Category: Columnists

  • The illusion of imported leadership

    The illusion of imported leadership

    It is a cruel jest that a nation in dire need of repair often turns to those who abandoned her at her most fragile hour, entrusting them with the mandate to rebuild.

    It is hardly wise to appoint Nigerians who had Japa to man public offices in the country. This is akin to luring the proverbial skunk from the wilderness into our royal chamber, if it doesn’t defile the quilted sheet with its faeces, it will ruin the palace with its stench.

    Those who had ‘Japa’ to escape the ‘hell’ Nigeria became should never be allowed to superintend our healing – ultimately because they lack the character and competence, native intelligence and maturity, selflessness and integrity, patience and sense of responsibility required to manage our healing process.

    It was disheartening to see a Governor’s recent appointee scoff at his fortune, stressing that he never needed the appointment – even though he barely survived as a canned fruit hawker cum cab driver who squatted with friends in the United Kingdom.

    He dismissed his new role as unneeded charity, flaunting his “lucrative businesses” overseas. Such disdain undermines the very dignity of public service. Governance is no playground for fair-weather patriots, who, when the tides turn, abandon ship, leaving chaos in their wake.

    Diasporan appointments often ignore a fundamental rule: the right person for a position must have prior experience or demonstrated expertise in that role. If we must invite a Diasporian Nigerian to serve as the country’s Petroleum Minister, one primary requirement should be his previous employment in a similar capacity. The same logic requires that only a seasoned General can become Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff (COAS).

    That said, it is often ill-advised to appoint an overseas cab driver, who is contemptuous of Nigeria, as a federal minister or director of a public agency. When Nigeria needs cab drivers with international experience, we may recruit such individuals. Our public offices are best reserved for patriots who keep faith in the Nigerian enterprise. It’s about time we stopped appointing leeches into public office. When the going gets tough, they simply pack up and leave. Nigeria’s public office is not a rehabilitation camp for fair-weather patriots.

    Yet, the allure of foreign-trained technocrats often blinds decision-makers. We have seen governors appoint internet fraudsters and human traffickers as cabinet commissioners. We have also seen supposedly first-rate technocrats flaunting Ivy-League certificates, sully our public offices with corruption, arrogance and greed. Our public offices demand more than empty credentials; they require stewards who embody resilience, moral integrity, and an unyielding belief in the Nigerian dream.

    We have Nigerians doing well back home, despite the odds. They are the type that stay the course when the going gets tough. They do not bend and sway to every favourable draft nor pack up and leave at the onset of a storm. They stay back and withstand its flurry, surviving with tact, perseverance, faith, goodwill and native intelligence. They understand that only by salvaging what we have and who we are, can we achieve our Nigerian dream. These are the ones deserving of public office.

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    Still, it’s everyone’s prerogative to either stay or flee from perceived hostility in our homeland. But hostile politics and economies aren’t caused by phantoms or poltergeists. They are the result of our lack of humaneness and frantic avarice. The looters prowling our streets and corridors of power did not fall from outer space. They are the fruits of our mother’s wombs, sired with seeds from our fathers’ loins. They are the monsters we raised in our families.

    Modern Nigeria is a product of the joint efforts and inactions of our families, schools, worship houses, the streets and the media.

    Japa nomads taking the education or scholarship route, eventually find that their admission into elite schools overseas was purely a business decision by the schools and their host countries. The benefits are ploughed back into their host society.

    By the time they graduate, they are superbly conditioned for the drudgery of second or third-rate employment overseas. Some occasionally secure first-rate employment. But the very smart ones among them relocate back home to seek employment with Nigerian or multinational firms who prefer their foreign certificates.

    Many return to Nigeria as agents of metacolonialism. Hence the preponderance of journalists, writers, teachers, economists, social workers, engineers, and health workers, to mention a few, who function as glorified stooges of the so-called developed nations of the world.

    At the heart of the Japa phenomenon lies a moral corruption not unlike that which fueled the transatlantic slave trade. It is a degeneracy rooted in faithlessness—faithlessness in one’s country, one’s people, and the possibility of collective growth. To combat this, we must dismantle the social mechanisms that enable such disloyalty. And this can only be achieved through education. The Nigerian school must begin to impart more than money-making soundbites and status-conferring skills.

    Our schools must equally teach values and history with a didactic bent. If they do not, another transatlantic slave trade is possible; we have seen it happen in Libya, where Europe-bound Nigerian youths were bound and gagged, raped and murdered by African slave drivers cum human traffickers; it happens every day to thousands of Nigerians crossing to Europe through irregular migration routes from Agadez through Tripoli to the Mediterranean bight.

    President Bola Tinubu must understand that it is not enough to seek foreign investment and cooperation from abroad; such initiative, while appreciable, could be doomed by a lack of quality personnel and citizenship required to nourish whatever benefits accrue from his nation-building enterprise.

    If Nigeria truly seeks sustainable socio-economic growth in the long run, we must groom generations of men and women capable of nourishing and preserving the Greater Nigeria enterprise.

    The true purpose of education is to make minds, not careers, and as Deresiewicz writes, only a small minority have seen their education as part of a larger intellectual journey or have approached the work of the mind with a pilgrim soul.

    Nigeria must furnish an educational system driven by the sweat and exploits of such pilgrim souls. The country’s education curricula must be overhauled to impart a Nigeria-centred educational experience that could resonate with the progressive social re-engineering of the country.

    It doesn’t matter what quality of degrees are acquired if the recipients are furnished to operate like mindless robots, praise junkies, fortune hunters and crowd pleasers. William Hazlitt notes how European society violently wrenches and amputates her citizenry thus making them unfit for intercourse with the world, something in the manner that beggars maim and mutilate their children, to prepare them for their future pigeonholes.

    This imagery of beggars maiming and mutilating children is discernible in the fate of the Nigerian kids birthed abroad; some are shipped overseas as regular or illegitimate migrants purportedly to grant them access to a better life.

    The lure of Japa validates Bulhan’s theory of metacolonism. The syndrome has taken so much from us, including our loyalty, language, history, and the cultural values that bound our community together. All that is left is our sense of attachment and moral responsibility borne of nostalgia. Yet Japa has corrupted even that.

    The time has come to redefine patriotism, prioritising those who believe in the Nigerian dream and are ready to make the sacrifices required to achieve it. Anything less is a disservice to the nation and its people.

  • ‘Free C/S: Policy to Practice’

    ‘Free C/S: Policy to Practice’

    Every new governor brings hope to the common man, too often dashed as the governor, no matter his dreams for state development, is caught in the state-wide quagmire of corruption, as evidenced by the fact that almost every governor leaves a desolate state behind, not even paying salaries and pensions and faces multibillion naira questions by EFCC. The question all governors must ask is: ‘How would I like to be remembered?’

    As the three new governors answer, we pray it is ‘To be Faithful, Loyal and Honest and Even-Handedness.’ They should investigate why so many states fail. The governors should ask where all the state citizens are as for example in Ondo State only about a quarter of the 2.1million voters actually voted. Is it possible that the population is half or less the projected population? As this ‘poor voter turnout’ is a nationwide phenomenon, INEC must verify its National Voter List and eliminate ‘Ghost Voter Cards’.

    Meanwhile the World Bank (WB) identified $32m as unaccounted for in a Water Development project asking CBN, the guarantor, to return t$22m to the WB. Meanwhile our citizens in 2024 die of cholera etc. The WB Report should be handed to EFCC, ICPC etc for immediate prosecutorial action including ‘Disgracing Nigeria’. Heads should roll! Officials must be sacked and demoted. Trials and prison sentences should follow.      

    Nigeria verbally offers free Caesarean Section operations for poor needy Nigerian women. The ‘Best of News’ for pregnant women going forward and a great plan on paper. The practice traditionally in Nigeria has been completely different in outcome in past promise cases, even for simple promises. Remember that we promised an Academy for Brilliant Students and had the disgraceful temerity to gather them and then abandon the children to mediocrity even though the academy was in Abuja. Remember the recent absolutely unnecessary ‘old backward education @18 years thinking’ now finally changed to 16 years which required a minister to be removed. It is easy to understand why it was probably some government order to let the academy and its pupils rot, while being surrounded by an opulent political class in the same Abuja. Let us face grim reality. If Tinubu was not president today, the age of entering university would still be 18 or even raised to 20!

    So, when we cannot hold government to its sacred political promise to one single education institution in Abuja, how will we offer free C/S with all the immediate urgent ‘two lives’ threatening emergency financial and facility  demands?

    A service will be meaningless if, as of now, the patient’s relations are still given a midnight list of TTB – Things To Buy before the ‘emergency Caesarean Section’ can take place. When, during NYSC in 1975, I used to do CS operations at midnight or later in Lafia, then Plateau and now Nasarawa State, the single generator for the entire town had to be turned on for the operation. Next morning people would thank me because their fans came on. Nowadays the TTB list disgracefully often includes oxygen, water and petrol or diesel for the inevitable power failure, usually at the most critical and blood flowing time of the surgery. We have all used a torch to locate and tie off a seriously bleeding artery deep in the pelvis and lost in NEPA-lessness darkness.

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    Having done 3,000 Caesarean Sections and stood in countless pools of poor mother’s blood, I know that ‘emergency’ means instantly, now. Imagine the doctor who gives such a TTB list to a desperate father-to-be, his wife’s labour screams driving him to dementia. He will insult the doctor, pointing to the wall-poster proclaiming ‘FREE CAESAREAN SECTION FOR ALL’ FROM NOVEMBER 2024. The doctor will be in a no-win situation. He or she will not get enough equipment and support services from the hospital and will have to say he cannot do the surgery. The husband for genuine poverty reasons, rejecting the TTB, will accuse the doctor of stealing the needed equipment or refusing to work or sabotage, and manhandle the doctor. It happens now. ‘FREE CS’ though desirable may put many medical personnel at risk, unless the strategies or all hospital scenarios are worked out. For example, what to do if there is inadequate equipment to perform surgery? How to reimburse to families any expenses incurred on TTB list. Does free CS include post operation antibiotics, pain killers, wound dressing or is it just the theatre procedure cost being eliminated?  Remember to factor in the anaesthetic drugs and drips.

    Nigeria has had many ‘free  programmes’ education, feeding, health, for example, which backfired on the supervising teachers left with nothing to teach with, or with supervising doctors, nurses and pharmacists left with nothing to give patients. A Commissioner of Health once asked us to stop writing O/S Out of Stock, as it reflected the government ‘free health programme’ in bad light, and instead give patients Panadol when there were no antibiotics as the patients did not know the difference. Of course we did not! The lethal consequences for failing to perform a CS are immediate. The medical profession cannot take responsibility to deliver a free CS as and when due in the absence of a monitorable, non-budget dependent government budgetary commitment to the equipment and medications and CS kits to bring a successful outcome. The C/S delivery devil is in the support for the surgical detail, turning the policy into practice.        

  • Awaiting Nigeria’s one-party state

    Awaiting Nigeria’s one-party state

    The just concluded governorship election in Ondo State was expected to be one-sided. But not even the cockiest could have predicted a clean sweep of all 18 local government areas by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Lucky Aiyedatiwa.

    The last time this happened was ten years ago in Ekiti when the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Ayodele Fayose, floored the APC governor, Kayode Fayemi, in all 16 local government areas of the state. Many expected a tough contest in which the incumbent would prevail somehow. What played out was an unscripted electoral massacre.

    The Ondo poll is the second victory pulled off by the ruling APC in two months. The other was in Edo where a resurgent opposition deftly exploited the cracks within Godwin Obaseki’s PDP to seize power. Both victories come against the backdrop of severe economic challenges across the country. You would therefore expect that, as of happens in similar circumstances, the party at the centre would pay a price for the hardship facing the citizenry.

    But in the two states, voters were clearly influenced by other local issues and personalities in making their choices. Never mind that the losers have been singing the same refrain about rigging and blaming the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for their woes. In these latest polls, independent observers acknowledge that while there may have been flaws in organisation, the outcomes largely reflect the will of the people.

    The defeat in Edo has been especially galling for the main opposition PDP as it meant ceding territory to APC where it should have been gaining ground, or keeping what it had, if it is to have a realistic chance of upstaging the ruling party in three years.

    It lost the 2023 presidential contest against the background of economic turbulence. That losing streak has been sustained amid internal divisions that remain unresolved, and don’t look like they are going to be resolved any time soon. The uncertainty has seen a near one-way traffic of defectors to the other side. It is surely must be demoralising when the spokesman of last year’s PDP presidential campaign, Daniel Bwala, is now holding forth in Aso Rock as one of the mouthpieces of President Bola Tinubu.

    The opposition’s frustrations have led to claims that APC was somehow implementing a grand scheme to turn the country into a one-party state. In a statement on October 1, Nigeria’s Independence anniversary, PDP’s candidate at last year’s election, Atiku Abubakar, warned that a one-party dictatorship was imminent and called for action to reclaim democracy.

    He accused APC of manipulating opposition parties to weaken their effectiveness, stating, “Our political milieu has become corrosive; opposition parties languish in weakness, while the ruling party appears to manipulate internal processes to render them ineffectual.”

    A little over six weeks after delivering this rallying cry for citizens to save democracy, his party got a shellacking in Ondo which showed he and his types are still pressing the wrong buttons. They have no clue how to save their hides, talk less of rescuing a system of government. Clearly, ordinary people were not sufficiently frightened by the so-called threat to democracy.

    The comprehensive nature of PDP’s defeat in Ondo was not because of vote-buying or manipulation by INEC officials. It was down to the fact that major stakeholders in the state had lined up behind Governor Aiyedatiwa. Many were stalwarts of the opposition who have since moved on, others were statesmen and local pillars who couldn’t bring themselves to back Agboola Ajayi’s enfeebled challenge.

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    Equally critical was Tinubu’s intervention. People forget that at the time of former Governor Rotimi Akeredolu’s death, the APC in Ondo was riven with factions. Many commissioners were opposed to Aiyedatiwa taking over and openly contemptuous of his person. It took the president entering the fray to get even the most bitter foes to back down.

    The result was a house that went into battle with common purpose as opposed to its rivals who offered only anaemic resistance. Any talk of them being cheated, therefore. is just the usual grandstanding of Nigerian election losers.

    The next major electoral contest in the country would be Anambra’s gubernatorial poll in November 2025. The state is the spiritual home of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) which has governed it for the past 21 years. It is also the home state of Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Obi. He won here by a landslide in the 2023 election. But that pattern wasn’t repeated in the legislative and local polls that followed.

    Aside APGA, only the PDP, APC and LP have a realistic chance of denying incumbent Chukwuma Soludo a second term. Nigerians can begin to take the talk of a one-party state seriously if, against all odds, APC manages to capture the state. Even with all the might of the party at the centre behind its local arm, not many would be placing their money on such a bet.

    If Nigeria were to suddenly become a one-party state much of the credit should go to a clueless opposition. It wouldn’t just be down to the Machiavellian manoeuvrings of APC leaders.

    The opposition dream of taking power but are not offering fresh ideas to energise a lethargic electorate. Rather than focusing on the future they spend their days whining about a 2023 loss that is now historic and would never be upturned. Beyond scaremongering, hurling abuse and spewing hate, they don’t offer anything that makes them a more attractive proposition that the government in power.

    Take, for instance, Tinubu’s tax reform bills, which have stirred up some passion in polity. Rather than coming up with credible reasons for opposing them, someone like New Nigerian Peoples’ Party (NNPP) leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso, who aspires to be president, descended into parochial regional rhetoric. He accused ‘Lagos boys of trying to recolonise the North.’

    Even as they scheme with an eye on 2027, the opposition would still be held down by a heavy weight of deadwood. Most Nigerians have come to accept that there’s not much that separates the major parties in terms of ideology. This belief is supported by the regularity with which politicians switch platforms without the least discomfort or embarrassment. The one, who derided APC yesterday as a congregation of demons, thinks nothing of leading the choir of devils next day.

    Only a new generation of leaders can rescue the opposition. As long as they are held captive by egotistic figures in their dotage, who insist on leading them, they would be viewed by voters as more of the same.

    Even more deadly is their refusal to take a look at themselves, their methods and the product they are selling. Rather than take accountability for their mistakes, they remain stuck in the unproductive exercise of blaming the electoral umpire.

    I am certain that if APC were offered the chance to govern all 36 states and the federal government, they would seize it with both hands. Every party wants to win. That is why those, like governors, who make the most noise about the one-party threat, gladly superintend local government elections in which their parties always win 100%! One-party system is bad at federal level, but just great at state level. Such grand hypocrisy!

    They only way a ruling party can be stopped from achieving overarching dominance in the country, is by the opposition making an alternative pitch to the electorate. So far they’ve failed woefully in this regard and become key enablers of the trip to the supposedly much feared one-party destination.

  • Educating the Almajiris

    Educating the Almajiris

    The decision of the Ministry of Education to collaborate with the National Commission for Almajiri and Out of School Children Education (NCAOOSCE), to mop-up out of school children around the federal capital territory and send them to school, points the way for states afflicted by similar challenge. The report indicated that the new Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, and NCAOOSCE, formally handed over the children to the FCT for enrolment. This is refreshingly different, from what looked like the flagship program of the former Minister of Education, who expended his energy on how old a child should be, before he or she, can enrol in the university.

    From hindsight, the sacked minister, Professor Tahir Mamman, would wish he had concentrated on this ‘Back2School’ enrolment drive which he had launched earlier in the year. The collaboration between the Ministry of Education and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, will see the children get absorbed into schools, at no cost to the parents. This enrolment, if pushed to a logical conclusion, will help rid the FCT, of child beggars, who are mainly, Almajiri children, that also constitute security challenges.

    Hopefully, similar collaboration would take place in the states. Even if the minister and NCAOOSCE have to pressure the state governors, the federal government should extend the program across the states. According to the UNICEF, there is a whopping 18.3 million children between 6 and 14 years, who are out-of-school in 2024. Among the states with the highest numbers, include Kebbi, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, in 2023, Yobe has the lowest literacy level of 7.23 percent, followed by Zamfara at 19.16 percent, Katsina 10.36 at percent and Sokoto 15.01 at percent.

    One report indicates that Kano has 39 percent out-of-school children, higher than the national average of 28.7 percent. Kano is reputed as the most politically conscious state in what is popularly regarded as the core-north. Truly, over the years, the state has trodden its own political part, regardless of what is happening in other states in the northwest zone. Hopefully, Kano, one of the most afflicted by the Almajiri crisis, would key into this project.

    This column urges political leaders, especially in the educationally blighted states to make the education of the out-of-school children the cornerstone of their political manifesto. For instance, Yobe State last year, by one account, budgeted less than 10 percent of the 2023 Budget, for education, unlike Sokoto and Kano which allocated about 30 percent to education in their respect budgets. If the allocation, which is higher than the UNESCO benchmark of 26 percent, is maintained over the years, the out-of-school children will diminish, in those states.

    Trump trumps pollsters

    As the result of the United States of America’s elections rolled in the penultimate week, this writer who had relied on the so-called renowned pollsters to predict that Kamala Harris would win the US presidential election was flummoxed as Trump trumped the prediction. If it were in Nigeria, the headlines would have read, ‘Trump wins by landslide’.  While the results were trailing in and this writer was expressing surprise, the office secretary, dismissed my exertions in one sentence: “Oga, you listen too much to CNN”.

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    Perhaps she is right. For in the past few months to the election, the televisions, at home and in the office, had been tuned near permanently to the Cable Network, to hear how the electioneering campaign in US, was progressing. And the predictions have been that Kamala Harris was surging forward while former President Donald Trump was reclining. One pollster, who claimed to have predicted 10 out of 11 past elections correctly, boasted that Kamala was going to win Trump.

    One CNN pundit after another told us why Kamala would win, even though she entered the race late, and the odds were initially against her. And I believed. Interestingly, after the election, I discovered that many around me were actually happy that Trump won the election. The Catholics were excited that Trump defeated Kamala hands down, even though President Joe Biden, her godfather is a Catholic. Other Christians told me that the promoters of the infamous LGBTQ have been defeated. Many used unprintable words to describe Biden and Kamala’s support for LGBTQ.

    Any argument that while one abjures the crazy concepts promoted by the LGBTQ folks, the potential danger posed by a Trump presidency is far more dangerous to the world is met with complete scorn. The argument that Trump hates other races, especially the blacks, is countered with the argument that he has an Arab in-law who occasionally lives in Nigeria. When one raised the danger of ‘America first’; the question is, ‘before nko?’ The supporters wonder whether as USA president, Trump is expected to put Nigeria first? When one argues that US is the policeman of the world order, the next question is, at what cost to Americans? 

    While the jury as to the wisdom of Americans, in choosing Donald Trump, as their 47th president, has four years to sit, there is the claim that the president-elect is choosing strange characters, as his secretaries and top administration staff. Some of his nominees are reputed to have parochial or little knowledge about the position they would occupy, if cleared by the Congress. 

    There is the allegation that he even wants to circumvent the standard process, of having his nominees cleared by the Congress, by resorting to a rarely used legislative process, provided for during emergencies, when the Congress is on recess for a long time. Again, the worried German and French leaders, at their recent meeting, discussed how to contain the emergence of Trump, who in his previous incarnation as president, insisted that Europe must carry its load, instead of leaving it for Uncle Sam, the USA.

    One wonders whether the Trump presidency would be as turbulent as many pundits are predicting. After my recent failure as a pollster, I am wondering if I am again, listening to CNN, more than I should?

    Congratulations Ndi Enugu

    The emergence of Chidimma Onwe Adetshina, as first runner up, of the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, in Mexico, brought joy to the Enugu State governor, Peter Mbah, and most people of the state. Governor Mbah, who has promised to increase and multiply, the state economy, many folds, described her emergence as reaffirming the resilience, brilliance, and determination that define Ndi Enugu.

    Chidimma who passed through the valley of the shadow of death in South Africa on her way, to participate in the pageant, deserves all the accolades coming her way.

  • How not to be a service provider

    How not to be a service provider

    Old habits may truly be said to die hard, but then the electricity consumer would appear to need more time to see if truly the Electricity Distribution Companies (Discos) have finally made good their threat to shut out their customers using the Unistar brand of prepaid meters. That deadline, by the way, expired last Thursday, November 14. Recall also that the directive, considered by many as unjust and inequitable, had pitted Nigeria’s lead agency for consumer protection, the Tunji Bello-led Federal Consumer Protection Commission (FCPC), National Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) and the electricity consumer on one side, and the ignoble cartel on the other.  

    With a new sheriff who not only understands the import of equitable market practices but ready to reset that delicate balance between the disparate actors in the supply and demand chain that has all along been missing, the days ahead promises to be interesting. 

    Surely, the story didn’t start last month; it only got to a head shortly after the Eko Electricity Distribution Company (EKEDC) and Ikeja Electric (IE) directed their customers using the Unistar brand of prepaid meters to replace them latest by November 14. The directive, as one would imagine, came with the usual arrogance that Nigerians have come to expect from a cartel lacking in the elementary knowledge of service delivery and corporate responsibility. To them, it was sufficient that those consumers still desirous of enjoying their service visit the respective websites of the DisCos for replacement of the meters before the deadline.  The measure, they claimed, had not only become imperative due to incompatibility of the Unistar card meter technology with the Standard Transfer Specification (STS) system currently in use by them, the process would involve the customer parting with N130,000 of his/her hard-earned money. Failure to comply means the customers will be unable to recharge their meters and hence no service.

    It’s been nearly two years since I wrote a piece with the title IKJDC: Ponzi as game!

    I reproduce hereunder a part of my ordeal with a supposed service provider as published on the January 3, 2023 edition of this newspaper.

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    “First week in December, my wife had gone to the neighbourhood office of Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company (IKJDC) to top up our pre-paid meter. Although she wanted N20,000 loaded on the card, she ended up being charged twice, no thanks to the glitches routinely suffered by Nigerians on the erratic payment platform. Not to worry; she was assured that the first transaction, which the official had assumed did not sail through, would be reversed in due time. Days of waiting for a reversal that didn’t happen, she went to the bank to lodge a formal complaint. Only then was she told that the two transactions actually went through and that the IKJDC account had been duly credited with N40,000 for which she was supplied proof!

    At this point, the matter looked quite simple and straight-forward: She would get IKJDC to transfer same to the card in the unlikelihood that they would want to refund the money.

    Soon after, we realised that our nightmares had only just begun. At the IKJDC headquarters in Ikeja where she went to lodge a formal complaint, the customer relations staff on duty, after perusing her documents including the bank statement admitted that the fund in question (N20,000) was in their account alright, only that this could not be loaded because the card – yes, the same card on which the earlier credit was loaded days before – was no longer supported on their company’s payment platform!

    She was then availed two options: pay for a new meter which attracts a free of N115,000; never mind the interminable waiting time for installation during which we would be thrown back to the old estimated billing system; or in the interim, do another top up on the same old card and by that forfeit the N20,000 already into their piggy bank!

    Just like that!

    I took over at this point. I told the officials that neither of the options made any sense. In the first place, I had absolutely no problem with the current pre-paid meter to warrant my coughing out N115,000 for a new one under the current difficult economic climate. Second, to the extent that any technical/operational issues that have rendered the old meter obsolete had nothing to do with me, the consumer, (need I also remind that the same meter in question was duly paid for), the cost of any proposed upgrade ought to be borne by IKJDC, not me the hapless consumer! Third and most intriguing suggestion- that I could actually load new units on the old card but that would mean forfeiting the N20,000 that was the subject of the original complaint. And all of these in the raging background on what to do when the already purchased units run out considering that Christmas and New Year celebrations were only few weeks away!

    Convinced that I could at least pull some levers to get the problem sorted out, I called everyone I knew. From their field staff to the customer relations personnel right up to some supposedly top guns in the public relations department; none, as one would imagine, could offer any practical help. Even at that, what I could never have bargained for was being taken through the lecture circuit; the customer relations officers with their standard, icy templates that left no accommodation for common-sense, fairness or equitable dealing; the antediluvian public relations directorate that suffered no pretences about being either ‘public’ or ‘relational’. In all, you are told that the system has been long on this process of upgrade, only that the electricity consumer opted to remain light years behind by neglecting to pay for the modern digitised meters!

    Summary: Either it is the ways of IKJDC or hell’s highway!

    In the meantime, I was expected to ‘comfortably’ endure the agony of spending the holidays without public electricity supply! And that’s exactly how the holidays went! And all of these for the sole prize of running from IKJDC’s pillars to their outposts!

    Well, this is my story a la Ikeja Disco. I guess it captures the agonies of millions of electricity consumers in the hands of the clueless, shylock operator”.

    That was in January 2023. Has anything changed? Rather, the monstrosity is back and well – that is if it ever went anywhere in the first place. Now, thanks to the Federal Consumer Protection Commission, the ancien regime, under which the Discos could claim to have the last word, appears gone forever. And the other good news: NERC, which has all these while, been on a Rip Van Winkle sleep appears to have resurrected!

    For proof, yours truly relies on this newspaper’s report of yesterday. A part of the report referencing a statement from the commission read: “If any customer’s meter is adjudged by any DisCo to be obsolete or faulty, it is the responsibility of the DisCo to replace the meter free of charge, provided that the fault was not caused by the customer”.

    Surely, it’s a new day!

  • Katsina cabal, Lagos cowboys and sundry jives

    Katsina cabal, Lagos cowboys and sundry jives

    Whither the “Fulani herdsmen”, choice villains of southern media hysteria during the Muhammadu Buhari years, when their kin was president?  Vanished into Mars!

    Are they still as ubiquitous, as all-conquering, as absolutely notorious as when PMB was there; allegedly goading them on from mischief to mischief?  Who knows? 

    The massive media watch towers have simply moved on to other mischiefs their own; their hot gaze shifted from the herdsmen’s no-less-hated cousins, in the PMB power court: the rather formidable Katsina Cabal!

    So, where’s that cabal today, on which many a blogger foamed in the mouth with hot hate?  Maybe in Jupiter!  Again, the Observatory has moved!

    The focus now — no less fierce — is the Lagos Cowboys in the court of President Bola Tinubu.  Enter, the latest reigning royals — more of Judas! — of the grudge media!

    If there is grudge media, there must be grudge politicians, to make the grudge media rumble, vibrate and titillate, to send quaking grudge readers — viewers and listeners — into a fresh delirium, without which grudge living is absolutely unbearable!

    That has been the fate — a badge of honour? — of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the no-retreat-no-surrender gadfly of the Afenifere clan. For the old man, it’s his way or no other way!

    “We Yorubas are not that insecure or imperialistic to covet such a monopoly of power,” the old lion roared.  “Afenifere can’t use several decades to fight against Fulani hegemony, only to support Yoruba hegemony.” 

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    But which power?  Which monopoly?  Which hegemony?  And by the way, which Afenifere?

    He was referring to Ugoji Egbujo imputing Yoruba domination of the Tinubu Presidency (Vanguard, October 26), as put by The Guardian (November 2), “of all arms of the criminal justice system (EFCC, DSS, Attorney-General and Chief Justice); the economy (Coordinating minister of the Economy, CBN, Finance, Blue Economy, Digital Economy, Trade, Industries and Investment, Bank of Industries and Investment, Solid Minerals); as well as the Forces (Army, Police, Customs, Immigration).”

    “Buhari was accused of bias for (the) North, with three regions” Chief Adebanjo caviled, “not to talk of Tinubu’s bias not for the South, but (for) a single ethnicity and single region.” 

    So, “City Boy” PBAT has proved, by his Yoruba-centrism, even a worse South West caveman than PMB was ever a pan-northern hegemon! Some hyperbole!  This old man can sure talk the talk!

    Still, some preliminary x-ray of this patriotic grumping.  PMB was accused of North-centrism, indeed!  Wasn’t that the blare of the southern media, during his eight years?

    But did that hinder his delivery of the 2nd Niger Bridge; or the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway: two critical artery-assets that his predecessors — including “arch-nationalist”, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo — laboured in vain to do, even with the gushing cash they had?  Did it also arrest the Lagos-Ibadan modernized rail?

    Did PMB’s northern dominance blot out the unmatchable passion of ChIbuike Rotimi Amaechi, as he went about his rail-modernization mission with aplomb?  Or whittle down Babatunde Fashola’s doggedness and brilliance, even as he wrestled with three “juicy” portfolios in 2015: Power, Works and Housing?

    Pray, did it cripple the plethora of funding options for roads and bridges, outside the budgetary cycle, that Fashola brought to the table, in his second term as Works and Housing minister — options now entrenched in the federal funding basket? 

    Indeed, did it stall the frenetic support to deliver the Dangote Refinery, incidentally another Lagos-private sector collaboration, by the same Lagos post-1999 order that Chief Adebanjo and co-traducers now condemn, out of blind envy?

    For that matter, is PBAT’s “Yoruba domination” killing the can-do spirit of David Umahi as Works minister; or Nuhu Ribadu, as National Security Adviser (NSA), routing the North West bandits?  

    Does it stall Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo’s enchanting passport reforms as Interior minister — or that counts for zero because the minister is Yoruba?  Or because Chief Adebanjo, pushing his democratic right to grouch, disapproves?

    But the Tunji-Ojos — or even, Attorney-General Lateef Fagbemi, an ethnic Yoruba from Kwara, in the North Central geo-political zone — are not even the old man’s headache.

    His migraine would appear the “Lagos cowboy” trio of Wale Edun (Finance: and economy coordinating minister), Dele Alake (Solid Minerals) and Yemi Cardoso, CBN Governor and czar of Tinubu monetary policies.

    Though Edun (Ogun) and Alake (Ekiti) are no Lagos indigenes — only Cardoso is — they were among the pan-Yoruba policy “storm-troopers” that helped to shape Tinubu’s Lagos — and its aftermath, 25 years on.

    They also — horrors of horrors! — helped to checkmate Afenifere’s excesses — back then, just as now, driven by Chief Adebanjo’s needless pugnacity. His lobby’s gung-ho Yoruba nativism crippled the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) outside Yorubaland.  It also drove AD to premature grave — after Tinubu and co had left for AC.

    By the chief’s carping, hiding behind “Afenifere” and some fictive “Yoruba” mandate, it’s clear he hasn’t forgotten — or even forgiven — Tinubu and his Lagos cowboys!

    God knows — and readers of this column would attest — that Ripples disagrees with Edun’s and Cardoso’s double-whammy of removing petroleum subsidy and floating the Naira: twin-policy that has made the Naira a mere rag; and sent ga-ga virulent inflation, further spreading mass poverty.

    Still, the two gentlemen are honest drivers of Tinubu’s economic policies.  Yes, those reforms could be harsh.  But that doesn’t turn the drivers into quacks or villains.

    If those policies work, the people will quickly forget the pains and savour the gains.  If they don’t, the government pays the price by 2027.  That’s how democracy works, not by wilful traducement, feigning pseudo-patriotism, as Chief Adebanjo just essayed.

    Besides — and this parallel is apposite — if the “Lagos boys” stuck with Governor Tinubu, through his first two years of free Lagosian abuse and insults, only to, with him, earn glory after eight years, what stops them from repeating that feat at the federal level, even if the president’s reforms aren’t the most popular right now?

    Ripples’ riposte back then, on the so-called Katsina Cabal, was that PMB picked who he thought could deliver for him.  It’s the same response to PBAT’s Lagos Cowboys!  That (wart and all) is Nigeria’s political sociology.  It is what it is! 

    Sadly, those who hee-hawed over PMB, or even joined the emotive bandwagon of fashionable perjury, can’t now defend PBAT.  Glad to say Ripples is not of that band!

    But as Chief Adebanjo grandstands for willy-nilly relevance, he’s an impostor if he claims to be Afenifere Leader.  He’s not.  Baba Reuben Fasoranti is.

    As he lays false claim as Afenifere “Leader”, and since the old man loves to tout Awo for effect, let him remember the “Akintola Taku” — “Akintola balks” — tragedy of 1962.

    That turned Chief Akintola into an eternal pariah among the Awo clan. Chief Adebanjo risks no less, in Afenifere folklore, long after he and his doting grudge media have left the scene.

  • In defence of Wike on Abuja demolitions

    In defence of Wike on Abuja demolitions

    We are gradually becoming a nation of lawbreakers.  Some have attributed this development to people’s lack of confidence in the elite whose laws are our laws. Many believe they make laws not to serve the overall interests of the public, but to protect the interest of group members.

    For instance, it is generally believed that our lawmakers deliberately inserted lacunas in the Abuja Urban and Regional Planning Act which but for Nyesom Wike’s ongoing demolition would have allowed politicians who illegally took over Abuja green belt, and shanties dwellers, who illegally erected structures on land earmarked for public use by government to stay in court for up to 15 years.

    Following Minister Wike’s last week’s demolition of Ruga illegal settlement, at Wuye, harbouring more than 10,000 illegal occupants, human right group led by Martins Vincent Otse, popularly known as ‘VeryDarkMan’ (VDM), and Deji Adeyanju, a lawyer and activist, led the protest of the displaced people. Adeyanju, celebrated by the media as ‘a foremost human right activist, just about a year after leaving law school but dismissed by  Nyesom  as “an idle hand who became civil society activist after failing to secure his support for the national publicity secretary of PDP”, demanded the minister’s sack. Rather than deny Wike’s allegation, Barrister Adeyanju, who we now know is a PDP card-carrying member while wearing human right activist cloak, has been slandering and calling Wike names.

    And this is despite the fact that Abba Garo, the spokesman for the victims of Ruga demolition whose crusade Adeyanju is leading, has admitted that the displaced occupants could not lay claim to the land which he also noted had been demolished 22 times, with occupants returning to rebuild “because they have no alternative accommodation”.

    Nigerians are also aware that despite the heterogeneity, there is no part of Nigeria where outsiders are not welcome with open hands as long as they respect the values and culture of their host communities. It is therefore unimaginable that immigrants will move to Benin, Yola or Sokoto and start erecting structures without approval of the local authorities.

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    The only exception is perhaps Abuja where Garo admitted they have continued to break the laws ‘because they have no alternative accommodation’ and Lagos where immigrants destroy the lagoon shorelines with shanties. The promoters and enablers of criminality in the case of Abuja and Lagos are attention-seeking civil society groups and a section of the media that intend to impose their warped view of society on the rest of us. Otherwise, the idea of urban immigrants resorting to self-help is alien to our culture.

    The good news about Abuja however is that demolition Minister Wike, whether you like or not, has said no amount of blackmail was going to stop him from pulling down other illegal shanties and structures constructed on Abuja’s green areas. According to him, “If anyone builds on a green area without the necessary approval, then too bad. Those structures will be brought down; certainly, yes, they will be demolished without compensation to those who encroached on public land”.

    Femi Falana, (SAN) and a respected human right crusader has however condemned, the minister for his decision to demolish illegal shanties he described as ‘private properties. According to him, the demolitions are not authorized under the Urban and Regional Planning Act applicable in the FCT because “In the FCT, if a house has breached the law, the case must first be taken to the Urban and Regional Planning Board. If the property owner loses, they can appeal to the Urban and Regional Tribunal. If that fails, the case may go to the High Court, where an order for demolition may be issued.” 

    For him, Wike’s demolition of shanties is ‘alien and primitive’. He is therefore insisting the minister must follow provisions of Abuja municipal laws.

    But if the spirit of the law is ‘the search for the spirit of truth’ and the  essence of law is that it ‘supports the logic of reason and the interest of common good’, I think Wike’s approach is superior to the Abuja municipal law, crafted by those who don’t really care about public interest  And the Abuja Act itself, to use Falana’s words is “alien and primitive’ to the extent that the Abuja Municipal Act Falana wants to follow, is unarguably inferior to our traditional judicial system the colonial master met on ground when they first came in  the 17th century when our social organization was considered superior to that of Europe, according to PC Lloyd.

    Indeed the Abuja Municipal Act is an assault on Nigerian public by Nigerian elite who have been accused of converting most green area of Abuja land to personal use.  And an attempt to link the Act to the British judicial system from where we copied most of our laws is also no less an assault on Nigerian sensibilities. As a product of norms and values, the British judicial system, would never have contemplated a situation whereby a British politician would take over a land set aside for public use or a British citizen and His Majesty’s subject erecting shanties on privately owned land. Such aberrations only occur in Nigeria where jobbers as human right activists and some media platforms routinely canonise villains as saints while the rest of us play the ostrich.

    There is a new sheriff in Abuja who although may not popular but no doubt adept at elite game of political party intrigue, interest group pressure, deceit and even violence. (Recall he was the first to tell us how much he got from his then number one political enemy, President Muhammadu Buhari as derivation fund while his Niger Delta colleagues kept their peace). I think Wike is well prepared for the battle against Abuja’s powers and principalities.

    But it is however not difficult to know the source of Falana’s angst. From his Freudian slip towards the end of his interview with Seun Okinbaloye of Channels TV when he angrily declared “after all when the elite commit the same offence, they are asked to regularize”, we could deduce Falana’s anger is against his fellow elite members who are getting away with similar crime for which shanties’ illegal dwellers lose their structures without compensation.

    And this once again bring the focus on our educated elite, the scourge of the nation who Awolowo predicted would never able to guarantee justice for all Nigerians because of their greed for power and money. As it has turned out, every attempt to come up with a pro-Nigeria constitution by Nigerian elite since the end of the civil war has ended in a debacle.

    I can also not resist calling attention to the observation by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, our former External Affairs Minister to the effect that there is no Nigeria billionaire in recent times who did not acquire his fortune through the Nigerian state. From the likes of Aliko Dangote, the government minted oligopolist, the airlines owners who acquire their wealth through foreign exchange round tripping, to the government oil well allotters, trillion naira profit making bankers to the super rich jet flying lawyers specializing in the defence of governors with stolen mandates, all rode to prosperity on the back of the state. And this perhaps explains why they often display their opulence and profligacy without restraint.

    Dear esteemed readers, let me end this piece by sharing with you our encounter (The Guardian Newspapers) with shanties illegal dwellers. In the late eighties, Lade Bonuola, Guardian editor-in-chief and managing director had secured some acres of land in OPIC, Isheri for the Guardian. In 2005, we decided to allocate the plots to senior editors and other category of staff that had put in between 15-20 years of service. Ogun State Surveyor General’s office facilitated distribution of Certificate of Occupancy to beneficiaries after payment of necessary charges by OPIC.

    The demand for additional payment by (Omo onile), land owners, was met and documented with a recorded video. Today, almost 20 years after, while building of all types have been erected on those plots by shanty dwellers, none of the over 100 legal owners, has had access to his plot.

    If ending the above madness that today defines Lagos and Ogun in Abuja is part of the goal of Minister Nyesom Wike who has already said ‘no amount of blackmail, intimidation, and abuses will deter him from “protecting lives and property in the FCT and ensuring that Abuja was one of the best cities in the world’, he has my back in the battle he has already launched against Abuja vultures.

  • Wale Macaulay: Flashbacks

    Wale Macaulay: Flashbacks

    He was ‘The Don.’ That’s what I called him. In the 1970s, we were both struck by Mario Puzo’s bestselling novel, The Godfather, and I started calling him by that nickname. To me, he was ‘The Don,’ without the negative connotations.  News of Wale Macaulay’s death at his Isolo, Lagos residence on November 4 hit me like a thunderbolt. He was 65.  He made a name for himself as an actor, director and producer, and was regarded as a Nollywood veteran. 

    Our interaction started early because we were classmates at Aunty Ayo’s Preparatory School, Ikoyi, Lagos. He attended St. Gregory’s College, Lagos. We reunited in the 1990s after he returned from England, where he had studied film and television production.

    It was a dramatic reunion. He was at the time married to Lola Fani-Kayode, a well-known television producer and director.  It was a promising union of talented creatives, which was disappointingly short-lived. They were still married when he launched his unprecedented Christian music choir called ‘Kazimba’ in the mid-90s. He appointed me as the group’s ‘writer,’ a role that brought me into contact with members of the choir, some of whom later became stars, including Sammie Okposo, Yinka Davies, Tunde Obe, Wunmi Aboderin and Zubby Enebeli. It was a massive choir that reflected the size of the founder’s vision.

    ‘Kazimba’ came before its time. Its first concert at the upscale Waterparks, Ikeja, Lagos, was unsuccessful because the local Christian community was not ready for such a group and such a performance.  In preparation for the show, the choir had rehearsed for several days at the high-profile Master Sound Studio, Obanikoro, Lagos. Wale was devastated. As we drove back to his residence at Anthony Village, Lagos, he was inconsolable.

    The group’s second concert at the same venue was better attended because he collaborated with House on the Rock, the church he attended at the time. But the attendance figures were not good enough to cover the huge cost of staging the concert, including hiring the venue and the use of the high-profile Benson and Hedges production crew. The choir’s costumier was Lady Di, Charly Boy’s wife. I remember one of Wale’s siblings saying jocularly that he acted like a Hollywood impresario. He was a stickler for high standards. 

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    He was better known as an actor. His performance in Tunde Kelani’s 2001 film, Thunderbolt: Magun, was one of the high points of his acting career. The film, described as exploring “the themes of the intersection between African belief in supernatural forces, modernity and sexual politics,” was listed among bestselling Yoruba movies. It was screened at the Pan African Film Festival in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Milan Italiano Film Festival in Italy, and the African Film Festival in New York, USA. He notably starred in other movies, including Violated (1996), Most Wanted (1998), Small Boy (2008), Protégé (2013), Accident (2013) (for which he was nominated for Best Supporting Actor at the 2013 Nollywood Movies Awards), and Lunch Time Heroes (2015). 

    Apart from his screen appearances, he acted on stage. He played the lead role in Ola Rotimi’s The Gods Are Not to Blame, staged by the Thespian Family Theatre at MUSON Centre, Onikan, Lagos, in 2014.  He was the protagonist in another Ola Rotimi play, Kurunmi, staged by the National Troupe of Nigeria at the National Theatre, Iganmu, Lagos, in 2008. In a review of the performance, Mufu Onifade said Wale’s “charisma and natural smoothness on stage could not but exhume the reputation of the National Troupe from its state of oscillation between known professionalism and strange mediocrity.”  He also featured in some M-NET movies and the popular TV drama series Super Story, among others.

    He wrote plays and songs too. His published play, The Rape of Gidiolu, was performed at MUSON Centre, Lagos, in 2005. He directed the play, which is focused on human rights.  A recording of the stage performance was screened at the biennial International Council Meeting (ICM) of Amnesty International in Mexico, in August 2005.

    He constantly involved me in his artistic projects.  I felt flattered. We both felt a deep sense of loss when the manuscript of his play, Princess Zarah, was nowhere to be found.  It was based on Cyprian Ekwensi’s prose fiction The Passport of Mallam Ilia. It was my favourite among his various manuscripts that I read.

    Importantly, Wale featured in The Herbert Macaulay Affair, a 2019 Nigerian film based on the life of the great man known as the father of Nigerian nationalism. He was a scion of the family, and a passionate promoter of the departed patriarch.  

    When I visited him at his Isolo residence last year, we discussed projects connected with Herbert Macaulay. He looked unbelievably frail. He mentioned his health challenges. That was the last time I saw him, but we spoke often over the phone. I had promised to visit him at 9ja Studio, Magodo, Lagos where he had stayed for a while before his death. He had been involved in a production project driven by his cousin and founder of the studio, Frank Adekunle Macaulay, which had been completed but was yet to be unveiled. I had looked forward to seeing him again during my vacation last September. It’s sad that I was unable to visit him at Magodo. We had a phone conversation some weeks ago, and he told me he was returning to his Isolo residence. I didn’t know he was about to leave for ‘the other side.’

     He was a man of faith. At different times, he was a member of Winners’ Chapel, Daystar Christian Centre, House on the Rock, World Evangelism Bible Church, and Christ Embassy.  He once told me that he would like to meet the biblical Moses, in order to find out from him how he was able to manage the Israelites during their 40-year journey from Egypt to the “promised land” of Canaan.

    Whenever I called him a star, he would respond with a chuckle, saying, “Stars are in the sky.” Farewell, Wale, my unforgettable cousin, brother and friend.

  • Lukarawa terror alert

    Lukarawa terror alert

    The alert by Defence Headquarters (DHQ) of a new terror group, the Lukarawa in Sokoto and Kebbi states would seem a fresh dimension to the metastasising insecurity in the country.

    The news must have unsettled Nigerians, especially the northwest that has been battling the festering challenge of banditry. In the last couple of years, banditry manifesting in kidnapping for ransom, despoliation of villages and senseless killings has left that region a ghost of its former self. This has in turn, taken a huge toll on agricultural production as farmers refuse to go to farms for fear for their lives.

    So, the emergence of another terror group in that region carries with it all the trappings of a canary in the coal mine. But is the terror group really ‘new’ in the security trajectory of the northwest region? That is perhaps, one issue this column seeks to explore.

    DHQ spokesman, Edward Buba who announced the emergence of the ‘new’ terror group, said Lukarawa is linked to Islamic State (ISIS) and its members crossed into Nigeria from Niger Republic. He said when the terror group first settled in Sokoto and Kebbi states, the locals accommodated them and did not report to security agencies until they started to cause havoc.

    According to him, this is the first time the Sahelian jihadists are making incursions into our country taking advantage of gaps in cooperation between Nigeria and Niger, the difficult terrain and under-governed areas to spread their ideology. The ideology they are propagating was not disclosed but the military said the group emerged last year after the coup in Niger that led to the breakdown of cooperation between that country and Nigeria.

    The key issues raised by the military are that Lukarawa is a new terror group that emerged after last year’s coup in Niger Republic; they are just making their first incursion into Nigeria and the communities accommodated them without informing the security agencies. Its corollary is that the security agencies had no prior information on their presence before the last coup in Niger Republic.

    All these seek to place culpability for the emergency and current threat posed by the Lukarawa terror group on the shoulders of the local communities in Sokoto and Kebbi states. That may well be.

    While a peep into  accounts of people from those areas show some similarities with the military narrative on how the terror group settled in the villages, there exist remarkable differences in terms of their time of settlement, the knowledge of their presence the security agencies had and why the locals allowed them in the first place.

    A study conducted in 2021 indicated that the Lukarawa group was initially invited from Mali by local leaders in Gudu and Tangaza local governments of Sokoto State in 2017 to address the growing banditry incursions from Zamfara State. 

    Another 2022 study by Murtala Rufa’i,  James Barnett and  Abdulaziz  Abdulaziz showed that Lukarawa rejected the title of Boko Haram, rather preferring to be called Mujahdeen or Ansaru, the franchiseof Al-Qaeda. It started by protecting the locals in its strongholds, attacking military formations and civilians considered to be informants to the military.

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    The study also revealed that when local leaders in Gudu and Tangaza LGAs of Sokoto State invited the Lukarawa group in 2017 to address banditry incursions from Zamfara, they solicited for cash, cows, logistics and weapons to help the group protect them and even recruited youths to join them. The report said they are Malians who speak Arabic and Fulfulde.

    A resident of Tangaza LGA, Mallam Bello Tangaza corroborated the invitation of the group by locals for protection about six years ago after being assailed by banditry manifesting in kidnapping and cattle rustling as security agencies could not offer much help.

    According to him, those initially invited were 10 well-armed men because of their track record as a vigilante group. He said after the police failed to rescue some of their kidnapped community leaders, the group moved in and rescued them together with rustled cows and sheep.

    But things went awry when the group went beyond their mandate to enforce, collect levies and indulge in other illegal activities. They preached some weird ideology, checked people’s phones and broke memory cards they found to contain music. They also flogged people who played or downloaded music from their phones. The community leaders who initially invited them got tired of their excesses and sought their quick exit. When community and religious leaders got tired of their excesses, they provided valuable information to the authorities.

    But the threat was downplayed. This enabled the group to re-group and re-emerge in 2021, aligning with bandits and Fulani communities. That was perhaps, when their escapades assumed monstrous and lethal proportions.

    It is not clear at what point the community leaders sought the assistance of security agencies to quit the group from their area. But one thing not in doubt is that the security agencies had knowledge of the presence of the group, even if they misread their motive or underestimated their capacities.

    A local government information officer in Tangaza, Bala Ibrahim Gidan-Madi had then also confirmed that a former commissioner of police in the state, Murtala Mani had visited the communities as part of efforts to beef up security.

    When the matter was first reported by the media, then spokesperson of Sokoto State police command, Cordelia Nwawe had said they were not bandits but herders from Mali with their wives and children, cattle, cows and donkey.

    “They came to same area annually from Mali in search of water for their cattle…they went back since Tuesday, November 27, 2018 and no attack on any person or damage to farm crop was recorded”, she had said. The police enjoined Sokoto and its environs not to panic but to go about their lawful duties without fear or apprehension.

    Just before last week’s alert by the DHQ, Sokoto State government raised alarm on the presence of the terror group in five LGAs of the state. Spokesman of the state police command, Ahmed Rufai gave further insight on how long the terror group had stayed in the area when he said, “they have been in those areas for some years now.  They are armed with weapons and part of their agenda is to impose their own kind of religious practice on the people”.

    There are clear issues in the attestations and copious evidence provided by the locals and the police authorities. The first is that the Lukarawa group was initially invited by local leaders to help them fight back the menace of banditry. But the group soon turned a verity of Frankenstein monster.  Second, the group came from Mali and may have crossed in from Niger because the later shares boarders with Nigeria. They are largely Malians.

    Again, they are not ‘new’ in the northwest as their presence dates as far back as 2018. They had in the past, reportedly mounted attacks against military formations even if in isolated and feeble circumstances. The state government and the police had clear evidence of their presence but may have been handicapped in confronting them just as was the case with banditry.

    So, it was not entirely correct for the military to lay the blame for the incursions of the Lukarawa group solely on the locals who took resort to self-help due to the inability of security agencies to protect them. Assuming without conceding the locals failed to report their presence to security agencies, it smacks of intelligence failure for the terror group to operate for that long without notice.

    The coup in Niger, leading to breakdown in cooperation may have a hand in the spread of the terror group. But it was not the major factor. There has been evidence of Lukarawa presence in Sokoto and Kebbi states for some years before that coup.

    At any rate, with the diplomatic faceoff between Nigeria and Niger and threat of military action by ECOWAS against the latter, one had expected strict manning of the borders to prevent infiltration of the enemy. But that did not appear to have happened given the excuses by the military on Lukarawa exploiting the difficult terrain and under-governed areas after the coup to spread terror.

    What seems to have emerged from all this, is that security agencies were either handicapped in confronting the Lukarawa terror group or they underestimated their capacities for evil.  Ironically, we seem to be repeating the same mistakes that led to the escalation of Boko Haram insurgency.

    It has been argued with varying degrees of persuasion that had the early activities of Boko Haram founder, Mohammed Yusuf been promptly checked, this country would have been saved the enormous toll in human and material capital expended on that unending war. But, was there any prospect of security agencies meaningfully engaging the Lukarawa group invited to protect the locals against the menace of bandits then? That is the dialectical poser.

  • Why Trump won

    Why Trump won

    The victory of Donald Trump has been described in many ways by many pundits. Some say it is a triumph for the working class when others are saying it is the failure of the Harris campaign to make the case. Some are saying it is immigration while others are battening down the logic of hyper-inflation. Some highlight the moral anathema of the LGBTQ folks while the Christian evangelicals hail a born-again Jesus at the polls.

    Of course, a loud voice hypes racism and gender bias while others are stoking the argument of Joe Biden’s fumbles as president. Before I went to bed on election night, it looked like a toss-up at about 4 am Nigerian time. By the time I woke up about three hours later, the battleground of all battleground states was smiling at Trump. Pennsylvania had broken for the con artist, lecher, liar, felon, fraud, racist, egotist, fear monger, impresario. The other battleground states, in the end, were an anticlimax.

    For the evangelicals, they are right. For those who say it is Joe Biden’s stumbles, they are right. Who says it is working class rebellion? They are right. They are not wrong who stress race and gender. Anyone is right after an election victory. They were right the last time. They are right this time. What they have not said is what one of America’s iconic football coaches of all time said about competition: “Winning is everything.” What Vince Lombardi said about American football years ago was right for Donald Trump.

    It may be simplistic to say it is racism. Not all simplistic facts are wrong, though. They just have to be proven. Trump knew his society, and he knew how to snatch power. He understood the zeitgeist of America. When he entered the race for 2016, he announced himself as the voice of the forgotten part of America and identified a bogeyman: the immigrant as a leech and moral scum. It flattered the hope of not just the forgotten part. He appealed to who Sarah Palin called “the real America” that had masked itself under the concept of neo-liberal accommodation.

    That America prospered. Its workers, educated or not, enjoyed what we call the American dream: a living wage, a car, a house, medical care, a vacation, etc. Then came globalization. Some of the worker’s privileges were going abroad, the jobs atrophying and the wages dropping. As Harvard professor Michael Sandel argued over 26 years ago in his book, Democracy’s Discontent, now vindicated, globalization was undermining the majority of the American worker and society. One area stood out: education. Many have always equated democracy with enlightenment. But it is often not so. Almost 70 percent of Americans do not have university degrees. So, when the jobs were scaling down wages, it was an attack on the suffering majority.  Nigeria and most of the world is no different.

    These people loved their country, accepted immigrants, hugged the idea of tolerance. But standard of living was going to change all that. This is not just the story with the United States. It is the case with the United Kingdom, Italy, Hungary, Sweden, Germany, France, et al.

    Rather than attack the pain, the liberal elite started urging the less educated to go to the university, and that was the story of the future. The Ideal will collapse in the face of realism any day. Meanwhile, the same jobs that paid their big mortgages was funding many people in India, Mexico, the Philippines for far lower wages and higher profits for the corporations. The result was a gaping inequality. This has been the worst chasm between the rich and poor in history as demonstrated by the French economist Thomas Piketty in his book, Capital in the 21st century.

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    This has generated resentment in the country for a long time, and a clever Trump saw this and exploited it. As I stated last week, Michael Wolff wrote in his book, Fire and Fury, that Trump said the “white trash” – that is the poor Caucasians – were like him except that he was a rich man and they were poor. There is a part of America that is called traditional red states. They are Republicans. They used to be Democrats until the 1960’s. Lyndon Johnson flipped their love when he signed the civil rights bill that allowed blacks to vote. After President Johnson signed the bill, he told many people, as recorded by historian Doris Kearn Godwin, that the Democrats may have lost the south forever. Republicans like Richard Nixon exploited the moment and they crafted a platform that would transform American politics: it is called the southern strategy which broadcasts, “God, guns and gays.” Guns for evangelicals. Guns for gun rights, a special part of the culture and hacks back to large American swath from south to west as delineated in the novel Lonesome Dove by Larry Mcmutry. Gays as a fight against LGBTQ. That was a cultural tour de force. They combined that with conservative view of economics centred on tax cuts.

    After Nixon, the other man who exploited it was Ronald Reagan, and he had the Soviet Union and American power, prosperity and hubris to brandish. The difference between him and Trump was that America working class was still happy. The other was that while Reagan had the Soviet Union as the enemy, Trump had immigrants.

    Over the decades, the state of the American middle class has worsened. The consequence of this decline is a sense of the besieged. The person who thought he loved immigrants started to see them as the problem. They are the ones taking the jobs, taking away their peace. They are the criminals. Is it not an irony that it takes a criminal to tell them that they have criminals in their midst? It is the paradox of human civilization. Even God chooses the sinner to evangelise the sinner, Paul of Tarsus to Apostle Paul. Trump the sinner became the preacher.

    So, why did the evangelicals stand with him even though he lies and is convicted? Why do the workers cohabit with a crooked billionaire even though it is the people of his class that took away their jobs and prosperity? It is because he is the one who made the pitch and told the story, and flatter their secret hopes. The majority of blacks, men and women voted for Kamala, but they feel the economic crunch the most. Why? They say elections are about three Cs: condition, candidate and culture. Trump had all three working for him.

    Hence, they voted for Trump. It is about race because they need someone to blame, and it is what Jean Paul Sartre described as “hell is other people.” If they say it is  inflation, or the economy, at least, Trump would have made the case. How was a majority non-college educated class to understand the ins and outs of economics. Nobel Laureates  said Harris plan was better. On the border, why did they not listen when Biden came with an immigration plan but Trump stopped it from passing the Congress so he could use it as a campaign ruse. Why did that not resonate?. It is not because Harris did not make the case. Sentiment, especially of race, had made the case for trump.

    It is the unravelling of Jacob and Esau story in the Bible. The first time Jacob was asked who he was, it was the father who asked. He said he was Esau. That was not what he was. He grew rich but had to face the facts later when he wrestled with an angel. When the angel asked who he was, he confessed he was Jacob because he was desperate to live and escape the wrath of this brother who was coming after him. that was who he was.

    Americans said who they are in the last election. When things are fine, they can abide the outsider. When it comes to the crunch, identity matters. Hell, as Sartre wrote, are the immigrants. What of the minorities who went for Trump? They are bonding with their oppressors, the so-called Stockholm syndrome. It is basically the Hispanic who have crossed over and deny that Trump called them murderers and rapists. Trump knew how to talk to them, He knew how to win, and he is a true follower of Lombardi.

     Life is Hobbesian and Machiavellian. The end justifies the means. Jacob took Esau’s birthright. Yet, he got away with it and even was embraced by Esau, who forgave him. It is better, as Trump has shown, to be Jacob, steal, prosper and win, than Esau,  who is cheated, spends all is life waiting to exhale and revenge but accepts the victory of the cheat. It is the perennial pattern of history. It belongs to the cynic.