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Category: Columnists

  • Democrats without democratic ethos

    Democrats without democratic ethos

    In spite of our crisis of nation-building, the people of Nigeria, a nation of over 400 multi ethnic nationalities have been described at different times as  ‘the happiest people on earth’. The scourge of our nation however remains the political elite notably from the dominant ethnic nationalities whose zero-sum struggle for power has kept us in a state of war since independence. Nigeria lost her innocence in the run up to independence as leaders of ethnic nationalities struggled to build a nation of their own within the greater Nigerian nation.

    The battle became more intense after the 1959 election in which NCNC came first, AG second with the NPC a distant third. With the willing bride, the AG and his leaders anxiously waiting in Asaba to seal a pact with her NCNC suitor while the latter and its leaders were perfecting a pact with Ahmadu Bello and his NPC in Kaduna, an irreparable damage was done to trust, an important badge of honour in a democracy.

    The intrigue and the battle were no less vicious with the misadventure of the military into politics in January 1966. After the elimination of their civilian benefactors, the misguided soldiers descended on themselves, killing the most talented of their men. Again, Thomas Aguiyi Ironsi, the commander-in-chief and Nwafor Orizu, the Senate President betrayed Nigeria by ceding power to the military as against swearing in the most senior surviving minister as acting prime minister as enshrined in the 1963 republican constitution.

    It only got worse after the July 1966 vengeance coup accompanied by mindless, selective killing of military officers. With the swearing in of Gowon as military head of state in breach of its own rule while Brigadier Ogundipe, the most senior military officer fled to Britain following the refusal of northern foot soldiers to take order from him, Esprit de corps in the military was also destroyed.

    In 1979, Obasanjo admitted betraying the nation when he self-conceitedly confessed favouring Shehu Shagari in that year’s presidential election. This was followed in 1993 by Babangida’s fraudulent ‘eight years of transition without end’ which resulted in the annulment of the 1993 election regarded as the most credible election in our nation’s history.  MKO Abiola, the winner died in detention, defending his mandate.

    It only got worse in 1999 with state capture by anti-democratic forces as represented by Generals Obasanjo, David Mark, Useni, Dongoyaro etc. and their new breed politicians, the nation had fought and defeated.

    The outcome of the 2007 presidential election supervised by Obasanjo was no less bizarre with President Yar’Adua, the beneficiary of the massively rigged 2007 election, not only denouncing the exercise but also setting up the Uwais Electoral Review Commission.

    Nigerians had in 2015 massively voted for Muhammadu Buhari, the anti-corruption crusader believing he was the messiah Nigerians were waiting for. Tragically Nigeria had to go through eight years of Buhari’s misrule, incompetence and provincialism to realize they were swindled by Buhari’s promoters.

    The frustration experienced by Nigerians probably accounted for the vicious attack on candidate Tinubu, the man who carried Buhari on his back across Nigeria despite his well-known anti-democratic credentials. Desperate major players thereafter freely deployed everything, including religion, ethnicity, political intrigue and outright lies as weapon of war. Institutions such as INEC and the Supreme Court, critical to the survival of our democratization process came under severe threat by desperate politicians who freely called for a military takeover of government.

    The 2023 losers who have not behaved like democrats but like those driven by greed for power are today trying to change the narrative as the 2027 battle for the soul of Nigeria draws nearer.

    During last week two-day conference themed, ‘Strengthening Nigeria’s Democracy: Pathway to Good Governance and Political Integrity,’ organised by the African Centre for Leadership, Strategy and Development, etc., in continuation of the battle, Kaduna’s ex-governor, Nasir El-Rufai, former VP Atiku Abubakar and former Rivers State governor and former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi called for a coalition to remove President Tinubu in the 2027 general election.

    This was followed by another close door meeting by El-Rufai and Atiku allies, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, Abacha’s man Friday in the dark period of Nigerian history  and Otunba Segun Showunmi, Atiku’s former spokesman  with SDP to “review the state of opposition democratic engagement in Nigeria”, last Tuesday  in Abuja.

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    But Uba Sani, the governor of Kaduna State, has taken a swipe at the trio of former Vice President Abubakar Atiku, his predecessor, Nasir El-Rufai, and former Transportation Minister, Rotimi Amaechi,  accusing them of  scheming to reclaim power not because they have the interests of Nigerians at heart, given their bad records while in government.

    Of course, there is nothing anti-democratic in the opposition scheming to take over power in 2027. Our own problem however as indicated above is that our own political elite since independence have practiced democracy without democratic ethos which often finds expression in character and loyalty.

    As Uba Sani observed, “Most of these politicians that came out and say they are coming as a coalition, “What did they do when they were in government? They were only fighting for power, not because they could do anything better”.

    And since it will also appear most of us tend to suffer from collective amnesia, interrogating the past records of these new democratic crusaders while in office as suggested by Uba becomes imperative.

    Let us start with Rotimi Amaechi. While applying to be president, Amaechi had said: “Fellow Nigerians, I stand before you today to declare my intention and submit my application to serve as your next president.  I have been in the political arena for 23 years. Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly (1999 to 2007), Governor of Rivers State, (2007 to 2015) and Minister of Transportation of Nigeria (2015 to 2022) I have served at every level of government – local, state, and federal. I have served both as a political appointee and an elected official.”

    During the APC presidential primary election held in June 2022, Amaechi polled second position behind eventual winner, President Bola Tinubu with 316 delegate votes against Tinubu’s 1,271 votes. From then on, democracy-crusading Amaechi started his anti-party activities. He neither congratulated Tinubu over his resounding victory at the end of the primaries nor over his triumph in the presidential election. Amaechi, the sore loser did not publicly endorse his party’s flag bearer who despite his open hostility went on to win Rivers with the help of Governor Nyesom Wike.

    The question then is, at what stage did Amaechi who is only out of government for two years and has now joined opposition PDP and El-Rufai to work towards removal of President Tinubu from government in 2027 discover  his fellow politicians ‘kill steal and maim’ to hold on to power? Was he speaking from experience since he was in government for over 23 years?

    Loyalty and character, as indicated above, is democracy greatest badge of honour. Unfortunately Atiku is loyal to neither party leaders nor his party’s constitution. At the slightest sign of tempest, he abandons his party, moving from PDP to AC, through ACN to APC and back to PDP. His breach of his party’s rotation clause was responsible for the party’s loss in the 2023 election and the crisis currently rocking the party.

    The testimonial by former President Obasanjo on former VP Atiku Abubakar is all that is needed to confirm if Atiku Abubakar has character deficit. Obasanjo went as far as saying God would punish him if ever he endorses Atiku Abubakar for presidency on the account of all he knows about him.

    And as for El-Rufai, the National Assembly’s report on The National Council on Privatisation (NCP) which .was very critical of El-Rufai’s handling of the affairs of the organization places question mark on El Rufai’s character,

    Obi, an opportunist, is Atiku Abubakar’s alter ego. Besides being tagged a ‘container economists’ on account of being importer of foreign manufactured goods all his life, Obi doesn’t appear to believe in anything. He is not even in control of his supporters, the ‘Obidients’, a euphemism for an unthinking mob.

    Obi like Atiku is an opportunist. He had moved from APGA, the party that gave him its platform to serve as governor for eight years to PDP where he rose rapidly to become the party’s VP candidate for the 2019 election. Following Atiku Abubakar’s disruption of PDP constitution that favoured Obi’s emergence as PDP presidential candidate in 2023, Obi did not hesitate before pulling down PDP edifice to join Labour Party to contest the 2023 election. With the crisis currently rocking Labour Party and Obi’s endorsement of El-Rufai and Atiku Abubakar’s conspiracy to pull down Tinubu in 2027, many believe Obi is on his way back to PDP.

    Our new warriors for democracy are democrats without democratic ethos.

  • Adebanjo taku?

    Adebanjo taku?

    “Akintola taku” marked the beginning of the end for Nigeria’s 1st Republic (1 October 1960 – 15 January 1966), though the heady players back then little realized it. 

    Adebanjo “taku” comes with far less catastrophe, though — except for Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-political Titan that, post-1999 to 2003, has progressively shrunk; and now totters in near-total irrelevance.

    But Afenifere’s irrelevance may yet hold serious shock for Yoruba politics. The old lions may be grey and frail.  Still, what they lack in hare-brained vigour, they more than compensate for in rich institutional memory and ideological rigour.

    So, will rank disloyalty that buried Akintola, as he balked at the Action Group (AG) in 1962, long before his actual death in 1966, exalt Adebanjo, as he now holds out against the Afenifere hierarchy, that earlier named him Acting Leader?

    Now at his “departure lounge”, what will Baba Adebanjo tell the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo, when he lands at the other side, on Afenifere’s rise and fall — and Adebanjo’s role in all of it?

    Afenifere is a jewel legacy of the Awolowo era.  Which was why that franchise came in handy for Yoruba progressives to battle Nigeria’s tinpot dictators — the last being Sani Abacha — to a glorious standstill, which procured this current democracy.

    Indeed, these parallel “taku” tales — one by Akintola in 1962, the other by Adebanjo in 2025 — feeds into the rigorous morality of the Awolowo progressive school: unbridled loyalty to hierarchy and the common cause; and total submission to group discipline.

    Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola (SLA) failed to abide by that high ethos.  So, he got banished as reviled sinner-in-chief, in the rigid saint-versus-sinner cosmos of the Yoruba progressives, despite his stellar contributions to that cause pre-1962.

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    Ironically, back then, the youthful Chief Adebanjo and other Awolowo arch-loyalists gained fresh “life” from SLA’s “death”, aside Awoist bragging rights, over the generations that came after them: with Awo, they bawl, fealty is life; perfidy is death! 

    So, where will an SLA-like move leave Baba Adebanjo in the lore of Afenifere, even with the Ijebu chief’s earlier contributions to the body?  The Yoruba institutional memory, with its elephantine capacity, never forgets!

    Still, Baba Adebanjo, with the current Afenifere theatrics, seems to have learnt little from SLA’s tragic thud, even if the old man was himself a player in that grim drama.

    That drama — need anyone be reminded? — birthed the South West “progressives” (the beloved Awoists) versus  “Demo” (the hated SLA and fallen angels)! 

    Yet before, both rolled and joyed as solid, indissoluble columns of Awo’s rock-solid progressive phalanx, against conservative and reactionary elements.  So, why did SLA become the arch-reactionary of Yoruba politics?

    Again, to risk an umpteenth repetition: he failed the test of untrammelled loyalty to the Leader; and total fealty to the collective cause! 

    So, how has Chief Adebanjo fared, in this two-point test, in the brewing Afenifere debacle?  Maybe it’s best to reserve judgment until we revisit the story.

    On 16 March 2021, Afenifere Leader, Baba Reuben Fasoranti, 98 (but then 94), named Baba Adebanjo, 96 (but then 92), then his deputy, as Acting Leader.  He also named, as Adebanjo’s new deputy, Oba Oladipo Olaitan, the Alaago of Kajola Ago, near Ilesa.  Till then, Oba Olaitan was Afenifere’s financial secretary.

    Baba Fasoranti’s reason was old age slowing him down.  So, he needed a spritely lieutenant to delegate powers, while he withdrew into the background.  If there was any other reason, it wasn’t well publicized in the media.

    Though Baba Adebanjo was only two years younger than the Leader, his ebullience, an exuberance not even old age could repel or repress, his lifetime devotion to the Awo cause, and that penchant to joust, cut and thrust in the media, when the issue is Yoruba and Afenifere affairs, marked the Ijebu chief as cut out for the job.

    So, enter Chief Adebanjo, Acting Leader of Afenifere!  But no sooner was he appointed than his old failings took over — that penchant to equate his take as the thinking of the collective.

    In those halcyon days of the southern media, when the hated “Fulani herdsmen” committed all the crimes in the land, after forcefully retiring their criminal cousins from other tribes, whatever Chief Adebanjo thought of it all must equate the “Yoruba” or the “Afenifere” cause!

    That pretty much held true, during his tenure as Acting Afenifere Leader (2021-2024), which dovetailed into the last months of President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure.

    Frankly, whatever views Chief Adebanjo holds, whoever he backs in the political sweepstakes, is his alienable right no one can question. The constant crunch, though, is his attitude that his solo run (or at best, what his coterie of close peers feel) must equate an “Afenifere” or even a “Yoruba” stand. 

    That is not and cannot be true.

    Things got to a head when, in July 2022, he committed “Afenifere” — and the chief’s fictive “Yoruba” — to supporting Peter Obi.  That was a gambit pushed too far, and Afenifere felt compelled to clip his wings.  That came with a 24 January 2024 announcement.

    Even then, Baba Fasoranti would appear too much a champion of the collective — and wise master of Yoruba political history — to publicly humiliate his former deputy.

    For context, the so-called “Ijebu Mafia”, a collective of hawks within Afenifere, had pressured the late Chief Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya (AAA) to expel — and thus humiliate — his deputy, the late Chief Bola Ige, when accused of nurturing the Yoruba Council of Elders (YCE), as rival to Afenifere. Ige himself had accused some Afenifere colleagues of peer envy — and treachery.  AAA wisely declined that rashness.

    So, what Baba Fasoranti did was some soft landing: creating a new Afenifere Elders Caucus.  Though both Acting Leader and Deputy Leader had been abolished, both would find new hallowed space, as “right hand” advisers to the Leader, in that new caucus.  Soft landing, yes.  But the intention was very clear.

    Still, Chief Adebanjo and confederates have dug in.  Their latest act of dissent was announcing Dele Farotimi as national organizing secretary of own Afenifere faction, when they knew Kole Omololu — of the Afenifere that made Adebanjo Acting Leader — already held that position. 

    So, what will Baba Adebanjo, already at his “departure lounge” tell Baba Awolowo: that as SLA broke up the AG by his 1962 intransigence, he too, a professed Awoist all his life, just broke up Afenifere, by refusing to quit as acting Afenifere leader, after  Afenifere had abolished that position — and due to Adebanjo’s own excesses?

    Indeed, if Baba Adebanjo cherishes his place in history, he will do well to retrace his steps. 

    Intransigence in 1962 brought SLA avoidable disgrace, despite his tons of good to the AG cause.  It won’t bring Adebanjo honour in 2025 if, on his account, Afenifere is smashed and destroyed. 

    “Adebanjo taku” is no wreath to crown an otherwise glorious Awoist career.  A word is enough for the wise! 

  • Goodnight Prof Picardo

    Goodnight Prof Picardo

    As Jesus laid on the Cross of Calvary, the chief priests and the scribes mocked him, saying: “He saved others, he cannot save himself.” I am sure that as Professor Neri Picardo, writhed in pains and gasped for breath, following a heart attack while attending to his patient, many would have said of him, what they said of Jesus on the Cross. Perhaps, not in mockery, but believing that the man who had saved so many lives, should have the capacity to save himself.

    No doubt, Prof was a mere mortal, but a very gifted one, who served his Lord Jesus Christ with all the gifts He gave him. In the 43 years that Professor Picardo practiced medicine in Nigeria, particularly in the southeast, he rose to become the most sought-after specialist in internal medicine. Prof consulted for the crème de la crème in the clergy, politics, public service, and the society. He was a teacher of teachers, and mentor to thousands of medical students and practitioners. He was humane, humble and humorous.

    My mother, Bernadette Uzodinma Amalu, who was one, out of his uncountable patients, looked forward to every medical appointment, while she lived. Prof would poke fun, listen with rapt attention, throw in humorous anecdotes, draw local parallels and mimic her smattering English and her local language while consulting. And like other patients, she would be psychologically upbeat even before the medicine is administered. Wherever Prof consulted, more than three quarter of the older patients, would rather stay for long hours to see Picardo.       

    While ruminating the circumstances of his death as relayed to me by one of his closest friends, Frank Offor, (my brother-in-law), I privately wished that Picardo had the capacity to hand over his skills to one of his colleagues while he laid there. For such a colleague could have proffered a solution to Picardo’s heart attack. I am pretty sure that thousands of his patients, who have benefited from his exceptional gifts, as a physician, would agree with me.

    If only Prof could speak, while he lay there, he would have told his colleagues, the medical procedure to get his heart to start breathing again. I recall with a sense of awe, the medical miracle that Picardo did for my maternal uncle, Obuekwe Ejegha, over 30 years ago. My uncle was in his late 50s and had been diagnosed with Cirrhosis of the liver after several months of mistreatment, with unorthodox medications. And for many doctors, it was hopeless case. 

    But Picardo after a series of tests, told my family members that if the scarred part of the liver could be cut off, there is a chance the man could survive. After the operation, my uncle survived and lived for another 30 years. On occasions, Picardo referred to my uncle as the man who cheated death. On his part, my witty uncle regarded him as the white wizard.

    Another profound medical experience I had with Professor Picardo, concerned my father-in-law, Donatus Nebo. The man was admitted at the University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital (UNTH), Enugu, under the care of the most famous professor in the hospital then. My father-in-law had taken some local medicinal concoction which apparently bashed his organs. So, he went to the UNTH, for treatment. Following repeated information that the illness was getting worse, after some weeks, and the man may likely pass away, I decided to travel from Lagos, to see things for myself.

    On getting to the hospital, my father-in-law managed to whisper to me that he was dying and truly, some of his relations were already conversing on the next step, since for them, the end was imminent. When I consulted with Picardo’s friend, Frank Offor, he advised me to demand that the man be discharged so I could take him to Prof Picardo at Niger Foundation, for consultation. He warned that the hospital may refuse, unless I sign an undertaking to be responsible for the discharge.

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    With a straight face, I went to the matron and requested that my father-in-law be discharged immediately. When she saw that I was dead serious, she brought an undertaking for me to sign. After consulting with my wife’s elder brother, I signed the undertaking, and took my father-in-law to Niger Foundation Hospital. Picardo asked what happened to the man, and was told by my mother-in-law that her husband had gone to the hospital to check what was happening to him, after taking some local herbs, that terribly upset his system.

    Terribly disappointed by the medical attention Nebo received at UNTH in the hands of his renowned colleague, Professor Picardo’s thundered that he would hold the Prof responsible should anything happen to my father-in-law. To our pleasant surprise, my father-in-law was stabilized within 24 hours and in less than seven days walked to the car after he was discharged. My father-in-law lived for another 13 years, as he passed on in 2015.

    One of Prof’s extra ordinary gifts as a medical doctor is his listening skill. Whether the patient was young or old, Prof would listen attentively to the medical history of the patient, before making his prognosis. Another special quality was what I personally believe is an interlude of prayer, for divine revelation of the underlining cause of the intricate web of stories from a sick patient. I usually notice what I consider a quite communion between Prof and angelic spirits while he is consulting.                  

    Prof was a celibate member of the Catholic society of the Opus Dei (Work of God), founded by St. Josemaria Escriva. He was a Papal Knight of St. Gregory the Great. In a tribute, titled Prof Neri Picardo: A life of service, sacrifice, and medical excellence, Sonnie Ekwowusi, gave deep insight into the training and working career of the one, some colleagues call the Indian magician. A Professor of Internal Medicine, at College of Medicine, Ebonyi State University, he was the first Chief Medical Officer of the Niger Foundation Hospital, Enugu. Also the Head of the Gastroenterology/Endoscopy Unit at the UNTH, as well as an external examiner for graduating students.

    I listened to a broadcaster on Afia Television say that her mother told her she would not have survived, after birth, if not for Prof Picardo. I also believe that my mother, who passed on, in 2016, lived to be 86 years, because of the medical attention over the years by Prof Picardo. Since Prof’s death on Wednesday, February 5 while on active duty, they have been deluge of mourning in many homes at the demise of the one who God used extra-ordinarily to heal the infirm, especially the aged.

    As Prof is buried next Thursday, February 13, I believe strongly that his soul is in Heaven, interceding for the living. Goodnight the one, who had the attributes of a saint. 

  • Pep talk to northern ministers

    Pep talk to northern ministers

    In my recent essay, Tinubu’s northerners, I had gingered northern members of the president’s cabinet to rise up to engage the north. They, apart from a few like the Vice president who is always in the news, have been quiet. Pate has also, though he has not focused on political economy. Since that piece, a few have found their voices, including the information minister. It turned out the north-based minister have been asked to join the train to sell the programmes of the government in sync with the content of my essay. The Punch headline: “Northern ministers get marching orders to defend President as opposition grows,” is in line with the context of my essay.

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    As I stated, they are the government’s missionaries in the north. But they should not make it a riotous outburst. They should coordinate their voices so as to reinforce each other. They should also organize platforms for engaging both high and low, partisan or laity, urban and rural in the states. There is a lot to say. Who is talking about the ascendant naira and the gradual taming of inflation? Who is talking about the retreat of bandits and peace dividends, in Nasarawa, Kaduna, Plateau, Kogi, etc? Who is talking about the fellows with student loan, a higher percentage of them coming from the north? Who is telling us about those returning to farm after years of fear and trembling in the hearts of farmers?

    Nobody, north or south, in a cabinet deserves their seat if they cannot tell the story of their government.

  • How Tinubu saved Atiku from OBJ, El-Rufai

    How Tinubu saved Atiku from OBJ, El-Rufai

    Somehow, the fiction has gone around that Nasir El-Rufai backed Uba Sani to be governor. El-Rufai has allowed this untruth to fester for a number of reasons.

    One, he wants them to call Governor Sani a traitor, so people who know El-Rufai’s biography of about-face would not focus on him, El-Rufai. Two, he wants to divert attention from the raft of questions over his handling of Kaduna State finances while he was governor. Three, he wants to make N150 billion bigger than N428 billion. It is his mathematics of duplicity.

    That is his foul strategy. As a man who likes attention more than a god, he started this when he sat beside a man, Atiku, he first betrayed in public life. And, for irony, he was talking about loyalty. But on that panel, he emitted disloyalty. That is because he was too angry to know he was contradicting himself. It is the Shakespeare quote in his play Tempest: “I am vexed; bear with my weakness.”

    To start with, Governor Uba Sani never enjoyed El-Rufai’s support to be governor. He won the primary in spite of him, just as President Tinubu won the APC primary in spite of Muhammadu Buhari. But this did not force Governor Sani into fury. As Churchill wrote, “in war, resolution; in victory, magnanimity.” That explained why he has never thrown any invective against his predecessor since he became governor. Last week, he described his relationship with El-Rufai as “cordial.” It turned out to be a bullet rather than an oil of gladness to the mallam. He fought back, rather than exchange the courtesy. For him any act of civility is dubious. Fight is better than nice.

    It was then he threw a charge that the Tinubu government has given Kaduna N150 billion, and hence his successor has been in sync with the president.

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    Governor Sani has not confirmed the charge. My investigation shows the mallam does not have the facts. But Governor Sani has decided to give El-Rufai an arm rather than an ammunition.

     But El-Rufai loves turbulence more than tranquility. He is not the sort who loves brotherly love. He must be very angry he has heard nothing from his successor. Maybe Governor Sani would respond tomorrow. I don’t know. But up to the time of writing, he has chosen the path of Michelle Obama. “When they go low, we go high.” El-Rufai does not know much about height.

    The charge of N150 billion is a clever-by-half ploy to divert attention from the over N400 billion , comprising projects he has not accounted for. For the sake of argument, if the state received N150 billion from the Tinubu government, should El-Rufai not be happy.

     They are trying to clean up after his mess, yet he is angry. He is angry that Kaduna people are going to get a relief? Is it not strange that someone wants to save your people and you are up in arms? Is he so insensitive to the people? Is it not the same governor that is uniting the state after El-Rufai drove a wedge between north and south of the state, between Muslims and Christians, between rich and poor? Is he angry because he has worked to beat down prices? Is he angry at the peace dividends in the state? Is he boiling because Birnin Gwari is now calm?

     What he is doing is the great betrayal: of his own people. Is he not the one betraying is successor by his claptrap tongue?

    But he is now in the same boat with Atiku, and pretending he is still in the APC. That is pharisaic.  It is an act of cowardice not to state where he is. With his tongue he draws himself to APC but we can decode his own heart from his lips. Maybe the nation’s memory is short about El-Rufai’s past.

     The social media is circulating a quote on how the Owu chief or OBJ characterized the former Kaduna State governor in his memoirs.

     But let me show how even the same Atiku was saved by then Governor Bola Tinubu from Obj’s clutches who was using El-Rufai as his point man.

     Atiku was vice president and was at war with President Obasanjo, who took him to court to rid him of his immunity. Obj wanted to nail him for abandoning the PDP and moving over to the Action Congress.

     Tinubu’s AC had penciled him down to run for president against Obasanjo’s pick, the late Umar Yar Adua.

    With Tinubu’s backing, Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN) defended Atiku showing that OBJ had no reason to undermine his immunity as vice president as guaranteed by the constitution. Those were the days that everyone accused OBJ of “overheating the polity.”

    The Supreme Court ruled in Atiku’s favour. Miffed, Obj set up an administrative panel on Atiku, and who were those on the panel? Attorney general Bayo Ojo and, you guessed right, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, who was then the FCT minister. For Obidients’ information, our own Oby Ezekwesili was a member.

     The panel recommended the banning of Atiku from public office for six years. But they made a mistake in the panel report. They nailed OBJ’s old friend turned adversary, Oyewole Fasawe, for financial impropriety, after deploying its EFCC to arrest him.

    With Tinubu’s backing again, Chief Olanipekun took up the gauntlet and shredded the case against Fasawe as a way of discrediting the whole administrative panel’s report. The court upheld Olanipekun’s brilliance and threw away the case against Fasawe and the whole recommendation of the report, including the six-year ban on Atiku. It was a blow to OBJ. Tinubu saved Atiku and made it possible for him to run for president. Or else, the Adamawa chieftain would have sulked in limbo – as he is now – until the election cycle of 2015. So, we can see how much ingratitude flows in Atiku’s blood.

    I recall in the period, during a book launch in Lagos, Atiku described Tinubu as more than a friend but a brother. And on the podium, Tinubu nodded. It was the same time, after securing the AC ticket, that he picked Ben Obi as his running mate to defy the man who saved him. Some people are not worthy of their salvation. Of course, that ticket was an electoral disaster. The rest, as they say, is history.

    But at this time, El-Rufai was still OBJ’s boy, though it was Atiku, who nominated him to high office and the graces of the then President Obasanjo. For a man like El-Rufai, he likes the life of the moment. When Atiku was his man, he could have groveled before him and drooled with the Shakespearean phrase: “how fine my master is.” He would say the same about OBJ later. I wonder if he is not saying the same about Atiku today. Atiku could not accuse him because his own record of pirouettes are as sordid as the former Kaduna State governor. He probably wants Governor Sani to say same to him and he is upset the governor is not bowing. He wanted what historian Timothy Snyder calls “anticipatory obedience.”

    Even the issue of the over N400 billion he has not accounted for was unveiled because, according to the governor and an investigation I conducted, the labour union wanted to shut down the state with industrial action. He had to show them the books, and explained the lack of finesse of his predecessor with the state’s resources. The labour leaders said so to this writer and was part of an over 5000-word expose in this newspaper last year. Governor Sani’s reluctance to cry out initially was part of his generosity to his friend and predecessor. But Mallam always has other ideas. Loyalty and conciliation are not part of them.

  • Evans’ metamorphosis

    Evans’ metamorphosis

    Three years after big-time kidnapper Chukwudimeme Onwuamadike, alias Evans, was jailed for life, he claims to be reformed. His lawyer, Emefo Etudo, on January 30, told the Lagos State High Court in Ikeja, in the course of another case involving Evans: “My client is now a repentant person. He was a young man consumed by crime but he is now remorseful.”

    He also said: “Presently, he is a 200-level student at the National Open University of Nigeria. In fact, he made A1 in all his papers in NECO while in prison. All this was made possible through a scholarship given to him by the Federal Government.”

    It would be interesting to know what Evans is studying in university, and why. But his lawyer did not provide such information.

     He told Justice Adenike Coker: “We have asked the Lagos State Government to give him the opportunity to go around schools in the state to talk to youths about the dangers of crime.”

    This new picture of the convict conflicted with charges of murder, attempt to murder and conspiracy to commit kidnapping, which Evans and his co-defendant were facing. The prosecution alleged that on or about August 27, 2013, at about 10 pm, along 3rd Avenue, FESTAC Town, Lagos, Evans and Joseph Emeka killed one Peter Nweke. They were also accused of killing one Chijioke Ngozi, on the same day. They pleaded not guilty. Both men have applied to the Lagos State government for a plea bargain, their counsel told the court. 

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    Outside the court, the lawyer had reinforced his argument regarding the reformation of Evans, telling journalists he “is now a changed man. He has been transformed.” He attributed the transformation to “the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) and the Federal Government which gave him a scholarship to study and become a better person.”

    Evans is serving two jail terms. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in February 2022, for the kidnap of Donatus Dunu, CEO of Maydon Pharmaceuticals Ltd., Lagos. He was also sentenced to 21 years in prison, in September 2022, for kidnapping a businessman, Slyvanus Ahamonu, and collecting $420,000 as ransom from his family. In both cases, he was tried in Lagos. He was reported to be “standing trial in two other kidnapping cases.”

    A native of Umudun, Nnewi, Anambra State, he was arrested in June 2017, in his classy home at Magodo, Lagos, about three weeks after the announcement of N30m bounty by the police, for information that could lead to his arrest. He had been on the wanted list of the police in three states, Edo, Anambra and Lagos, for over four years; and police interest in him was renewed by his alleged involvement in Dunu’s kidnap. The police described him as “the most brilliant, richest and craftiest kidnapper in the country’s history.”

    At the time, the police said Evans had two mansions in upscale Magodo GRA Phase II, Lagos, worth about N300m. He was also said to have “two houses in the highbrow area of Accra, Ghana, among many other properties, such as exotic cars, expensive watches, jewellery he bought from ransom.” It was reported that the police recovered AK47 and AK49 rifles, double-barreled long guns, and magazines with ammunition from his gang. This showed the threat they posed to society.

    After his arrest, he told the story of how he started kidnapping, which added flavour to the thriller: “I was into auto spare parts importation but lost all my money (over N25m) when Customs seized my goods. From there, I relocated to South Africa, where I started peddling drugs. But along the line, my business partner shot me and passed me off as dead. I recuperated, returned to Nigeria and decided to start kidnapping rich men for ransom.”

     Within 10 years, he had acquired a reputation as a high-profile kidnapper.   His victims included Chief Raymond Okoye, who was kidnapped in 2015 and detained for two months until his relatives raised $1m; a trader, Uche Okoroafor, who was kidnapped in 2015 and held captive for three months until his family paid $1m; another businessman, Elias Ukachukwu, who was kidnapped in November 2015, and paid $1m ransom. In Ukachukwu’s case, the kidnappers refused to release him after collecting the initial ransom.  They demanded another $1m, alleging that the victim’s relatives were rude to them. He stayed in their den for several months and it was unclear how and when he regained freedom. Francis Umeh, an auto parts dealer, was kidnapped in July 2016 at Ago Palace Way, Okota, Lagos. He was caged for two months and paid an undisclosed sum in dollars.

    Dunu’s kidnap led to the arrest of Evans. He was kidnapped in February 2017 in the Ilupeju area of Lagos.  The victim was kept in a house at New Igando, Lagos, for 88 days. He eventually escaped and gave the police information which led to the arrest of Evans and others. In court, the prosecution said Evans and five others, armed with guns and other weapons, had captured Dunu, detained him and collected a ransom of 223,000 euros for his release.

    Justice Hakeem Oshodi, who sentenced him to life imprisonment, observed that he was “seen laughing even when he was told that he must be a rich kidnapper,” adding, “He showed no remorse in the dock and tried to lie his way out of the crimes despite the video evidence.”

    Three years later, Evans wants the public to believe that he is a different man. This is likely to be difficult, and will perhaps be seen as a contrivance, considering the scary scale of his involvement in kidnapping before his arrest, trial and conviction.  Jailed for life, he has spent only three years in prison. Given the nature of his crime, is this period long enough as punishment, and does his alleged transformation justify a reconsideration of the sentence?

    Kidnapping for ransom is a serious problem in the country, and the authorities must avoid sending an encouraging signal.  For instance, more than 2,000 people were reported kidnapped across 24 states of the country between January and July 2024, according to SUNDAY PUNCH. The newspaper’s research focused on reports of kidnapping published in four Nigerian newspapers in the period, namely The PUNCH, The Guardian, The Nation, and Vanguard. Also, the research showed that the families of 62 kidnap victims paid N389m as ransom to kidnappers for the release of their relatives in the period.

    In August 2024, the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, notably inaugurated a special intervention squad, saying it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes…”

    The country is facing a kidnapping crisis. The authorities must take action to stop kidnapping.

  • Puzzling killings in Ebonyi

    Puzzling killings in Ebonyi

    How did suspected herdsmen succeed in wreaking havoc on three Ebonyi communities despite assurances of safety given to them by their state government and security agencies?

    That is the big puzzle the federal government has to untangle in penultimate Sunday’s massacre by suspected herdsmen of 15 innocent people in the Amagu, Amaokwe and Umunesha villages of Nkalaha, Ishielu Local Government Area of Ebonyi State. The inquisition is made more compelling by indications that both the Ebonyi State government and the security agencies were privy to potential threats to law and order in the community prior to the unfortunate killings.

    Why that threat could not be diffused such that it snowballed into the wanton killings and destructions witnessed in the three communities justifies a high-powered inquisition by the federal authorities.  Accounts of what led to the killings are largely foggy. But it was said to be connected to alleged killing of some cows belonging to the herdsmen.

    It is not certain the number of cows killed, the circumstance of the alleged killing, and those behind them. But while some reports blame the so-called Eastern Security Network (ESN), others suspect they were done from within the communities. The alleged killings of the cows had led to schism between the herdsmen and the communities with attempts by all parties including the state government and security agencies to resolve the matter.

    But these efforts hit the rocks when suspected herdsmen attacked the communities as residents went to church penultimate Sunday, killing those in sight, burning a total of 25 houses, yam barns and other valuable properties. Reports from residents after the attacks expressed displeasure on the handling of the crisis by agents of the state government and the security agencies. The pervading feeling is that the killings could have been averted had the state government and the security agencies taken the necessary preventive measures when threats of a possible attack by the herdsmen hovered on the air.

    The traditional ruler of Nkalaha community, Igwe Thompson Ebe showed obvious frustrations as he threw some insight into the duration of the crisis and efforts made to stem the tide. He said the trouble started on January 20, and dragged to January 31.

    “We have continued to mediate between the Agila in Benue State and the Fulani herdsmen. I even invited them to my house in Abakaliki to talk to them about the cows that were allegedly killed. We have even made some arrests to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to book. As we were still talking, this ugly incident of killing took place on Sunday”, the traditional said with regrets.

    If the traditional ruler’s account of the duration of the crisis and the prospects it presented for possible resolution does not throw up serious challenges on the handling of its possible threat to law and order, that of residents on the roles of the Ebonyi State government and security agencies lend themselves to serious interrogation.

    A community leader from area, Elder Simon Idenyi who spoke to the media had reasonable cause to accuse the state government and security agencies of aiding the herdsmen in the atrocities they committed. He said that on February 1, officials of the Ebonyi State government, the military and police authorities came to them that they wanted to make peace between them and the Fulani herdsmen.

    “After discussions with elders of the community, including women, they told us that the problem we had with the Fulani herdsmen had been resolved. They encouraged us not to leave our houses that the government and security agencies are here to protect us. They assured us that nothing will happen to us.

    “Regrettably, at about 9.30 am, strange faces we understood were Fulani herdsmen wielding AK-47 rifles and machetes surrounded the community and started killing anyone on sight and burning houses randomly. There was no security agent in sight while the carnage lasted. The attack started at 9.30 am and till they left the community around 3.30 pm; no single security agent came until around 5pm”, he further lamented.

    The community leader said the herdsmen took time to enter every nook and cranny to carry out their attack including a church where they killed two worshippers. Other residents alleged that security agencies left the area on Saturday only for the herdsmen to attack them the following day. Other allegations bordered on the seizure of their phones by soldiers preventing them from recording the gruesome killings with warnings of severe consequences should videos or pictures of the killings and destructions make their way into the social media space.

    “They (soldiers) later returned the phones after residents had recovered 10 corpses including that of a retired policeman”, one other resident whose phone was seized recounted.  

    If the account of the meeting between officials of the state government, the military and the police during which they gave assurances of safety to the communities and asked them not to leave their homes is a true reflection of events, the eventual attack, killings and destructions raise serious questions. This is more so given their duration and magnitude.

    The attack was said to have started around 9.30 am as people were in the churches and lasted till 3.30 pm. That should give ample time for information to get to the relevant security agencies to respond to the challenge. It is surprising that the attacks could go on for that long without the authorities coming for the help of the defenceless communities. And if the security agencies were promptly on ground to contain the attack as insinuated in some quarters, the gravity of the killings and destruction of properties weakens such claims.

    In an attack of the magnitude that took place in the three communities, one would have expected to hear of the arrest and neutralisation of some of the invaders by the security agencies as the mayhem was on. That would have served as a clear evidence to countermand the claims of residents. But nothing of such is of public knowledge.

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    Though the deputy governor of the state, Patricia Obila acknowledged that without the intervention of the security agencies, the casualty level would have been higher, she did not indicate at what point they arrived the scenes of the killings and culprits arrested for the heinous crimes.

    But she could not have issued a 24-hour ultimatum to the security agencies to arrest the killers had some arrests been made in the course of the attacks. Frustrations were evident in her lamentations: “No government is happy to see their citizens being killed in a bloody manner. This is a horrific scene to behold. If you look at the corpses, they are a younger generation that were lost”.

    The deputy governor hit the uncanny irony of the matter on the head when she lamented that most of the corpses lying out there did not even know what was happening – a reference to the alleged killing of cows that led to human killings and destruction of property. Incidentally, the killings in the Ebonyi communities epitomise the unfortunate fate of the country in disagreements between herders and host communities.

    This is not the first time Ebonyi people have been mindlessly killed by suspected herdsmen over disagreements bordering on alleged destruction of farmlands, crops or the killings of cows. Unfortunately, in those earlier incidents just as in the present one, the invaders operated with an air of invincibility disappearing into the thin air after their atrocious escapades.

    Neither were arrests made nor credible intelligence provided for unmasking the standing force avenging any alleged wrong to the herdsmen across the country. This seems to have emboldened those avenging perceived wrongs to the herdsmen into the mindless reprisal killings seen across the country. But this sordid profile only reinforces suspicion, resentment and conflict between host communities and the herders. Before now, it was thought that the herdsmen were able to carry out the attacks and go scot-free because of the sympathy of the last regime to their cause.

    But the killings have persisted though on a lower scale. President Tinubu has to do something substantially different to halt the frequent resort to lawlessness by suspected herdsmen each time there is disagreement between them and their host communities. It has become a huge national embarrassment that a group of people can easily go on rampage against their host communities killing and maiming them only to escape without any trace. There is definitely more to it than ordinarily meets the eyes.

  • Between Trump and Nigeria

    Between Trump and Nigeria

    In less than three weeks, United States President Donald Trump has shown the world how not to take leadership for granted. Often the easier part is electing a new president, especially in the wake of difficult and sometimes convoluted social, political and economic challenges. Ensuring that a country does not shoot itself in the foot or cut its nose to spite its face is most times the harder part. In last year’s November elections, the US managed to both shoot itself in the foot and cut its nose to spite its face. If it were possible to sever any other part of the body, they would have done it to achieve their electoral goals.

    Nigerians used to think they were more adept than most other countries at destroying their metaphorical anatomy to ventilate their political anger. Now, with wry wit, they must begin to appreciate that that folly is fairly universal, and that in fact, Nigeria’s case may not be as bad or hopeless as they had imagined. Yes, in 1966, they broke out in a paroxysm of excitement when they welcomed the military into government in the expectation that order would be restored and peace imposed after the convulsive elections of 1964/1965. There was no way they would know that they were setting themselves up for a civil war barely a year after the coup or for decades of debilitating military dictatorships.

    Most countries seldom learn from history. After the disputed elections of 1983 in the Second Republic, Nigerians widely advocated for a coup d’etat. They got their wish, their noses and feet severed by their foolishness and amnesia. If anyone had told them the coup would produce a succession of devious and incompetent military dictators, culminating in the blood-soaked and extremely larcenous administration of General Sani Abacha, they would have condemned the fantasy as surreal literature. And when they gleefully aborted the electoral victory of Moshood Kashimawo Abiola in 1993, and as some alleged, murdered him, there was certainly no way they would know that the manipulation would engineer the return of the excitable Olusegun Obasanjo, the lethargic Umaru Yar’Adua, the overwhelmed Goodluck Jonathan, and the dour and sulking Muhammadu Buhari who thrice sought electoral absolution for his tragic military administration.

    To reiterate their ownership of the US, white America reelected President Trump, this time with a dominant and unassailable Electoral College and popular vote margins catalysed by dazed Hispanics, myopic Muslims angry over Gaza, impressionable Blacks, evangelicals, countryside yokels, and all manner of voting groups yearning for political and economic anachronisms. But weeks into his presidency, he has all but wiped the grin off the faces of his supporters. They adored his tough rhetoric on tariffs against Mexico, Canada and China, but he has disgracefully walked the policy back, leaving only China. They do not seem to mind his gung-ho determination to take Greenland by force, but they must now contend with the unprecedented opposition of Denmark and France. His hysteria over Panama Canal gratified their prejudices, but he has declared under his breath that he would settle for Panama merely reducing the influence of China in the running of the canal. Much of the Muslim world which privately wondered whether his presidency would not in fact be more tolerable than that of his predecessor, Joe Biden, are now disillusioned hearing his heresy on depopulating and rebuilding Gaza under US control.

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    In three crazy weeks, Mr Trump has shown that other than technological and military supremacy, the US and indeed nearly all developed countries are as ordinary as they can get. Germany, after all, produced the sociopathic Adolf Hitler in the last century, far more bloodthirsty than Uganda’s Idi Amin. And beside Mr Trump, some of the most vilified African leaders such as Muammer Ghaddafi, Mengistu Haile Mariam, Robert Mugabe, Sani Abacha, Mobutu Sese Seko, Jean Bedel Bokassa are far more predictable, and far less vain and inconsiderate. It must horrify many Americans that their president now suffers the indignity of being compared to Africa’s and Asia’s badly vilified leaders. China’s Mao Zedong and Soviet Union’s Josef Stalin might be sociopathic, but compared with the increasingly fatalistic and unremittingly inconsiderate Mr Trump, they seem blasé, predictable, even intelligent and visionary.

    Before he clocks two or three months in office, Mr Trump will have alienated most of his friends and allies, made a fool of himself, demystified the US, and if left unchecked, plunged the world economy into a crisis, if not another depression. There is simply no sense in him at all, and no method even to his madness. Nigeria’s Gen Abacha might be a thoroughbred thief and a callous leader, but he was sensible enough to let the economy be handled by experts. President Buhari might be insensitive and a closet Fulani irredentist, but he was smart enough to often keep his mouth shut to the point of being reclusive. Gen Badamasi Babangida might be devious and greedy, but he genuinely, if mistakenly, believed his experimentations would birth Utopia under his administration.

    It is a modern tragedy that in the 21st Century, and after more than 250 years of running a democracy anchored on one of the world’s most profound constitutions, the US has produced the mesmerisingly ungifted Mr Trump, a man so destitute of leadership ability that it is baffling a great political party like the Republican Party nominated him, and an even greater country saddled him with the onerous task of ‘leading’ the world. Nigerians, nay Africans, should take consolation in the fact that in no part of their chequered history had they managed to produce a leader so unworthy of the throne, so incapable of elementary reasoning, and so overwrought by emotions.

  • The demolished Anambra ‘hotel’ saga

    The demolished Anambra ‘hotel’ saga

    In late January, the new Anambra State security outfit, Agunechemba, reportedly acting on a tip off, raided Udoka Golden Point Hotel and Suites, more popularly known as La Cruise Hotel, located along the Onitsha-Owerri Road, in Idemili South local government area. The premises allegedly doubled as hospitality facility and kidnappers’ den. It also reportedly contained 30 graves, though, surprisingly, no one in government could say whether corpses were recovered. It was, therefore, not out of place when a resident of the area said the so-called graves were actually partitionings for fish ponds.

    But government sources disclosed that “graves were found on the ground floor of the hotel and some military camouflage and some arms cartridges of guns and so on were also found. Quite a number of incriminating items were also found there.” But another government source said the ‘graves’ were found on the last floor. Apart from the shocking lack of harmonisation of official statements, not to say the confusion over whether the ‘graves’ were found on the ‘last’ or ‘ground’ floor, it is dismaying that the government rushed into demolishing the building simply because the state’s Homeland Security law permits the demolition. Was the demolition ordered by the courts, and were the owners of the premises availed the opportunity of defending themselves?

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    The hotel sponsors may very well be guilty of what has been publicly alleged against them, but only the courts can say so, and only the courts can sanction demolition. Given the obscene haste with which the discovery and demolition were done, it is unlikely due process was followed. And if due process was followed, then the justice system in Anambra is damned. What is worse is that the government spokesman could not even confirm what were found in the building, an indication that investigation had not been concluded. Precious evidence may have been destroyed in the rush to sensationalise a supposedly serious crime. If the owners of the presumed hotel cannot be found, Nigerians may never know the full scale of the ‘crime’ allegedly committed in that demolished building, whether just kidnapping for ransom or ritual killings, or worse.       

  • Tinubu’s work ethics and marathon governance sessions

    Tinubu’s work ethics and marathon governance sessions

    Governance is no easy task, and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made that abundantly clear in the just-concluded week, particularly on Monday and Tuesday, when he presided over two consecutive marathon sessions of the Federal Executive Council (FEC). It was a grueling, high-intensity start to the week—one that underscored his commitment to running a government that is both active and responsive.

    With 101 memoranda considered over the two days—34 on Monday and 67 on Tuesday—Tinubu’s leadership style was on full display. This was no mere ceremonial gathering. It was a deep dive into national governance, covering economic policies, infrastructure projects, fiscal decisions, and social welfare programs. Sitting through such an extensive deliberation requires not just physical endurance, but a keen mind and an unwavering focus on Nigeria’s developmental priorities.

    Even before the weighty discussions of the FEC meetings began, Monday opened with a crucial swearing-in ceremony. Thirty-one key appointees took their oaths of office in a move that once again accentuated Tinubu’s determination to strengthen the nation’s governance and administrative structure.

    The ceremony saw the induction of, eight new permanent secretaries, who will play vital roles in driving policy implementation within the federal civil service; twenty-one commissioners of the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), tasked with ensuring equitable revenue distribution across all tiers of government; a new member of the Federal Character Commission (FCC), an institution central to Nigeria’s principles of inclusivity and fairness in public sector appointments; one appointee for the National Population Commission (NPC), a key player in demographic planning and national data management.

    With these individuals formally assuming their responsibilities, Tinubu wasted no time in getting down to the business of governance.

    By the time the first session of the FEC meeting kicked off, the President was already deeply engaged. Over the course of two intense days, the council deliberated on 101 crucial policy matters, spanning sectors such as infrastructure, economy, security, social welfare, and governance reforms.

    The sheer volume of memoranda considered speaks to the pace at which Tinubu is driving his administration. At a time when Nigerians are eager for results, his approach is clear: every issue matters, every policy must be examined, and every decision must be taken with Nigeria’s future in mind.

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    For a leader to preside over back-to-back FEC sessions with over 100 policy documents on the table is no small feat. It is a clear indication of Tinubu’s hands-on approach to governance. While some might delegate such extensive work to their ministers and advisers, Tinubu has chosen to be an active participant, directly engaging in policy discussions and decision-making.

    This is a leadership style rooted in diligence, discipline, and an understanding that Nigeria’s challenges require full executive attention. The message is unmistakable: Tinubu is not just presiding over government—he is working, tirelessly, to ensure that governance translates into real impact for the people.

    By the time the second day of FEC deliberations ended, it was clear that Tinubu had set a precedent for intensive governance. The pace at which policies are being reviewed and approved signals that his administration is not interested in bureaucratic delays. Decisions are being made, plans are being put into motion, and the wheels of governance are turning at full speed.

    As the administration moves forward, the expectation is that this momentum will continue. The President has demonstrated that he is willing to put in the long hours, make the tough calls, and keep his eyes firmly on the goal: delivering good governance to the Nigerian people.

    In an era where Nigerians demand results, Tinubu is showing that leadership is not about sitting at the top, but about rolling up one’s sleeves and putting in the work. The past week has made one thing clear—Nigeria has a President who is fully engaged, fully committed, and fully focused on the job at hand.

    … And Now A University for Ogoni

    By the way, Monday saw another thoughtful, human and rather thoughtful act from the President, in recognition of the Ogoni cause, coming just almost two weeks after he met leaders of the people. He once again demonstrated his commitment to fostering equity, education, and environmental justice with his signing of the bill establishing the Federal University of Environmental Technology in Tai, Rivers State. More than just another addition to Nigeria’s growing list of tertiary institutions, this university is a symbol of recognition—an acknowledgment of the struggles, sacrifices, and resilience of the Ogoni people.

    For decades, Ogoniland has been synonymous with environmental advocacy. From the days of the late Ken Saro-Wiwa to the continued calls for remediation and justice, the people of Ogoni have been unwavering in their pursuit of a better future. President Tinubu’s decision to bring a specialized institution of learning to their doorstep is, therefore, much more than an educational gesture; it is a strategic step toward righting historical wrongs and empowering a community that has given so much to Nigeria’s development.

    At the signing ceremony in his office at the State House, the President made it clear that this initiative goes beyond academia. “Today marks a significant milestone in our national journey towards environmental justice, education, and sustainable development”, he declared. These words resonate deeply in a region that has long borne the brunt of industrial activities but has often been left out of the benefits that should accompany them.

    This university is poised to become a centre of excellence where young Nigerians, especially those from the Niger Delta, will acquire the knowledge and skills needed to address contemporary environmental challenges. It will serve as a training ground for clean energy solutions, sustainability research, and economic innovation—all of which are critical to Nigeria’s long-term prosperity.

    For the people of Ogoni, the significance of this institution extends far beyond its academic mandate. It stands as a testament to their resilience, a validation of their decades-long call for environmental restoration and sustainable development. Tinubu himself acknowledged this when he commended their “steadfast advocacy for justice and building the confidence of our people in a peaceful manner”.

    This move is a reflection of President Tinubu’s broader vision for national development—one that prioritizes education, inclusivity, and regional empowerment. His administration understands that sustainable progress cannot be achieved if certain communities remain marginalized. By establishing this university in Ogoniland, Tinubu is sending a strong message: the contributions and concerns of all Nigerians matter.

    Moreover, the President’s collaborative approach in bringing this vision to life is worth noting. He expressed gratitude to the National Assembly for ensuring the bill’s passage, emphasizing that the realization of such transformative projects requires collective effort. This spirit of partnership is essential, as the university will need the support of traditional institutions, academia, the private sector, and young people to thrive.

    Now that the foundation has been laid, the real work begins. Establishing the Federal University of Environmental Technology in Tai is just the first step. The next challenge lies in ensuring that it lives up to its promise—attracting the best minds, developing world-class curricula, and becoming a true hub for environmental and technological innovation.

    As stakeholders rally around this institution, there is an opportunity for further investments in Ogoniland. The university could become a catalyst for broader infrastructural development, from improved road networks to increased private sector participation in research and sustainable industries.

    In a country where some regions have long felt neglected, President Tinubu’s move to establish this university in Ogoni is a clear indication that his administration values inclusivity. It is not just about education; it is about empowerment, restoration, and long-term development.

    The Ogoni people, through their sacrifices and ideals, have shaped conversations on environmental justice—not just in Nigeria, but globally. It is only fitting that their land now hosts an institution dedicated to the same cause.