becomes germane not because of last week’s ruling that was more about freedom of religion and dressing but because of the future of our children who may have cause to ask questions and may want to get the relevant and appropriate answers. The fundamental question of ‘who owns the schools’ deserves a fundamental answer that may become a reference point for our children in future. Luckily, yours sincerely needed not labouring much before answering that question. A foremost Nigerian educationist of Yoruba extraction (from Ilesa in Osun State) who incidentally happens to be a Christian has provided the right answer in his (unpublished) professorial book entitled  ‘DEFINING THE FUTURE OF NIGERIAN EDUCATION’ which he wrote about November 2012. In chapter 2 of that book, Pa Fagbulu traced thoroughly the history of schools take-over in Nigeria. The chapter was titled ‘THE OWNERSHIP OF SCHOOLS IN NIGERIA’.

    Excerpt rom the Book

    An excerpt from the book may be of useful reference to any intellectually   endowed Nigerian who may be in need of such a reference now or in future. It goes thus: 

    “Certain events in recent days make it imperative to clarify the issue of who owns schools in Nigeria. This search is complicated by the antecedents that define the history and development of Western education in the country. It is useful therefore to open the search with a brief digression into the history of that type of education with the view of gaining an understanding of the forces that shaped their development from their inception till today.

    It is pedestrian to repeat that Western-type education was an import of European missionaries and that the environment in which they propagated their type of education was entirely their personal or collective business, that is until government started meddling in the missionaries’ affairs. That movement started in England where some mainly rich do-gooders felt greatly concerned about the appalling conditions in which children of the poor worked and lived. Coupled with that was the horrendous imagery of the inhuman trade in slaves that filtered to these Christian countries to disturb the serenity of their conscience and awaken the humane elements in them that drove some to seek redemption in Christian deeds that included stopping the slave trade and making legal provisions to assist missionary schools at home and abroad. It must be acknowledged that saving the souls of those poor children was a professed and serious reason of those do-gooders who were so damn serious about that fixation that derived from the fervor of their religion.

    Historical Background

    Education in England was not planned. Ordinances and education codes that were enacted as when needed were the main sources for policy formulation over a period of about 130 years from about 1820 to the time of Nigerian self-government. Some years after they were established and applied in England. These bills, codes and ordinances found their way to the colonies where the colonial governments were obliged to adopt and apply them.

    Concerned and interested missionary and other groups took the initiative to establish schools and government’s concern was that the purpose for which they were established should be fulfilled. This development implied that sufficient assistance needed to be given to the schools to ensure that they survive to fulfill their dual role of harboring those freed from slavery along the West Coast and providing skills that would serve more the needs of the missionaries than the provision of life skills for those who were lured to go to, and who stayed long enough at school. The children in these institutions provided the fodder for missionaries to use in order to benefit from the fiscal intervention of governments in the form of badly needed grants”.

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    Source of Funds in Public Schools

    “Whichever face one puts on it, the bottom line was that governments became the major sources of funds without which the missionaries would have to go begging at home or abroad. They never adopted the option of closing schools; they persevered and made do with whatever they had. Under those conditions ‘schools’ could sink to any depth of badness. It was to obviate that possibility that governments at home and in the colonies accepted responsibility for ensuring that what was offered to the children especially of the poor in England and the converted in Africa would at least be of some benefit to them. That was how government got dragged into the business of assisting schools.

    The promise of grants-in-aid ensured that schools had reliable sources of funding if they attained defined standards.  So the giving of grants was a crucial factor in the rate at which new schools were opened and old ones expanded or improved qualitatively. The fact that schools did desperate things to get listed for grants speaks the obvious that grants have always been the lifeline of almost all missionary schools.

    We are lucky that the whole grants-in-aid saga is properly documented in the Phillipson Report. However, since that document is not widely available to the generality of people I have taken the liberty to use some segment of my writings (Chapter 2 of my unpublished book DEFINING THE FUTURE OF NIGERIAN EDUCATION, November, 2012) here.

    The Grants-in-aid Report

    “This brief highlight is about the financial assistance that government gave to schools across West Africa as an instrument for improving the quality of instruction being offered to the children in those areas. 

    The first purely Nigerian Education Ordinance was enacted in 1887. The Board of Education that assumed prominence at this time was empowered to use certain criteria to give grants to different levels from infant, through primary and secondary, to industrial schools. The Board even had the discretion to offer the sum of £10 to poor students to further their education at the secondary level. This and most of what follows come from the Phillipson Report,

    Phillipson Report

    As early as 1890 the familiar problems arising from the use of untrained ‘teachers’ in schools had become pronounced and problematic. Not only did demand outstrip supply, but many areas that also wanted schools could not be serviced. The consequence was that government had to step in to fill some gaps by establishing its own schools in areas where missionary influence was negligible. By so doing those schools became ‘models’ for the fund-strapped mission schools to copy.  (The Education Code of 1908)

    There were therefore generically three types of schools; the government, the mission, and the assisted schools.  Although the so-called government schools were government ‘owned’, the reality was that the local chiefs and Native Courts as appropriate were responsible for the buildings and their maintenance.  In fact, the recurrent cost for which government was supposedly responsible was covered in part by public funds.

    The 1916 Regulation abolished the ‘payment-by-result’ procedure of making grants to schools. That was replaced with a better one that took cognizance of the overall efficiency of schools. The immediate effect of this change was a rapid increase in the number of assisted schools. The carefully spelt-out conditions included visit(s) from inspectors. This in turn led to the increased and improved capability of the Department of Education to monitor the appalling and dubious quality of schools in the regions that the Governor-General had commented upon

    Important Information

    What is of importance in this narrative is that from as long ago as 1887 public fund had gone into the running costs of assisted schools. Second, government had actually transferred some of its own schools to the missions in the mid-fifties of the 19th century as contained at p.24 of that very authoritative report. This information has been ignored or denied by the missions when government had cause to reverse this trend more than 80 years later when the grant-in-aid system was being grossly exploited and abused mainly by private proprietors.

    After a thorough review of the grants-in-aid system which included one of the best documented and most authoritative writings on education for the period 1842 to 1946, Phillipson made his landmark and well received recommendations under the following heads (pp.93-98):

    1.         Division of the grants-in-aid vote

    2.         A national teaching profession

    3.         Separation scheme for non-Government certificated teachers

    4.         Staff and organization of the Education Department in relation to the new grant-in-aid proposals

    5.         Procedure in connection with the report: implementation.

    Documentation

     He (Phillipson) then went out specifically to make the following recommendations (p.99):

    1.         i.   That, in suitable areas and as an experiment, Native Administrations should be encouraged to introduce local education or school rates. (Paragraph 41 (b)).

    2.         ii.  That the Native Authority Ordinance, 1934, be amended so as to allow of local education or school rates being applied to the support of approved Voluntary Agency schools (Paragraph 41 (b)).

    3.         iii. That grants in aid of the recurrent recognized expenses of schools and teacher training institutions under regulations 1 to 32 and 34 of the grant-in-aid regulation be classified as Nigerian expenditure and that grant-in-aid of capital and “special purposes” expenditure under regulation 33 should be classified as regional expenditure. (Paragraph 41(f)).

    4.         iv.  That, subject to further consideration in connection with the first allocations of revenue to the Regions due to take place in July next, the special vote ( E150,000 in the 1948-49) Estimates) for Northern Educational Development should also be classified as Nigerian expenditure.

    5.         v.  That the provision in the Nigerian Estimates for grants in aid of recurrent recognized expenses of schools and teacher training institutions should constitute a division of the Nigeria Estimate under Head 32-Education, the arrangement being as proposed in Paragraph 48.

    6.         vi.  That the question of establishing national scales for certificated teachers, whether employed by the government, Native Administrations, Local Authorities or approved Voluntary Agencies, should be considered by the Director of Education in consultation with the authorities concerned.(paragraph 49)

    7.         vii. That the general procedure after the publication of this report should be as outlined in Paragraph 52

    8.         viii.   That for the better administration of the scheme proposed, the Senior Service establishment of the Education Department should be strengthened, particularly at the Provincial level. (Paragraph 51)

    9.         ix.  That the method of payment of grants in aid of primary schools should be as outlined in paragraph 45 (n) and that action should be concerted accordingly between the Education Department and the Accountant-General’s Department as part of the work preparatory to bringing the regulations into effect on 1st January,1949.

    10.       x. That the Government should definitely accept liability for the retiring benefit of non-Government teachers under the proposed superannuation scheme. (Paragraph 50)  

    “The most relevant part of the Phillipson Report for the 1960s was that the question of establishing national scales for certificated teachers, whether employed by the government, Native Administrations, Local Authorities or approved Voluntary Agencies, should be considered by the Director of Education in consultation with the authorities concerned. (Paragraph 49)

    Further details on the ownership of schools will be published in this column soon in sha’Allah.

  • As some governors stop schooling during Ramadan

    As some governors stop schooling during Ramadan

    I am dismayed at how the governors of four northern States in northern Nigeria, namely Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, and Bauchi, have yet again closed down nursery, primary, and secondary schools in their States during the fasting period of the holy month of Ramadan. The schools are closed at a time when the quality of education in northern Nigeria has been nose-diving for decades. At a time when the rate of out-of-school children in northern Nigeria is the highest in Nigeria and in West Africa. For instance, the recent Multidimensional Poverty Index given by the National Bureau for Statistics puts Bauchi State at 54% of children lacking access to education, with Kebbi State next at 45%, Katsina has 38%, and Kano trails at 35%.

     I am shocked that some of the governors, in their wisdom, believe that it is good for the children to stay out of school for the entire month of Ramadan as a valuable addition to the States they govern. It is important to note that the youths are the greatest assets of any society.

     What does Islam say about the closure of schools during Ramadan?

    Indeed, the first Surah that was revealed to prophet Muhammad, Peace Be Upon Him (PBUH) in the Holy Qur’an is the 96th Chapter of the Holy Qur’an (Surah Al-Alaq) Where Almighty Allah Said to Prophet Muhammad PBUH “IQRA’A” meaning “READ or LEARN”. It is also instructive to note that the Holy Qur’an was first revealed to the prophet Muhammad PBUH, during the holy month of Ramadan. And if we are standing on the platform of Islam, then the reason for the closure of the school is not justifiable.

     May I remind those State Governors of the teachings of the leader of Islam, prophet Muhammad PBUH, whose educational model was more focused on youths of the society. During his days in Mecca before he performed Hijrah to Medina, especially after his Hijra and settling down in the city of Madina; majority of the people that drove the propagation. Of Islam (Da’awah), were the youths, who were highly educated in the school of the prophet Muhammad PBUH. Indeed, most of the companions/ followers of the prophet Muhammad PBUH became the knowledge reservoirs, teachers, leaders of thought, custodians/ librarians of Qur’an, Hadith, Islamic history, and Islamic jurisprudence, were young. Indeed, most of those companions/ followers of the prophet Muhammad PBUH, including women like his wives and others, acquired Islamic and other forms of education during their tender young , including during the month of Ramadan.

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     Therefore, there is no Islamic injunction in the Quran or in the Hadith that states that children should not go to school during Ramadan. Certainly, in Islam, children have to attain the age of puberty/maturity before they formally start fasting. So, if the concern is that the children will undergo a lot of stress during the month of fasting, about 90% (if we consider overage pupils) of the in Nursery and Primary schools’ pupils are not of fasting age. In fact, in the Islamic education system, pupils and students don’t go on holidays during Ramadan. Therefore, formal and informal Islamic schools (for example, Almajiri/ tsangaya schools) remain open during Ramadan except for the Eid-el-Fitri holidays. It is also strange and very worrisome to me as a Muslim and a northern Nigerian, that we are closing schools in some states in the north during the entire month of Ramadan, when indeed Islamic countries, or countries that run Islamic system of government, for example, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Egypt, etc. do not close their schools during Ramadan period. So, the question I ask is, what is the rationale behind closing schools for the entire month of Ramadan in those states? What value are we going to derive from closing our schools and keeping our children idle for a period of 30 days or more at a time when the minds and the brains of the children are open and ready to continue learning?

     Is it strategic or rational to close schools during Ramadan?

    At a time when we are trying to take more children (male and female), out of the streets and their homes and into the school system in the north, some governors are sending the pupils and students, home for a month. So, when you send back the child of a parents/guadians who would rather allow his child stay at home; as a Governor, what are you communicating to your people? You are actually inadvertently telling them that not going to school is a better option for that parent. Those children will be idle for a period of one month, doing nothing but playing or, in some cases, engaged in child labor. Hence, I wonder about the rationale behind keeping those schools closed. I would have loved to hear the reasoning that will align with my thoughts as a Muslim and as a northerner who believes that we are still lagging behind across all developmental indices in Nigeria. We are playing catch-up in terms of education, youth empowerment, and all other socioeconomic performance indices in this Country. And yet, we are closing schools for an entire month. Let us not forget, by the way, that during the course of the year, we have about 10 periods of public holidays in Nigeria; from Eid Kabir, Eid Fitri, Eid-el-Maulud, Christmas, Easter, New Year, Independence Day, Democracy Day, Workers Day, Children’s Day, etc. Of course, on some days that we have crises, we also shut down the national and/ or state economies.

     Accordingly, I urge those governors to have a rethink because as it is, we are fast losing ground, and catching up is becoming very difficult on a slippery pathway of socioeconomic headwinds. It makes no sense to me that children will be kept out of school in northern Nigeria, whereas their mates in other States across Nigeria are going to school, and attending extra classes/lessons. Those children will definitely lag behind. They seat for the same examinations, i.e. WAEC, NECO, JAMB, etc with other students from other States across Nigeria and in some cases even competing with other students across West Africa. How do we expect these children to catch up and keep up? And when the school resumes, the pupils and students will have to undergo crash programs (under pressure) as if it is their fault. I am amazed that some of our State Governors are taking this route at this crucial moment in the evolution of our society in northern Nigeria. Interestingly, just three days ago, the Federal Ministry of Education announced the approval of 11 new private Universities in Nigeria by President Bola Ahmad Tinubu. If you go through the list of the newly approved private universities, none of them will be located or situated in Northern Nigeria, except for the one that will be located in Abuja, which is owned by a southern Nigerian. The question is, are we not looking at our actions that speak of our vision and our strategy?

      Meanwhile, some northern states already have progressive, and forward-thinking plans for education and youth empowerment. Those models should be the models we should consider and improve upon rather than what I consider a retrogressive initiative of closing down schools for an entire month. If the consideration is socio-economic, the rhetorical question is, how much is the total money that will be spent in public schools for one month, feeding children during the holy month? Is it not worth it?

     Therefore, I urge those northern governors in those states where the school closure initiative is ongoing to have a rethink. I remember that around 1982 to 1983, during the tenure of the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, the former governor of Kano State, Kano State received the UNESCO Award for Literacy in Nigeria. Oh, my goodness. Oh! How the mighty have fallen. I remember while growing up in Kano State as a student representing Rumfa College, Kano, as the President of the Debating and Literary Society, and as the Chief Speaker of the school while also representing Kano State at the national level; engaging schools from across Nigeria, competing successfully in Literary and Debating competitions, as a proud northerner, as a proud Kano boy. Oh! How the mighty have fallen! Now we have gone so backward that we will spend an entire month without our children going to school. I also remember with nostalgia, the days of first Governor of Kano State, late Alhaji Audu Bako, and even before then, when the likes of Mallam Aminu, together with Alhaji Tanko Yakasai, Dan Masanin Kano Late Bello Maitama Sule, and Alhaji Aminu Dantata came together around 1967 to see how they could consolidate the educational system of Kano State by setting up the Kano State Community Commercial College, Goron Dutse, which later became Aminu Community Commercial College Kano State. The closure of schools during Ramadan will negate such noble and strategic education strategies and initiatives.

    I, therefore, urge the state governors concerned to reverse the decision of closing our schools at this important time of the year in the interest of our children, youth, and our future.

  • Trump-Zelensky confrontation

    Trump-Zelensky confrontation

    Any student of diplomacy and foreign affairs will immediately recognise the genesis, development and trajectory of the demand for “open covenants openly negotiated” being a product of the First World War which leaders blamed on “secret diplomacy“. The total casualties of the conflict have been estimated at about40 million people, broken down to around 15 to 22 million deaths and about 23 wounded military personnel ranking it among the cruellest and deadliest conflicts in human history. This estimate perhaps did not take account of the casualties of colonial subjects like the famous “Senegalese tirailleurs” from France’s empire in West Africa and soldiers from British and German colonial empires who were drafted to fight in a conflict for which they knew nothing about the cause.

    The end of the war was also followed by the so-called Spanish influenza pandemic which killed between 50 to 100 million people worldwide between 1918 to 1919.

    To say that this tragedy was caused mainly by the events that followed the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir apparent to the Austro- Hungarian Empire by a Serbian nationalist in Croatia in Sarajevo in 1914 is simplistic. But it is true that if the Vienna regime did not have a secret treaty with the German Second Reich’s supporting it for any action it might take against Serbia, it would have been more restrained in its reaction. The moment the Serbian government was given an almost impossible ultimatum which it still complied with and the Vienna government mobilised against it militarily, Russia came into the picture on the side of Serbia as a protector of Slavic peoples and Germany responded by ordering military mobilisation and both France and Britain because of their secret treaty obligations to Russia, mobilised to support their ally Russia, thus the event in Sarajevo led to a world-wide conflagration.  It was therefore understandable for people to find out the fundamental cause of the war which was zeroed on “secret treaties”.

    Nigeria can earn $2.5billion annually from trades with Morocco – Abbas

    The democratic forces in Europe, led by the centre for democratic control of foreign policy in Britain, and by the European socialists, following the overthrow of the Kaiser in Berlin, and the emergence of the new Bolshevik government in Russia, following the overthrow of the Czarist regime in Saint Petersburg, supported the idea of secret treaties being responsible for the war. Governments all over Europe published official national documents blaming the pre-1914 governments for the failure of diplomacy in Europe. This apparently was picked up by the American government of President Woodrow Wilson who made the abolition of secret deals as means of conducting foreign policy the core of his foreign policy and guiding principle of the League of Nations, the precursor of the United Nations.

    Since then, foreign policy experts have laboured to keep sensitive information away from the public but the American penchant for exhibitionism has always prevailed to the chagrin of the whole world which the whole world saw in the fracas just short of blows between the American president, Donald J. Trump, aided by his vice president, JD Vance and president   Volodymyr Oleksanddrovych  Zelenskyy of beleaguered Ukraine in the White House last Friday, February 28. Despite embracing “open covenants” as a new way of conducting foreign policy, the Second World War still broke out in 1939 because of the onerous diktat of the Versailles peace settlement of 1918-1919 which ignored genuine and fundamental reasons for the First World War.

    It is arguable whether the settlement of 1945, based on total defeat of Germany and Japan and a world peace imposed by the United States and Russian hegemony would endure in the face of rising powers of China, India, Germany and Japan and other countries not happy with the current situation.

    What seems to be happening is that the Trump regime as disruptors has apparently decided to abandon the long-term American policy of hemming in Russia by building allies around it in Eastern and South-eastern Europe as well as in the NATO expansion to the Baltic states. Ukraine and Georgia’s membership of NATO would have made it possible to surround Russia with NATO short range ABM missiles. In the abandonment of this policy, Ukraine has become expendable. This is why for a whole week, Trump and his vice president, JD Vance, had openly lambasted Zelenskyy as an illegitimate president running an expired term in office since his government had postponed elections because of the exigencies of war in his country which is understandable.

    In fact Trump had blamed him for starting the Russian-Ukrainian war thus turning the victim into the aggressor. Trump went on to call him a dictator to the embarrassment of even some members of his Republican Party, rather than calling Vladimir Putin a dictator. He had publicly said Ukraine must be ready to cede Russian-conquered territories to it and that Ukraine should not expect to join NATO. Then the American president without any facts said his country had spent $350 billion in military supplies to Ukraine since 2014 which is way larger than the about $150 billion internationally verifiable figure. For this huge amount, Trump openly began sending emissaries to Ukraine asking its government to cede mineral rights worth about $500 billion to the American government in an open, imperialistic fashion totally unhidden from the rest of the world and different from such old tactics  in which the policy would have been presented as helping a nascent democratic country.

    This not only caused embarrassment to American allies but to many Americans themselves. To smoothen the way of Zelenskyy‘s visit to the White House, President Emmanuel Macron of France went to genuflect before Trump and to humour him to support Ukraine. This was followed by the visit of the British prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer to say that Trump must not give in to all Putin’s demands or else there will be nothing to negotiate. So when Zelenskyy came, no one was expecting the blow-up that followed. For reminding the American president that President Putin didn’t keep his words in the past, Trump exploded, joined by the American vice president that Zelenskyy was not grateful to President Trump for wanting to stop the bleeding of his country to which Zelenskyy replied he had expressed his gratitude many times at least to the American people and their government. Zelenskyy should have kept quiet but he refused to do so as a leader of a country at war. If this had happened in a normal diplomatic setting outside the glare of the world, it would not have assumed the total breakdown between the American peacemaker Trump and the struggling Ukrainian government and its weak European supporters that it now has assumed. 

    It is remarkable that the American president does not want to hear about the fears of Zelenskyy, the president of the Ukraine and even that of Europe on behalf of which he will be presumably negotiating. In a normal situation, Ukraine should be at the negotiating table and so should the Europeans, but Trump considers them as irritants. Unfortunately, Trump is right to say it is only him as a major backer of Ukraine who can bring Putin to the negotiating table, not the crowd of weak European states and that he has the understanding of the Russian government that it will abide with agreements negotiated with him and he had told Putin that Russia has much  to gain from an honourable peace in Ukraine especially from lifting of American and western economic sanctions and opening up of American investment in Russia itself and lessening of global tensions as a result of peace between Ukraine and Russia. He said he can only achieve rapprochement with Russia with overt friendship and not antagonism to President Putin. 

    He is right that without an all-out war on the European continent, his approach seems to be the only viable option for now. This is however very sad especially the way Ukraine is being made to part on one hand with 20% of its territory to Russia and substantial amount of its mineral wealth to America, supposedly a supporter. This should teach the whole world that the days of global consensus are gone and we have arrived at a period of open rape of weaker countries by the stronger ones and that the idea of sacrosanct and inviolable international borders based on the principle of territorial integrity is gone for ever.

  • Rivers: Jungle don mature

    Rivers: Jungle don mature

    A local government council cannot be governed or administered by the Federal Government, state government, governor of a state, local government caretaker committee, administrator, head of local government or by whatever name called or by any other state agency or other body. The government of a local government area other than by a democratically-elected council is not in accordance with the 1999 Constitution

    – Supreme Court verdict on local government autonomy

    Nothing… shall preclude a House of Assembly from making laws with respect to election to a local government council in addition to but not inconsistent with any made by the National Assembly – The Constitution

    The Supreme Court’s verdict on Friday on the Rivers political impasse touched on many issues ranging from the legality of the state’s 2025 budget, to its allocations from the Federation Account, to the conduct of the last local government election, as well as the status of the Martin Amaewhule-led 27 lawmakers and the executive council (EXCO) as presently constituted, albeit tangentially.

    Though, the court did not specifically make any pronouncements on the propriety or otherwise of the EXCO peopled mainly by commissioners that must be screened and cleared by a duly-comprised House of Assembly, its non-recognition of the Victor Oko-Jumbo-led three-man assembly that confirmed them has made the positions they occupy illegal.

    Despite the court’s unambiguous orders, these commissioners are still parading themselves in office as well as speaking on the judgment. It is the fashion these days for governors and their lieutenants to treat court orders with contempt. With the aid of their lawyers, who are mostly Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN), they pick and choose which court orders to obey. They only see good in the judgements that favour them.

    When they do not, the judge or judges must be corrupt and the losing party goes to town, again supported by these senior lawyers to run down the judiciary. Since the Supreme Court put him in his place on Friday, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has not been himself. He is not happy with the verdict and he is not hiding it. When he first spoke on the judgment on Sunday, he grudgingly promised to comply with the far-reaching orders therein, which he said he did not agree with.

    Really, he does not have to agree with the verdict in toto before complying with it – so far he does so fully. There is nothing like partial compliance with court orders. It is either you comply or you do not and face the consequences of your action, which is imprisonment for contempt, no matter the status of the contemnor.

    Pretending to be complying with the judgment, he directed the local government chairmen who were elected last October 5, in defiance of a high court order, to hand over to the heads of their councils. The Supreme Court frowns at such arrangements and the governor cannot claim to be unaware of what the highest court in the land said in the local government autonomy case (See the top of this piece) in which his state was well represented by his attorney-general whose office is no longer tenable in view of last Friday’s decision.

    Since he facilitated their election, the council chiefs complied promptly. I was not surprised. The puppeteer was only pulling the strings of his puppets. Since the apex court has sacked the council chiefs, they needed no prompting by the governor or any other person for that matter before packing their bags and go. Fubara claims he is obeying the apex court. What kind of obedience is that when he is, in the same breathe, flouting the same court’s order that only a democratically-elected government can run a local government area?

    Last July 10, the court as per Justice Emmanuel Agim, in the lead judgment, held that it is unconstitutional to have undemocratically-elected governments at that level. Under the cover of obeying one order, Fubara is deliberately disobeying another one because he does not want to deal with the 27 lawmakers that the court told him to represent the 2025 budget to. But for how long will he continue to bury his head in the sand like ostrich? The governor should stop deceiving himself.

    Nigeria can earn $2.5billion annually from trades with Morocco – Abbas

    If he does not know, he should hear it now that the market is over. To borrow the famous words which he uttered while swearing in his Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice last year: Jungle don mature, while threatening to probe the immediate past administration of his now estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike. I am not gloating over Fubara’s fate, but the truth is that he is the architect of his own problems. He can boast all he likes while talking in public, but he should not forget that he has become more vulnerable than ever.

    The truth is he is now at the mercy of the Amaewhule-led assembly which on Monday gave him 48 hours to present the 2025 budget as directed by the apex court. This was the same thing the President asked him to do when the First Citizen intervened in the initial stages of this crisis. Who knows, the crisis would have been long settled and forgotten by now, if he did.

    But based on bad advice, he demurred, claiming that he was “ambushed” to sign the presidential peace pact. Which is better: that missed political solution or this judicial lashing? Let nobody weep for Fubara. He may take all the time in the world to apply for the certified true copy (CTC) of the judgment, but the lawmakers do not owe him a duty to wait for him.

    The governor is not in a position to dictate what he wants to do or does not want to do. He is alone in the crowd of his commissioners (can they still be called that?) and other aides that surround him. They know that the party is over and one by one, they will start jumping ship so that he goes down alone, if he remains recalcitrant. Fubara can still salvage the situation if he manages things well as he is at his political nadir.

    Present (or represent) the 2025 budget, dissolve his EXCO and send a fresh list of nominees to Amaewhule and co., and allow them to work out the modalities for a fresh local government poll. These things should not be too hard for him. All he needs to do is to eat the humble pie. If he decides to play smart, he risks impeachment. His ominous statement on Monday that to “leave office is the worse that will happen to me” does not have to come to pass, and only him can prevent that from happening.

    Whatever may be his choice, Fubara should not misadvise others, especially the gullible youths of his state. What does he mean by the statement: “to our youths be strong, don’t be perturbed. At the right time, you will get instructions”. What instructions? I hope he is not planning something sinister. Well, the security agencies are not sleeping.

    LAST WORD: I had finished writing and sent in this piece when reports filtered in that Fubara won’t honour the assembly’s ultimatum. The choice is his. May I remind him of the saying: “As you make your bed, so you shall lie on it”.