Category: Columnists

  • Wike’s intriguing politics

    Wike’s intriguing politics

    To his surge of supporters, former governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Mr Nyesome Wike, has transformed into the status of deity. He is the object of their unending adulation and ululation. Among them, he is fast becoming the man who cannot be corrected because he is above mere mortals and thus can do no wrong. Alas! Wike knows more than anyone else the sheer ephemeral nature not just of power but of life itself. A leader who wants to succeed must beware of listening to the deceptive music of sycophants who desire nothing but to lure him to the cesspit of demystification and destruction. This is a factor that the incumbent governor of River State, Siminalai Fubara should also habitually keep in mind and meditate upon daily.

    On the other side, those who fervently support Governor Fubara detest his predecessor, Wike, with unmitigated passion and undisguised hatred. They do not see anything wrong with the governor turning so vehemently and venousmally against a mentor who not only sold his candidacy to the voting public but mobilized and deployed massive resources to ensure a little-known Fubara’s victory at the polls. Now that Fubara is in the governor’s seat, he has laid bare his fangs and set his claws like a feral beast waiting to pounce on any available prey. But it is a matter of moral integrity, character, loyalty and fidelity to truth. Of course, it can be argued that it was God who made Fubara governor of Rivers State. True, but God uses human beings to achieve his purposes on earth and in the case of Fubara, God’s tool was Wike and the governor must never forget that.

    It is difficult to understand how a man like Fubara who was a trusted aide to Wike and worked with him for eight years as governor, could so suddenly turn against a man who made him politically and helped build the political structure that enabled his victory to become Rivers State governor. Could he have been deceptive all along, hating his boss with all his might but disguising his true feelings in order to achieve his political objective? If so, Fubara should be Intelligent and wise enough to know that no matter which political party he gravitates towards in due course, he will not be trusted. His integrity will always be questioned as well as capacity for loyalty either to any person or group. Wike as it is now turning out to be, has little capacity to spot, recruit and motivate people of talent and ability to aid him add value to governance when he was governor of Rivers State.

    But then, despite his political astuteness and acumen, how could Wike have decided for and massively enhanced resources behind a Fubara who was his candidate for the governorship office in Rivers State? It is now obvious that if Fubara had any iota of loyalty to his then-boss, Wike, or any sense of commitment to the principles of truth and honesty, they were deceptive and only skin deep. But many of the Rivers State respected elders swarming around Fubara, singing his praises and denouncing Wike today are most likely to harbour some doubts within them about the character, constancy and dependability of Fubara.

    The lesson here is that rather than one person picking a candidate and imposing such an aspirant on the party, structured and institutionalized mechanisms must be put in place across parties to facilitate the emergence of candidates for elections in a competitive, transparent and credible process. But this also implies further that there must be a fundamental change in the way our political parties are funded and run. Rather than the current system whereby wealthy political entrepreneur’s fund and thus dominate the political parties, we should return to a new model where party members pay their dues through which the parties’ activities and obligations are funded.

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    Both Wike and Fubara have their respective faults in the ongoing political crisis but the governor in my view has the greatest responsibility to bend over backwards to cultivate his mentor and former boss. It is certainly not too late. Moreover, it is the well-being and progress of the people of Rivers State that must be paramount. The speed with which he moved against and sought to decapitate Wike politically is amazing and creates the impression of a ‘Machiavellian’ for whom  the end justifies the means no matter how base or immoral. But a lesson of history is that adopting a Machiavellian disposition to life can often be counterproductive or outrightly self-destructive.

    It was not until he stormed the venue of the PDP presidential election convention and very nearly got the ticket but for the ethnic sleight of hand that gave Alhaji Atiku Abubakar the PDP presidential flag, that I began to take a serious view of Wike. If Atiku had picked him as his running mate, would that not have brightened his chances in the last presidential election? Well, that question lies in the bosom of time. Wike is energetic, focused and productive. Both as governor of Rivers State and now Minister of the FCT, even WIKE’s most ardent adversaries would admit that he is a star performer and an aggressive goal-getter. But his failure with regard to the Rivers crisis is his penchant for intervening unnecessarily in the administration of Rivers under Fubara. Many see him as too brusque, harsh, dictatorial and overbearing. Even as it is important to let Wike know the need to curb these traits, his shortcomings cannot be an excuse for what is widely believed as Fubura’s betrayal of his former boss.

    The Scenario in Rivers is no exception. We have continued to witness ceaseless confrontations between governors and their successors since the inception of this dispensation in 1999 and across party lines. And in most cases, it is due to a struggle between former governors who seek to play the role of party leaders in their respective states and newly elected governors who seek to assume control of the party structure and assume the leadership of the party in the state. It was this conflict between the leadership of the party and that of the government machinery that led to the

    breaking down of the relationship between Chief Obafemi Awolowo as Leader of the party and Chief SLA as Premier of Western Nigeria that later degenerated into widespread riots and demonstrations in the region and later led the country to civil war with excruciating implications for millions of people on both sides of the battleground. And it was to avoid such a situation to recur in future that in the Second Republic from 1979, Awolowo insisted that the governor in each state controlled by the Unity Party of Nigeria must also be the leader of the party in the state.

    How he walks the tightrope of being a Minister on the platform of the APC and also a still influential member of the PDP is intriguing  and impressive. But we can only wait in bated breath as events unfold in the near future. President Tinubu tried in futility to reconcile the warring factions. Their mutually agreed positions were soon jettisoned and the contenders were back in the trenches. It is surely time for elders in Rivers State to close ranks and help bring these two eminent citizens of the state together.

    Meanwhile, we will continue to closely watch Wike’s intriguing dance steps on the often treacherous terrain of Nigerian politics.

  • Where is Chelle?

    Where is Chelle?

    Suddenly, those who run our football have realised that Nigeria’s flag won’t be hoisted among the comity of soccer-playing nations at the 2026 World Cup. They have pressed the panic button as if the World Cup qualification fixtures were drawn yesterday. They are experts in creating needless tension among the players, coaches and the over 200 million Nigeria. It is no rocket science that Nigeria may not qualify for the Mundial. Some of the new decisions being adopted now ought to have been done before the qualifiers began last year. If Nigeria fails to qualify for the Mundial (God forbid), will our soccer chieftains apologise to Nigeria and quit the soccer scene here for the good of the game?

    Coach Eric Chelle, whenever you have discussed with all the players in Europe, you could arrive in Abuja one week before the contingent’s departure to Rwanda in our characteristic style of arriving aboard a charter jet. That is the way our people run her football-fire brigade system.  We have just woken up and we expect the world to wait for us.

    You would have come to formally assume the most unreliable job in the universe as the Super Eagles coach where every game must be won with goals aplenty. It is the job in which those watching the team play at the stands during matches feel they can do better than the coach – in this case Eric Chelle. Yet, they don’t submit their applications for the job, whenever there is a vacancy. This writer belongs to this group without apologises since for us in Nigeria, football is like a religion. Football unites Nigerians. It is a game where the father and wife belong to different clubs as supporters. It is a game here in Nigeria where children mock their daddy to the bones whenever his European club loses a game. Daddy takes the harassment on the chin, waiting patiently for his turn in the weeks ahead.

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    Interestingly, daddy, mummy and the loving kids come under a family umbrella to support the Super Eagles. Such is the allure the Super Eagles enjoy here. Chelle, the passion and incredible followership of the Eagles when they are playing anywhere in the world is such that the streets around the country are desolate with the young, the old, boys and girls moving around before the the game to look for here to watch their idols on match days.

    With exactly 40 days to the battle against Rwanda inside the Amahoro Stadium, it is to interrogate Chelle’s thoughts to find out if he will continue fielding the slow-moving Eagles or replace them with a squad of energetic and skillful players running down the Rwandans on the pitch, covering the blades of grass and spending less than 60 seconds to retrieve the ball when they lose its possession. Again, would we be watching a selfless bunch of players playing the game as if their lives depended on it? Would the players aim at scoring 80 per cent of the goal-scoring opportunities that they would create against Rwanda and Zimbabwe?

    Showboating during games doesn’t translate to victories at dusk because it is the side that slams the ball into the net as many times as the openings are created that win. Therefore, Chelle shouldn’t hesitate to replace unserious players since he has a must-win mandate for the remaining six matches in her quest to qualify for the 2026 World Cup.

    The 46-year-old admitted that the road to glory would be tough but insisted that both he and the team are determined to claim African football’s biggest prize. We pray O’ Lord! “Yes, it’s going to be difficult to win because there are 24 very good teams and some very good coaches,” Eric Chelle told CAFonline.

    “I know I’ve got a team that’s out for revenge, and I’m out for revenge too, so we’re going to have a lot of fun.

    “We are out for revenge. We know what this team is capable of, and our goal is clear—to lift the trophy in Morocco.” I digress!

    Yes, Chelle was at the 2025 AFCON draws as other nations’ coaches in Morocco in December. Need I remind Chelle that he won’t be in Morocco if Nigeria are not the winner of the sole qualification in Group C for the 2026 World Cup?

    It would interest you to know that whilst you were junketing in Europe to rub minds with our foreign legion, South Africa’s Bafana Bafana’s coach, Hugo Broos provided the arithmetic and geometrical perspectives to the ticket race stressing that South Africa need 16 or 17 more points to add to their seven points to edge out Nigeria.

    According to Hugo Broos: “We now have seven points, and then I count six (in March), it’s 13. And then we have four games, which tally up to 12 points. I think if you have 16-17 points, you have qualified,” Broos told journalists as per Africa Football.

    “All the teams are still in the running. Therefore, March can be a key month, and things will be a little bit clearer. And then after that, we can say, for example, Rwanda is out. Again, that’s why it’s very important to win the two games (against Lesotho and Benin).”

    “You know we have to be realistic. If tomorrow South Africa qualifies for the World Cup, we don’t have to talk about quarter-finals and semi-finals,” Broos added.

    What Broos’ permutations show is that he expects South Africa to grab the ticket with 23 points, including that of Nigeria’s six games which would be played in  South Africa. Perhaps, it is the Nigeria game that the Bafana Bafana coach thinks that his boys can draw hence the 16 out of 18 points he has settled for. Fair enough.

    So, what are Nigeria’s permutations? Are we just massaging our egos with the thought of being able to win the remaining six games? A big possibility, but are our players ready to fight to the finish lines in the six matches left? Perhaps, we may need to ask the NFF if truly the players, coaches and backroom staff have been paid their outstanding bonuses and entitlements. This is the crux on which Nigeria’s chances of another Mundial appearance lie.

    It would be a big shame if Nigeria fails to qualify for the next World Cup in 2026 despite the increase in the participating countries. The football federation would have no reason to give if Nigerians are made to support other nations, not theirs. Besides, another generation of young boys who have evolved from the FIFA grade competition such as Victor Osimhen would have been wasted due to the administrative incompetence of people who specialise in planning for events whose dates had been made public at least two years earlier.

    Perhaps, such a failure is what the game needs for the government to interfere in how the federation’s elections are conducted. This idea that only a selected group of people are eligible to participate in the body’s election is unacceptable. Nigeria is a football nation given the exploits of our players in European football. We need not be seers to know where the problems of our football lie.

    We are tired of all these needless permutations for Nigeria to participate in global competitions other sports-loving countries use to change the worldview of their countries. It hurts talking about a likely failure because people who ought to plan early for assignments such as this wait until the roof falls on their heads before doing what ought to have been done years ago. Would there be any reason for the present board of the federation to remain in office if they fail to qualify the Super Eagles for the next World Cup? You tell me.

  • Lesson from history

    Lesson from history

    Preamble

    Let me start today with a Qur’anic admonition which I have frequently quoted in this column but which has consistently meant nothing to the rulers of Nigeria. It goes thus: “…Beware of a calamity that may descend not only on the perpetrators of injustice amongst you (but also on the innocent ones); and be warned that Allah’s retribution can be very severe on the unjust…” Q. 8:25.   

    History is an invisible teacher. It teaches the experience of the past to the inexperienced people of the present with a view to guarding them towards a safe future. Some people perceive history as the best teacher because it warns against the vanity of human wishes as much as it encourages the emulation of impeccable exemplariness of the past. Others call it a bad teacher because it does not practically enforce its teachings by preventing its supposed students from falling into the quagmire of life.

    From whatever angle it is observed, however, history remains the undisputable teacher of all teachers which can be described in any way by anybody depending on the side of the divide to which each observer belongs. Thus, for as long as human beings remain in existence, passing through the coast of history will never cease to serve a meal of lesson.

    Recently, Libya, a onetime Italian colony in North Africa, stood out as a bastion from where the smoke of history was oozing out into the firmament of Africa and the Middle East for misguided rulers to inhale some scents of experience from. Of all the Arab countries that recently engulfed in political turmoil, perhaps the least expected to join the fray was Libya. And that assertion would have become an axiom if the 69 year old despot of that country had heeded the warning of history coming from the neighbouring Tunisia.

    There had been a general but erroneous belief that the trend of the ongoing revolts in the Arab world started with the fall of the imperial monarch, of Iran (Muhammad Pahlavi ) who styled himself the Shah n Shah (King of Kings). Iran is though situated in the Middle East, she is not an Arab country.

    The truth is that the Arab revolts actually began two years earlier (1977) in Egypt. It was called ‘Egyptian Bread Riots’.

    The two day riots of January 18 and 19, 1977 were a spontaneous reaction by hundreds of thousands of peasants to the removal of state subsidies on foodstuffs as recommended by the World Bank and the International Monetary Funds (IMF). The then Egyptian President, Anwar Sadat, had, in response to IMF’s recommendation, increased the price of a loaf of bread by just one Piaster (an equivalence of one Nigerian Kobo). The implementation of that policy was the height of insensitivity, on the part the government, to the murderous plight of the masses at that time.

    By the time the dust settled, about 79 people had been shrouded for burial while over 800 others became patients in the casualty sections of many Hospitals in the country. The riots ended only with the reversal of that obnoxious policy and the restoration of the removed subsidies. That singular incident, added to the general discontent in the land hitherto caused by the evident class dichotomy, eventually led to the assassination of President Sadat three years later.

    From thence, Egyptians became conscious that the only language understandable to their government was violent revolt. Thus, in 1986, barely six years after the death of Sadat and the assumption of office as President by Hosni Mubarak, another major riot broke out in Egypt.

    On February 25, 1986, about 17000 Egyptian conscripts of the Central Security Forces (CSF) otherwise known as Egyptian Para-military Force staged a violent protest in and around Cairo city destroying two major Hotels and targeting the property of the upper and the middle classes. The riots caused by a peddled rumour that the government had decided to increase the then two year compulsory national service to three years without any commensurate remuneration lasted three days with official casualty figure put at 107. Over 2000 people were said to be terribly wounded.

    Unlike Sadat who quickly reversed his foodstuff subsidy policy, the only lesson which Hosni Mubarak seemed to have learnt from Sadat’s experience was the use of force. Ever since, Egypt had become a delicate gun powder waiting to explode at anytime as the nation’s youths had become so restively radicalized that taming with mere appeal was impossible. If there was any surprise about the recent Egyptian revolution that ended Mubarak’s 32 year regime with ignominy therefore, it was its delay till that time.       

    With the Iranian and the Egyptian experience, one would expect the other rulers in the Middle East region as well as Africa to learn a lesson. But as a Yoruba adage goes,” a dog destined to die in perdition will never respond to the whistle of the hunter”.

    In Tunisia, the protests leading to the flight of the tyrannical President Zain El-Abidine Ben Ali to Saudi Arabia were instigated by the gruesomely symbolic suicide of one Mohammed Bouazizi on December 17, 2013. The 25 year old College graduate had used his University degree as collateral to obtain a bank loan with which he ventured into trading in grotesque having realized the futility of looking for job in a country where about 14% of the populace was unemployed. But unexpectedly, his wares were confiscated by government officials for not obtaining official permit to sell farm products. In reaction, the young man concluded that his country didn’t need him after all and he decided to commit suicide by setting himself ablaze.

    Efforts to rescue him proved abortive as he died in a Hospital a couple of days thereafter.

    Piqued by that sad incident, the public reaction to his death was unimaginably spontaneous. Violence erupted across cities and towns as already aggrieved youths trooped to the streets burning whatever could be burnt and maiming whoever could be captured among government agents. The demand was no longer for reforms but for the removal of the President. By that time, the President though tried to address some of the issues against which complaints were made his action had become too late to yield any sensible result. Thus, when the coming signals were no longer positive he knew that the die had been cast and decided to flee the country thereby ending his 24 year old regime with historic ignominy.

    The case of Bouazizi who set himself ablaze and was posthumously pronounced a martyr as well as the father of the revolution was just an atom in the complex story of longstanding discontent in Tunisia. There were many other cases of the like but three main factors can be said to be the immediate precipitates of the Tunisian revolution. These were corruption, unemployment and insensitive affluence publicly displayed by government officials.

    While all these were going on in Tunisia and Egypt, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s impression was that the Presidents in both countries were mere jellies who could hardly manage their matrimonial homes. It was far from his imagination that the surging political tsunami sweeping across the Arab world like a hurricane could come near Libya let alone consume him.

    After 42 years of unbridled despotism, Gaddafi inadvertently reopened the film of Pharaoh’s history for the modern world to behold. Like Saddam before him, he lost all that he lived for including most of his children.

    The story of the Tunisian, the Egyptian and the Libyan revolutions, cannot be relayed in isolation. There are many more of the like as Syria and Yemen soon followed suit.

    If the hanged President Saddam Hussein of Iraq had not met his doom in the hands of his imperial friends turned enemies, he would have probably met a similar waterloo in the hands of his own people just like Gaddafi.

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    In virtually all the Arab countries, education is free from the primary school to the University. There is no problem of electricity, water, roads, rail system, food and housing. The only two areas in which the people of those countries were encountering problem with their governments were unemployment and freedom to participate in governance.  And for those two reasons, an un-foretold tsunami swept the length and breadth of what is called the Arab world.

    The Moroccan Monarch, his Jordanian colleague as well as the Algerian President were only lucky to have heeded the warning tune of that tsunami in time thereby escaping its consequences. The lesson they learned from the experiences of their colleagues in the neighbouring countries served them in good stead and they survived the unprecedented calamity. Otherwise, they would have ended up like Libya’s Gaddafi or Egypt’s Mubarak.

    Here in Nigeria, which of the above named infrastructures was made available despite the enormous material resources with which the country is naturally endowed? Rather than utilize those resources to boost the general standard of living and thereby uplift the status of the country, the priority of our government in the past 16 years was to squeeze the citizenry dry through a monstrous corruption and callous removal of a non-existing subsidy on oil. And that was in addition to the spiral increase of tariff on electricity consumption in anticipation of an imaginary stability of power. At a stage, every Nigerian driving a vehicle was forced to buy new number plates that cost about N30000 in replacement of the old one on their cars. In any civilized country, such obnoxious policy would have constituted an act of barbarity. But in Nigeria, that was the government’s way of generating funds for its officials to embezzle with impunity.

    While the Tunisians became restive over 14% unemployment figure, Nigerians were proudly grappling with about 72% of unemployment rate even as the government kept drumming loudly the tune of becoming one of the 20 most economically viable countries in the world. What a grand self-deception? 

    The warning here is for the doubting ‘Thomases’ who are still in the dream land in Nigeria and the rest of Africa to open their eyes and clearly see the vanity of human wishes in the cited Arab nations. Such tendentious talks like: “IT CAN’T HAPPEN HERE IN NIGERIA”, as the outgoing Senate President was severally quoted as saying, only belongs to primordial men who still live in the primordial time. To avoid becoming like flies dying in the bottle of wine, men of reason had better learn from the experiences of others before some others begin to learn from their own experiences.

    Justice is fundamentally sacrosanct in the reckoning of Allah. Where you have people who are educated enough to know their right; where you have people who are conscious of their common affinity and are ready to assert it; where you have people who believe in God and His capability to impose justice where none exists, let no one think that such people can be exploited indefinitely. Those in power in Nigeria who think they can live perpetually on injustice should remember that the likes of Saddam Hussein, Muammar Gaddafi and Hosni Mubarak never thought that nemesis could afflict them one day. Their episodes are now part of history. Prophet Noah (Nuhu) never prayed for the destruction of his nation and people even after 950 years of preaching to the deaf. His prayer only came when, one day, a small child carried on the shoulder of his father asked for a stone to be thrown at him (Nuhu) just as most people in the nation had done for the past 950 years. The Prophet’s conclusion was that even the great grand children of that generation would continue atrocities in the land and remain hostile to God just like their parents. Thus, when he prayed for their destruction, it was divinely accepted with ‘automatic alacrity’.  The rest is history. Let those who refuse to learn from ancient history try to learn from the recent one. To be forewarned is to be forearmed. A word is enough for the wise.

  • Another wake-up call for opposition political parties in Nigeria

    Another wake-up call for opposition political parties in Nigeria

    The spectacle of a debacle that happened at the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) national headquarters during the PDP Board of Trustees (BOT) meeting, which took place last week was a show of shame, and a culmination of the crises that have rocked the party for about 2 years, with no end in sight. The “roof-rofo” fisticuff which looked like a scene out of a 2nd grade Nollywood movie was both funny and annoying – what a paradox! This is especially so because the fracas happened at the national headquarters of the PDP during the meeting of what is considered the highest advisory and decision-making body of elders and leaders of the party. So, what should we expect at the state and/ or local government levels?

    Many people do not know that I have political experience. As a bit of background about my political antecedents; I was a founding member of the All Peoples Party (APP) in 1998, and I was appointed as the first Information Analyst at the APP National Secretariat, working directly with the National Chairman and the National Secretary (within the National Working Committee). I worked with different Committees including Planning and Organising Committees, Mobilization Committees, National Convention Committee, the APP governorship elections Campaign team for late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi, the APP Governorship Candidate for Kano State in the 1999 Gubernatorial elections, etc. I was given level-1 confidentiality clearance and ran political assignments at the highest level. After the Presidential elections, In the second half of 1999, I followed some of my Principals, to switch affiliation to the PDP along with other party chieftains. In the PDP, I was also privileged to work at top levels with the likes of the late Ibrahim Aminu Saleh, and other party chieftains. One such instance was playing a key role in the emergence of Chief Audu Ogbe as the PDP National Chairman in 2001. Following that development, I became actively involved in partisan politics and undertaking national assignments. In 2005, midway into the second term of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, I decided to revert back fully to my professional career and stepped away from partisan politics.

     Having been a member of an opposition political party, as well as the ruling party, I understand the mechanics and dynamics of politics and party administration. Since the time I left politics in 2005, interestingly, today, all our political mentors, leaders, and colleagues from 1998 to date are in all the political parties, APC, PDP, Labour Party or NNPP because the politicians have all spread out. And that tells you the kind of politics we have in Nigeria.

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     The politics of ideology in Nigeria is still a work in progress. With the way the opposition political leaders and their parties are unraveling, unless something disruptive is done on the part of the opposition, it is highly unlikely that they will make any significant impact in the 2027 elections, i.e. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will most likely have what they call in football, “ a walk over “- in 2027 – easy win. Because, to be honest, what is currently going on in the opposition political parties is a joke. I say with all sense of responsibility, that I am disappointed with the kind of leadership that is provided at the political party levels. I am disappointed with the kind of engagements that are happening across opposition political parties. Selfishness, parochialism, and the pretext of nationalism or patriotism are most times reflected in their actions. And I have said it many times, and with all due respect, that whether it is His Excellency Atiku Abubakar, His Excellency Peter Obi, or His Excellency Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso; all of whom I have profound respect for, cannot effectively lead a country if you cannot manage a political party. For instance, with the ongoing spectacle of a debacle in PDP some days ago, does PDP currently look like a political party that can upstage the APC at the federal or even at the State level? So, the truth is if these political leaders really mean well for Nigeria, then they should have a solid and robust strategy that will unify their political parties, and they should put their differences aside and focus on building internal democracy which will ensure them the unity of purpose and prepare them for the herculean task of winning a highly strategic incumbent, like President Tinubu.

    According to former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the APC is enticing some opposition party leaders with money so that they could destabilize their parties. With profound respect, in my opinion, that allegation is laughable. If opposition political parties continue deceiving themselves by saying that it is the APC that is causing problems in their political parties, then that means that the opposition political leaders don’t have the capacity, political sagacity, political acumen, and fluidity to hold their party structures and hold their people together. I also expect that sometimes they should even do the politics of give and take. President Bola Ahmed had to step down his presidential ambition twice, for the long game – That is strategy! But every time Alhaji Atiku loses elections, then everything has to stop, or he will abandon the political party that gave him the ticket. Mr. Peter Obi is also beginning the move in that direction. We must understand our strengths and our weaknesses to effectively utilize opportunities, and ultimately achieve our strategic objectives. 

    We have a political colossus in the person of President Tinubu as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. We can talk and wish him away. We can lament and complain. But unless they put their heads together, like it happened in 2015, as we may recall it was l the APC, i.e. President Bola Tinubu and his political allies that upstage an incumbent President; then all the opposition can organize, will be talk shops. They can only upstage the incumbent President if they put their personal sentiments aside and look at Nigeria as a project. 

    By the way, let me be clear, that I will not support power going back to the North in 2027. As Nigerians, we agreed to a north-south shift of power in the interest of unity, equity, and justice. Therefore, let us work with that template so that the opposition will start putting a robust strategy, going forward. I am saying this without prejudice to the constitutional right of citizens to aspire for any public office in Nigeria. Essentially, leadership recruitment in Nigeria should be based on character, content capacity, unity, equity, justice, and about what a candidate has to offer Nigeria. Only when opposition political leaders and opposition political parties come together, that there be hope for the opposition to even put the APC on their toes.

     Accordingly, my humble “going forward” agenda-setting message to the opposition parties is; “Recognizing your reality is the beginning of success”. Real situational awareness is what guides successful strategic planning and execution in military warfare, business, and also politics. Toxic narratives, social media rantings, and cyberbullying will not lead to success. In essence, the opposition parties need to expand their vision, be more strategic, detailed, focused, determined, and resilient, and ultimately be united about selfish interests to succeed, because performance is measured by results and outcomes and not by events or activities.

     One of the indications of how the opposition parties are faring is how the members of the opposition parties in the National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives) have completely disappeared from their political party structure, headquarters, or scheme of things. In the past few weeks Members of the opposition parties in the National Assembly in the Senate or House of Representatives are already decamping in droves to the APC. I expect some State Governors of the opposition will soon decamp to the APC.

     A lot of members of the opposition parties in the National Assembly, no longer associate themselves with the Presidential candidates who should be the rallying point of their party. I expect to hear or see them deferring to those leaders with regard to critical issues of national interests, but that is not happening except in the case of the NNPP, in fairness to them. For those who won elections on the platform of the PDP, I cannot remember the time that I saw most of them in a photoshoot together, talk less of hearing them going to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar for advice or guidance. The same situation is the case of those who won on the tide of the Obedient movement, the photo shoots with Mr. Peter Obi are becoming less talk less of constructive engagement with the LP leader.

     My parting words for the opposition political figures; United you stand, divided you fragment your votes and make it easy for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to coat into his second term the rhetorical question is, “Will our politicians ever rise above their selfish and parochial interested to actual do the needful?” Your answers are as good as mine.

  • Sunny’s lyric

    Sunny’s lyric

    Sunny Ajose happened twice upon this world. First, as a gamete, ruffling deep inside his mother’s womb. At his second dawning, he slipped through the birth canal into the beautiful lights of Sunday, February 10, 1946, thus unsettling the chaste universe of Hodonu Oluwafemi Ajose and his wife, Victoria Oladoyinbo (Nee Ojo).

    Sunny was born when the grim bangle of life ornamented fallen cities, oceans and blades of grass. On his birthday, Marshall Islands Military Governor Commodore Ben Wyatt announced the forced relocation of Bikini Atoll’s 167 residents to allow atomic bomb testing on their homeland. He assured the unsuspecting villagers that their sacrifice was “for the good of mankind and to end all wars.” In reality, they were exiled into a harsh struggle for survival, scavenging for food across four islands.

    A day earlier, Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin had delivered his infamous Bolshoi Theatre speech, widely seen as the Cold War’s catalyst, where he subtly declared war on the United States. A month later, in March 1946, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, in a speech at Fulton, Missouri, introduced the term “iron curtain” while calling for a global alliance between Europe and the U.S.

    Thus, it could be said that Ajose was birthed into a storm of intrigues. He was born at the dawn of the Cold War, and into a world politically divided by an ‘Iron Curtain.’

    Against the backdrop of these disruptions, Ajose arrived as a bit of calm into his parents’ lives. Unlike the proverbial Ajantala whose impatient bulk pried his mother’s wearied uterus apart till he burst out carved like a demon in a cherub, Ajose invoked no tempest to rock his parents’ world. Rather he arrived to enrich his parents’ vestal lives.

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    And so, it may be said that Ajose, who hailed from Wadon Compound of Boekoh Quarters in Badagry, Lagos, grew up to get his piece of the Nigerian dream by selective pitching of his social and intellectual roots in public service. A quintessential technocrat, Ajose believed that public service is far too precious and fundamental to be left to the whims of feckless characters, and preached constructive patriotism and altruism as a counteraction to the selfishness and greed that has overtime become the norm in some government circuits. Virtue, according to Ajose, should guide human conduct in governance, the economic, social and political circuits, rather than the exception. In and out of the public’s eye,  Ajose endeavoured to do good. But his deeds were neither done as an apology nor extenuation of his fortune and privileges in the world. Ajose did not propagate virtue as a penance for the perceived failings of the political class or the world’s privileged divide; he did not preach selective ethics or morality as a function of artifice, rather he propagated virtuousness as an intrinsic part of public service and humanity.

    The true magic of this broken world, writes Michael Chabon, lies in the ability of the things it contains to vanish, to become so utterly lost that they might never have existed in the first place. It took the untimely death of  Ajose for his family, friends and political associates to discern the hidden essence of these words perhaps. By experiencing the loss of the elder statesman, our understanding of the transience of life deepens in real time.

    There are no ordinary moments. Thus every moment spent with Ajose was pleasurable. You only have to ask any or all of his acquaintances. Talking about him in his biography penned by me, “The Sunny Side of Ajose,” Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, likened the experience of knowing him to opening a whole book of knowledge.

    Governor Sanwo-Olu hailed Ajose as a perfect gentleman—hardworking, dedicated, and deeply passionate about Lagos. As a public servant, particularly as Head of Service, Ajose made invaluable contributions to the state’s development, earning well-deserved accolades. For former Lagos Governor and ex-Minister of Works Babatunde Raji Fashola, pinpointing Ajose’s most remarkable trait was no easy task.

    Since their first meeting on August 16, 2002—the day Fashola assumed office as Chief of Staff to then-Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu—Ajose had profoundly shaped his understanding of the civil service. Fashola recalled his early days in office, overwhelmed by incoming files and correspondence, until Ajose meticulously guided him through ministry acronyms, department structures, and official procedures, marking the start of his civil service education.

    In the foreword of Ajose’s biography, Fashola lauded his strong work ethic, calm demeanor, and exceptional leadership. He admired Ajose’s wisdom in both professional and personal matters, as well as his ability to manage people effectively. He fondly recalled how, late at night, the scent of suya from Ajose’s office served as a morale booster for his team, keeping them energized despite their fatigue.

    Countless testimonials from former colleagues, subordinates, friends, associates, and mentees highlight Chief Sunny Ajose’s commendable work ethic and compassionate leadership. Olabisi Onala, an administrator in the Governor’s Office kitchen department, considers him a father figure, mentor, and guardian. She recalled how he had a way of turning tears into smiles and personally supported her education, funding her Master’s degree while emphasizing that financial constraints should never hinder one’s dreams.

    If you could liken Ajose’s evolution to poetry, it would read like a lyric poem. It would be a stirring verse tacked within the notes of a radiant lyre. It would be a timeless lesson incised in the psyche, and replete with anecdotes worthy of sacred spaces in the bedroom, boardroom and classroom walls.

    Think of it as a timeless tribute to an effervescent life force. Imagine it as a free verse brimming with history even as its stanzas beam with light and gradually evolve like a looking glass into the soul of the precocious child, that, grew into the triumphant man widely revered as Mr Circular.

    Indeed, Ajose’s growth is circular. As his reflection evolves to attain completeness or fullness of form, each stanza of his life cradles different narratives. His  journey unfolds in rhythmic cycles, a story related in looping prosodies of growth. Each phase cradles a distinct essence, yet together they form a seamless whole. The prologue unveils his captivating persona, the foundation upon which he is remembered. Amidst intense lyricism, dazzling hues, and ornate lore gleams enthralling aspects of his southwestern heritage; ancient wisdom meets modern mores as the verse lines interchange morals and values, passed down from his great forbears.

    The cadence deepens, pulsing with dialogues and discourses.

    that excite and fulfil his hankering for knowledge and exceptional wisdom. Everything ranging from philosophy of education to public service and the strategic precepts of ancient and modern governance, crowd these chapters. The latter connotes the blooming of his rational mind, his perceptiveness and strong leadership skills.  Challenges trigger the proverbial moments of rupture—a jarring awakening that arrives, first with the loss of his father, sending shockwaves of grief through him. Yet, from this fracture, clarity is born.

    Beneath his narrative are footnotes explaining the building plots of his masculinity and statesmanship; you would also find in this section his profound thesis on the ethics of public service as well as his superior logic on social re-engineering.

    Though his journey may seem interrupted, it is far from incomplete. In his wake, his deeds continue to shape the world he left behind, etching his legacy in bold relief—his essence whole, his imprint indelible.

  • Medical education by control and command

    Medical education by control and command

    Since 2024, medical schools in Nigeria have been under the pressure of state and federal authorities to double their enrolment with little said about doubling their capacity to meet these commands by governments. When some of the governments are too much in a hurry as in the case of Ondo, Lagos and federal governments, they establish so-called medical universities as if these schools can exist in isolation of the biological and physical sciences and give them mandates to “produce” doctors as if doctors could be manufactured just like that!

    The ostensible reason for the urgency in medical training is the fact that young and old Nigerian doctors are going by the droves abroad or to other African countries for better opportunities and salaries and emoluments. It seems as if when medically trained people are in government, they also forget their training and they apply the same solution to an old problem. It never occurs to them that they could retain the services of their doctors by vastly improving the conditions of service of Nigerian doctors. I will never forget an experience of two doctor friends of mine, husband and wife, who could not afford to pay a rent of N100,000 a month for a one bed room apartment in Ibadan some years ago. This is after going through the rigour of medical education in Nigeria where doctors have sometimes to be jack of all trades doing the work of laboratory technologists along with their own. I have sympathy for doctors because of the terrible and sometimes filthy environment in which they practice and live and because I do make use of medical services as an elderly patient.

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    Politicians seem to have a mechanical view of doctors. When they hear that doctors have resigned and left for greener pastures, their knee jerk reactions is to “produce” instantly many more replacements as if doctors are pieces of manufactured goods that can just be turned out of medical factories. There is no thought about quality but quantity. Lagos State government simply established a medical university and gave it a command to “produce” 150 of them per year! We were not told whether the college of medicine of LASU would automatically become the new medical university. Where will the teachers to “produce” these doctors come from?

    Already, the existing teachers in the medical schools around have been poached and poached and the old and aging teachers can hardly cope. Unfortunately because Nigerian academics are so poorly paid, they always jump at administrative positions of being vice chancellors of medical universities or regular universities, instead of telling the people in government to keep their impossible missions to those hungry enough to jump at them. Any opportunity to be vice chancellors of some medical universities in an awkward and remote place will attract takers even though they know they cannot make a success of the mission.

    Doubling the intake of medical schools should normally lead to doubling the physical capacity of laboratories, medical libraries, numerical increase in numbers of staff, equipment, hospital beds and so on. It is sad that patients admitted into our so-called teaching hospitals have to provide their own buckets of water. The lifts don’t work and hefty men have to be hired by relatives of patients to carry patients up the higher floors in some of the teaching hospitals. Some of these hospitals operate in total darkness! When one sees some of our doctors struggle through life, one is frightened to surrender one’s lives into their hands. When some us go to medical clinics, we secretly enquire where the doctors attending to us are trained. If a doctor is poorly trained, it will show in the mastery of his or her art.

    I am told that the Nigerian trained doctors are highly prized abroad. Let us keep their quality high so that we don’t spoil one of the few professions in which we have distinguished ourselves. There is no need to spoil the market by producing inferior doctors because we want to meet a local need in a hurry. If the situation demands it, we can begin to train medical auxiliaries as they do in Cuba to fill the yawning gaps left by our fleeing doctors. In any case, nurses and pharmacists are already filling the gaps. We should be very careful about displaying our ignorance about medical education.

    There were times when Indian doctors were discriminated against worldwide because of the poor training in some Indian medical schools. India learnt a hard lesson and we don’t want to go through the Indian experience. I call on the Nigerian Medical and Dental Council to be alive to its responsibility and it should never allow politicians to force it to approve any poorly staffed and equipped medical school to operate. This is a solemn responsibility which it must take very seriously. Some people glibly say doctors should be bonded for some years because they are trained at public expense. I think we are still a democratic country and everyone should enjoy fundamental human rights which includes freedom of movement and choice of where to live and work. If we are to stop doctors from leaving the country, what are we going to do to lawyers, engineers, nurses, pharmacists, pilots and other well trained people but poorly remunerated?

    What I have said about emergency medical schools goes for the mushroom universities springing up all over Nigeria. Many of them are only universities in name only. We now have universities where laboratory equipment and books are borrowed from neighbouring universities whenever they are to be accredited. Many of them are staffed by roving associate lecturers and professors teaching in some cases in as many as four universities to beat the economic privations caused by poor salaries. The permanent staffs in some of the universities are also sometimes not fit for purpose despite all the efforts of the National Universities Commission to impose standards. Some of the vice chancellors are not even professors of long standing if they are standing at all! These are terrible things for one who has been in the system for many years to say.

    I blame the academics themselves for not standing for quality in their institutions because of the fear of losing their jobs.  People in government, whether state or federal, also share substantial share in bringing down the standards of education in the country. The public primary and secondary schools have for a long time collapsed because the people responsible for their standards have removed their children from these schools and taken them to private paying schools. The schools the public attend are patronized by the vast majority of our people who have no alternative. Incredibly as it may sound, poor people are also leaving the public schools for private schools that they can barely afford. Private school education is a big business in Nigeria.  There are a few good schools at the secondary level where alumni are involved in their running and funding. Some of these alumni-aided schools are justifiably run as if they are private schools because students have to pay fees. Our country is a capitalist economy and he who pays the piper dictates the tune.

    The collapse of the education sector is gradually moving upward into the university level and governments are establishing universities without first finding out whether they have the resources and staff and even the students from the poorly run secondary schools. Private universities have become bragging rights and many of them are universities in name only! Establishment of universities have become part of the so-called democratic dividends!  The announcements of them have been part of after dinner speeches by our political overlords.

  • Casino journalism: Another view

    Casino journalism: Another view

    IT IS NOT for nothing that journalism is described as history in a hurry. It is so described because of the frenetic pace at which journalists work. News breaks and all hands must be on deck to cover all the angles, leaving out nothing.

    The stories are written to beat the 24-hour daily deadline of producing a paper, without compromising facts and figures. The most important factor is to get the story out fast, which translates to getting the paper out first and every other thing shall follow. The journalist does his job with an eye on posterity, the ultimate judge of everything that we do today.

    Journalists do not operate in a vacuum. They are members of the society, but privileged to know or are informed about  goings-on in hidden and open places. The journalist’s job comes with a burden. The burden of truth and trust. Is he truthful?  Can he be trusted? These ultimately define who the journalist is and how others relate with him.

    Unfortunately, journalism practice is being hindered these days by the economy, which has made things difficult for practitioners. The cost of production is so high that newsprint, a major component in the printing of newspaper, is sky high. And it is still rising. The survival of journalism and the journalist is at risk today because of this and other sociopolitical factors.

    It is for the cause of survival that journalists have resorted to some creative means of remaining in business. Gone are the days when sales and the traditional means of generating adverts were the bulwark for newspaper houses. Things are no longer so because of the ever rising cost of production which cannot always be reflected in the cover price of newspapers. For those who do not know, newspapers sell at a loss today even at the cover price of N300 or a little above, which many Nigerians cannot afford.

    To survive, newspapers have become ingenious in order to remain in business. Even at that, they are not on the newsstand. Circulation continues to dwindle as they now cut their cloth, according to their size. Their print run is commensurate to their economic power and advert intake. We may call it Casino Journalism, as Prof Ismail Ibraheem did in his thought-provoking inaugural lecture entitled: Casino Journalism: The Ending of History, but that is the reality staring every media organisation in the face.

    As a concept, Casino Journalism may sound good, but the truth is how can the media survive in the circumstance it finds itself today without being creative and start thinking out-of-the-box? The media has not put profit before its work of informing, educating and entertaining, and most importantly, holding the government accountable to the people. The truth is like every other segment of society, it is economically shackled and must find ways of staying afloat.

    What then comes first is its continued operation as a going-concern in order to meet its obligations to its publics, not discounting its workers and investors, too. I agree that, at times, too much emphasis is placed on money making at the expense of other things, but again as I noted earlier, reality dictates that such measure be taken for the good of the business. The risk of not doing this will be too enormous for the media and its workforce.

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    There is no story that the media can do that will bring in the kind of money it requires to survive on the long run and there is no businessman that will come to its aid when the chips are down. No matter what the media does for a businessman today, go to him for help tomorrow and you will be hit with the statement: “I am in business to make money”.  Translation: Journalism too is business.

    But for too long, it has been run as charity. The media must ensure a balance between its business side of profit making and its journalism work of public service. Public service does not mean that journalists and allied workers should earn peanuts or the investor should not make profit. How do you pay well or make profit when the business is floundering? Media houses cannot depend on their foundations because they are separate (or are they not?) entities.

    The foundation is not to fund the newspaper, otherwise the funders will cut the source of funding. It is to fund the work of the foundation that is media related. The way out remains Casino Journalism, not in the spiteful sense of the word casino, where gambling and related things go on, but to ensure that in playing casino, journalism and its practitioners stick to the Canons of the profession of accuracy, fairness, objectivity and balance.

    By upholding these tenets, journalism will remain a buffer for its practitioners. There will be no room for hit-and-run stories, that is breaking a story and not following up on it, as the Prof noted, thereby ending the story just like that, for the next big report, and the cycle goes on and on. I concur that, that is Casino Journalism. Why not pursue a story to its logical end, giving readers all the perspectives to satisfy their curiosity before jumping to another one?

    By the way, can the issue of ownership ever be divorced from media operation? All over the world, practitioners do their publishers’ bidding. After all, as the saying goes, he who pays the piper calls the tune. However, in doing his publisher’s bidding, a journalist must not go overboard, as his own reputation is at stake. Nobody remembers the publisher, they all know the journalist, both by name and reputation.

    But then the publisher’s interest must be protected, at all times and for the purpose he set up the publication. Though, this must not be at the expense of the public which has the right to know. It is a delicate balance, but the media can walk the tightrope without playing too much casino.

  • Supervision for police/traffic authorities

    Supervision for police/traffic authorities

    We demand supervision of, and accountability from, police and traffic officials AND BETTER PAY.

    Sadly, the citizenry live and move in fear of the thousands of checkpoints and traffic stops by anyone in uniform – fake or official – local government, state or federal officials like Vehicle Inspection Officers (VIOs), Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) and police. There are numerous videos backing up factual complaints of citizens against the checkpoint abusers.

    Last week, we saw a policeman seizing the steering wheel of a moving car. This week, we saw yet another case of a group of genuine police creating problems for the ordinary citizens around the airport roads some of which were UNSIGNPOSTED ‘ONE WAY’- a common government scam crime against Nigerians. We need SIGNPOSTS AND DIRECTION POSTS ON ALL ROADS in Nigeria. 

    We have all witnessed and been victims of emergency disappearing corner-corner criminally-motivated and visible checkpoints. Sadly, many such checkpoints have degenerated into extortion spots for criminal officials who have supervisors who ignore their job of preventing their subordinates from criminality, wrongful accusation and extortion of bribes.

    I am no friend of Okada riders because, instead of government giving us proper mass transit society with buses using less fuel and producing less emissions per passenger,  government retrograded our transport into Okada motorcycle or mono-transport. We know a bus carrying 30 people needs one large engine and one driver +/-a conductor.  Using Okada, those 30 people need 30 motorcycle engines and 30 drivers.  Apart from the environmental problem there is the 30 year-old Okada epidemic, from millions of unsupervised high speed often young aggressive riders, which has cost a tsunami of millions losing their lives or livelihoods, truncated work opportunities, and injury with lost limbs all at huge medical costs. The Okada epidemic has filled entire wards with innocent victims of the senseless unrestrained Okadamania.

    Maiduguri is one city where Okada is banned. Let us learn from them. We demand a much wider ban and a National Orientation Agency (NOA) campaign to get the Okada community to reduce speed, have a maximum speed, stop at traffic junctions and have more respect and responsibility for the citizens they carry and traffic around them. Imagine how many orphans and handicapped citizens there are in Nigeria from the swarms, wasp or bee-like, of Okada which having caused an Okada attack gather at every Okada crash to intimidate other road users.

    Why is there no training and little or no traffic management interaction with them except to extort from the Okada community? THERE MUST BE LIMITS AND REGISTRATION OF OKADA NUMBERS AT JUNCTIONS. Visit the Mokola junction, Ibadan. Disgraceful Okada and Danfo overcrowding blocking traffic! The traffic management officials including the police need to work with governments to restrict the scope and the speed of Okada while increasing their education and reduce extortion. And this is apart from the role of Okada in crime and terrorism.

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    Supervision of officials in uniform or with power, with stick or a gun is a neglected responsibility of LGAs, state and federal organisations.

    SUPERVISION AND ACCOUNTABILITY are key to reversing the rot on Nigerian roads. Without them, any tourism and travel will start with a ‘PRAYER TO BE INVISIBLE TO ROBBERS OR TRAFFIC OFFICERS’.  For example, for many years there has been standard FRSC checkpoint as traffic turns towards Benin on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. Has it ever come under security and anti-corruption scrutiny?

    The huge quantity of recovered manholes, cable and junction boxes and other electrical material and previously railway sleepers is a credit to the police and other security agencies which would have received more credit had they prevented all these crimes from happening. That would have prevented the damage to vehicles trapped in open manholes with no covers and parts of Nigeria being plunged into darkness by cable thieves. These thieves are really damaging the economy.

    Looking at the recovered manholes and cables on the social media videos, it appears they do not have any identifying numbers of marks or stamps. Governments at state, federal and LGA need to instruct contractors to put easily read serial numbers on equipment for easy tracing. There should be long prison sentences with seizure of property and company assets for ‘sabotage and terrorism’ for any business or company found guilty. In fact, seizure of the trucks and prosecution of the company owning the trucks and the drivers carrying such stolen goods should be automatic and efficient. Nigeria cannot survive if every step forward is followed by a huge reversal through theft. This is often followed by resale to government. Crazy! This amounts to the theft of our future.    

    Sadly, there are more high profile in corruption cases recently all limping through the nearly comatose courts. The governors’ cases and now the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) training scam prompted, not by the police but by a petition, the National Assembly (NASS) Education Budget payments before budget approval accusations are typical. NASS needs to put its reputation first as these accusations are recurrent and it behoves NASS to stand out especially with the history of serial budget padding. This is particularly annoying when the ministry traditionally underserves needs and should not divert a kobo to unrelated unmonitorable projects like tampon purchases.

    The NASS is supposed to protect us from such corruption, not be thought to promote or actually participate in it, even passively. As Nigeria grows, NASS must grow into the role of an honest broker between government and the citizens. 

  • How bad is Nigeria?

    How bad is Nigeria?

    Two years ago, I found myself playing host to in-laws who came visiting from England with three children who had never been to Nigeria. Overfed with a diet of bad news about the country they were travelling to, they were prepared for the worst. I observed with amusement how they warily scanned their surroundings – perhaps expecting Tarzan to spring from the bushes without warning.

    I burst out laughing when one of the teenagers exclaimed: ‘Look! They even have buses,’ on sighting a Lagos BRT bus. On the drive home, they were sufficiently impressed with their environment that they confessed Nigeria wasn’t the hell on earth that they had been led to believe it was.

    For the next couple of weeks they would have the adventure of their young lives, doing simple things they couldn’t do in the concrete jungle where they lived. Things as mundane as climbing trees, chasing down lizards in the compound, visiting a local market to buy a live goat that would become a pet for them for over a week. When it was time to terminate the goat, they wept like they had lost a brother.

    These adventures included a visit to Ekiti where their granny and uncles made them learn how to pound yam – an exercise they took to with gusto. All these experiences they kept sharing on live feeds with their friends in England. They left Nigeria vowing to return very soon. Such was their enjoyment of a country many choose to dismiss.

    Denigrating the country is a pastime that has lasted for as long as it has existed as an independent country. Hyper criticism is the default mode for most Nigerians. That’s understandable because there’s so much to criticise – everything from failure of governance, lack of infrastructure, widespread poverty to extreme corruption. Whatever hopes the citizenry had about their new country in 1960, has been dashed over and again as the brief democratic experiment soon collapsed under the weight of internal contradictions – resulting in over three decades of military rule. Those who came promising to make Nigeria better often left it plumbing new depths of despair. Little wonder our favourite national sport is self pity and hate.

    While much of the criticism is deserved, a lot of it is something regurgitated by rote. A lot of Nigerians in the Diaspora are transfixed by their daily dose of bad news on social media, that they sternly warn those foolhardy enough to try, not to visit home if they loved themselves. A simple violent robbery incident or minor terror attack is blown up as though the entire country is on fire. Many are suspicious when you offer a narrative different from what they have come to believe.

    The country’s terrible image flows largely from what we say about ourselves. Over time I have come to see that foreign visitors and observers are often less harsh about the state our country than we are. When the ordinary South African citizen mock Nigeria as ‘a generator nation’, it’s down to our moaning over the years about failings in the area of electricity generation and distribution.

    When others ridicule us as scam artists and ritual killers, there is sufficient ammunition to do so, but it’s also down to sensationalism on social media and in Nollywood. The damage caused by movies that portray the country as nothing more than a haven for witchcraft and voodoo priests would take a lifetime to undo.

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    It is one thing when you are being hard on yourselves at home, it’s a different kettle of fish when the extreme criticism is internationalised by influential figures who, in so doing, reinforce existing negative impressions. In November 2024, afrobeats star Davido who hasn’t been shy to dip his feet into political waters ever since his uncle indicated interest in the governorship of Osun State, had on a visit to the United States warned his compatriots who had made their escape from the continent, not to make the mistake of returning because there was nothing good to report. His counsel was also directed at African-Americans who were showing increasing interest in goings-on on the continent.

    Speaking on the Big Homies House podcast, he said the Nigerian economy was in shambles and there were systemic issues affecting African countries. “It’s not cool back home,” he said.

    Not to be outdone, the new leader of the British Conservative Party, Kemi Badenoch, spent her first months in the position launching acidic attacks on her country of origin. From talking of how her brother’s shoes were allegedly pinched by the police, to bluntly warning that governments here destroy lives, she’s been a one-woman wrecking ball hammering away at the country’s already battered image.

    Many have been scratching their heads trying to make sense of her strategy given that Nigeria’s condition is unlikely to be a major concern of British voters at the next poll. Those who would have her pause in her desperate bid to be more English than King Charles, point to the fact that her predecessor as Tory Leader, Rishi Sunak, never scorned his Indian heritage the was she was done her own roots.

    There’s sufficient evidence that putting down her country of origin isn’t exactly helping her drive to become Britain’s first black female Prime Minister. A YouGov poll published late last year showed that only 32% of Tory voters felt she would be a good PM. Even more galling is that fact 24% of her party members felt that the extreme right wing politician, Nigel Farage of Reform UK, would do a better job.

    The foregoing is not to suggest that all is perfectly well with the country. Far from it! We’ve all acknowledged that we are in the midst of unprecedented economic challenges. But there’s no issue or failing in this country that’s unique to her. It is disappointing when you imagine that a country with so much potential could do a better job. Still, it isn’t sufficient reason for the amount of self hate Nigerians indulge in.

    In their push for power opposition politicians would magnify the economic challenges and claim civil liberties are under organised assault worse than in days of junta rule. Unfortunately, almost all their leading lights have been part of government at different levels in the last 30 years and had ample opportunities to make a difference. They didn’t. This makes their posturing as would-be saviours highly suspect.

    In 2022, Nigeria’s economy was ranked largest in Africa. Today, it is fourth behind the likes of Egypt, South Africa and Algeria. Despite continuing challenges there are signs of stabilisation and recovery on the back of ongoing reforms. Growth rate is expected to be between 3% and 4.17% depending on source of statistics. The African Development Bank Group projects 3.4% in 2025, while the Central Bank expects it to be as high as 4.17%.

    The government promises to drive down inflation from the current 34% to a more manageable 15%. Many analysts think this is optimistic. Still, it would welcome relief for most families who have seen their pay cheques bringing in less goods home month after month.

    The tremendous developments in the oil and gas sector, with the rise of Dangote Refinery, the resurrection of a couple of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) owned refineries and other lesser facilities, has transformed the country from a net importer of petroleum products to an exporter with potentially disruptive effect on European and other markets.

    Poverty isn’t going to disappear overnight. Boko Haram attacks in the Northeast, banditry in the Northwest or secessionist violence in the Southeast would continue to make headlines from time to time. But the charitable would acknowledge there’s a more stable situation with regard to insecurity which is far cry from the situation two or three years when mass abductions were almost a weekly occurrence.

    Nigeria may have these issues but let’s not forget that there are countries on the African continent which up till date have been carved by militias and where ethnic conflicts have raged unabated for decades. It may have her unique struggles but it doesn’t have to worry about that uniquely American phenomenon of gunmen walking into school yards and malls on mass killing sprees.

    This is a country on the mend that deserves a breather from unrelenting and unreasonable bashing.

  • Repositioning TVET in Nigeria

    Repositioning TVET in Nigeria

    From the inception of formal technical and vocational training in colonial times to the adoption of the modern phase of TVET in the country, the goals of such training have been the same: (1) to employ practical, hands-on approaches in training learners toward various career paths so they could help in filling the skills gaps in the job market and (2) to impart such necessary competencies and entrepreneurial skills in the learners that would aid in their career preparation and employability. The ultimate goal is to train those would contribute to economic growth by ensuring that they acquired practical skills, knowledge, and attitudes relating to occupations and careers in various sectors of the economy.

    The history of Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) in Nigeria is as enduring as its projected benefits. Vocational training could be said to be rooted in traditional apprenticeship training in precolonial times. However, it has been integral to the Nigerian school system ever since its incorporation into the school curriculum in forms such as farming, crafts, carpentry, and so on, leading to the establishment of technical institutes and trade centres. Eventually, by 1976, “science, technical and vocational education was incorporated into the National Policy on Education. This gave birth to the establishment of the National Board of Technical Education in 1977 to oversee technical and vocational education. Six years later, when the 6-3-3-4 system of education was introduced in 1982, it was envisaged that 30% of primacy school leavers would enroll in technical colleges; 10% in trade and apprenticeship programmes, and the remaining 60% would continue training in conventional secondary schools. Beyond secondary schools, the focus of TVET has centred on polytechnics, which federal, state, and private proprietors have been establishing here and there at a frenetic pace. Today, the NBTE lists 41 Federal polytechnics on its website, not to speak of countless state and private polytechnics.

    The failure of the preceding systems to meet the country’s middle-level manpower needs was used as a ploy to introduce the 9-3-4 system in 1999. It was another case of substituting form for function, as if changing the structure of the education system would automatically produce desired results. Spurred on by the United Nation’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals, established in 2015, and UNESCO’s prompt, the Nigerian government has since been making moves to advance TVET education in the country. True, many polytechnics and vocational schools have since been established, but the noble goals of TVET have remained elusive. Rampant unemployment has pushed many a youth to violent and fraudulent activities. More and more citizens have become poor or poorer.

    What went wrong?

    In answering this question, I focus on the plight of Federal polytechnics. There are five major problems. One, there is a serious funding gap, deriving from the paltry budgetary allocation to education by the Federal Government over the years. Besides, only a fraction of the polytechnics’ approved budgets is released every year. There is also a high degree of unevenness in the release of funds: Some institutions get over 70 percent of their funds released, while others get a paltry 30 percent or less. It is suspected that this unevenness has to do with backroom dealings.

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    The saving grace for most of the institutions today has been TETFund, which has been providing funds for capital projects, equipment, and training to the polytechnics. In order to bridge the funding gap, each polytechnic should establish an advancement office to raise funds beyond the tuition and fees collected from students. Each institution should also set up a venture to produce and sell products and services to the local communities. Moreover, the polytechnics should develop self-help projects, including small-scale building projects, landscaping, and fence construction. This could be done in collaboration with practicing artisans within the local communities.

    Two, there is a dearth of necessary infrastructure and teaching facilities in the polytechnics. Older polytechnics are suffering from dilapidating structures and overstretched facilities, while some newly established polytechnics have had to run around to borrow equipment to satisfy accreditation requirements. At the end of the day, students are exposed to theory in the classroom but limited or no practical experience in the appropriate tools of their trade.

    Three, the curriculum in the polytechnics and the focus of each polytechnic have to be revisited or established. No industrialised nation practices a one-size-fits-all curriculum for its educational institutions, although certain standards or expectations could be set. Given the variable locations and environments of the nation’s polytechnics, each one should decide on what its unique focus should be and what, at the end of the day, each polytechnic wants to be known for. Nevertheless, given the rural location of many of the polytechnics, agriculture and local commercial and artisanal  practices should feature prominently. Bricklaying, plumbing, carpentry, welding, electrical installation, tiling, automobile and generator repairs, and so on, should feature in both the curriculum and experiential learning. Accordingly, polytechnic managements should take a census of local enterprises for on-site experiential learning for their students. The focus on “industrial attachment” is futile where there are no industries and where the few that existed have folded up. Local banks, hotels, construction sites, and other local enterprises are good alternatives. There is an urgent need to domesticate so-called industrial attachments for experiential learning.

    Four, there is a dearth of appropriately trained and skilled teachers across the polytechnics. It is one thing to have an excellent curriculum on paper; it is another to have an appropriate teacher to implement the curriculum. It is simple pedagogical truism that no curriculum is better than its teacher and that students hardly know  better than their teachers. There is an urgent need to inculcate the mission of polytechnics in the teachers and provide regular and adequate human capital development opportunities. As I indicated earlier, TETFund has been outstanding in funding such opportunities. However, such training should be retooled to suit local circumstances.

    Fifth, there is an urgent need to streamline the supervision of polytechnics in the country. It is a chaotic system by which polytechnic managements are summoned to Abuja every now and then or have four or five different visitations from various arms of the Federal Government (Education, Budget Office, Accountant General’s office, the legislature, and others). There have been occasions when Rectors, who had just returned to base from Abuja, were summoned back by another arm of the Federal Government. Besides the time and energy expended on such trips, the resources wasted on road and air transport, hotels, and duty allowances could be put to better use. The NBTE should step in here to establish some order!

    The newly appointed Minister of Education is determined to change the fortunes of federal polytechnics. He should realise, however, that TVET is an expensive educational venture as it needs constant adaptation of its facilities to changes in technology and technical equipment. It also requires that training be constantly adapted to the needs of the market in a changing world. That’s why it will be necessary for the Federal Government to pause the establishment of new polytechnics until the existing ones are well funded and retooled to make their graduates self-sufficient to create new jobs or are good enough to fill the job gaps in a changing market.