Category: Columnists

  • Ode to teachers

    Ode to teachers

    Whoso neglects learning in his youth, loses the past and is dead forever.” Euripides

    We cannot avoid our past, and what fires our memories are incidents of childhood and adolescence. Those were the formative years when energies abounded and rippled with raw activities, minds were malleable, idealism gaped with errors. We had imagination without judgment and strength unseasoned with guile. It calls to mind the Chinese proverb, “when I was young I never had the ex perience; when I was old I never had the strength.”

    We recast the world in the miniatures of our daily dreams. The world was about the scent of the next meal, the classroom hectoring bully, and the football game yesterday when we scored or fluffed a penalty shot, or the coruscating Sunday suit. It was also the love of mother that haunted sometimes like rebuke and the overarching shadow of father that chastened like love.

    Home intertwined with school, but in the last analysis, we were men and women in the mould of what parents and teachers imparted. This article is paean to teachers, and it is inspired by a recent inquiry about Ekiti State education. I discovered that many of the teachers who have kicked against the teacher test launched by Governor Kayode Fayemi paid to have their wards in private schools.

    With their own pockets and parental powers, they have vetoed out the public school. It is a vote of no confidence in themselves. It is a surrender to institutional decay. It is a cynical rejection of progress for the collective but triumph for individual greed. It is the ultimate tribute to primitive capitalism in an ironic bulwark against talent.

    Above all, they gave a verdict of failure to themselves even without taking the tests. The tests came to public attention first in Kwara State when former Governor Bukola Saraki’s move exposed teachers who should have surrendered to tutorials from their students. Some students turned out to be better than their teachers, an absurdist echo of Fela’s teacher don’t teach me nonsense. Other states have done same, one of which is Yuguda’s Bauchi State.

    Teachers are important. So also are parents. Education researches identify two critical factors in education. One is parental background. The other one is teachers. The parent plays a critical role because parents spend more time in a child’s life, especially from age zero to eight, according to the findings of Sigmund Freud. The parents show example by way of either stressing the importance of reading, or value of success through schools.

    Parents can, by irony, also make children good at school. Some children have been drawn to education by the stark poverty of their parents or lack of finesse or sophistication by comparison to what they see around them.

    My father, Moses, always told his children that education was the only thing he owed them. He told me stories about how his power of sight diminished. It was, as he narrated, because his stepmothers denied him access to lamps and his father seemed impotent about that injustice. He hid in the kitchen when all had slept and read by the faint illuminations of expiring pieces of firewood.

    He was his own hero and his own prophet. As a hero, he triumphed with little resources. As a prophet, he saw that education provided his only escape out of the poverty that loomed ahead. He often related to vignettes from Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s autobiography, My Early Life, because it reminded him of his own struggles. Some parents have gone into debts to pay for their children’s schooling. No regrets about that.

    Governments do not have as much power to influence parental attitudes and pressures as they have in schools. Other than give the tools, the suitable classrooms and all the necessary infrastructure, the focus is inevitably on teacher quality. Why have some Nigerian students, with apparently inferior tools and classroom conditions, gone ahead to best their fellow students in Europe and North America? Much credit must go to their teachers, beginning from their primary schools.

    If you had the kind of primary school teacher I had in Methodist School, Oke Ado, Ibadan, you won’t have problems with your tenses. Mrs. Sonoiki’s voice still rings in my ears today. Stern, thorough and a disciplinarian, Mrs. Sonoiki reeled out the tenses, what was acceptable and what was forbidden. And we understood the principle. In Government College, Ughelli, how can I forget the charismatic Principal Demas Akpore and how he taught poetry? His class was on Leopold Senghor’s poems that still dance in my head today. It was only once he taught my class and it seemed he taught me forever.

    Mr. Esareture and Mr. Adeyan brought history to life in the way they dramatised the lives and heroics of dead men. I can see Esareture even today as he summarised in a few sentences the history of Sierra-Leone. I see Adeyan dab across the blackboard gesticulating about the Niger Delta city states. These two men made me study history as my major at Ife.

    My epiphany about literature was lit on a television screen by Professor Theo Vincent. In those days, he reviewed books every Sunday afternoon for about ten minutes. His covered a wide sweep from African to European to American books. It was from him I understood the whys and hows of literature. He provided me with the background to understand literature that was expanded by the classes I took at Ife under able teachers like Biodun Jeyifo, Tess Onwueme, Ropo Sekoni, Adebayo Williams and Chima Anyadike.

    We had a small television set then, only a little bigger than a transistor radio. But my father knew that all was to be quiet at home every Sunday for my ritual date with the bearded literary apparition on television. My insight into history was enriched by two men: Professor Femi Omosini and Professor B.O Oloruntimehin. Omosini, in his shirt and trouser, bearing no notes, taught European history as though he was dictating. We went to his class as to a concert. He was a model of the teacher who entertained rather than an entertainer who taught. Professor Oloruntimehin, more sombre, broke history down with gusto. It was as though he was solving riddles. Each sentence enlightened and his insights haunted us.

    Without these teachers I would not have met the enriching atmosphere of the Newswatch magazine of old under the trio of Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed. From Ray I learned how to bring imagination to journalism, generating stories and excavating perspectives. From Dan, I learned how to turn dreary sentences into journalistic beauty. From Yakubu, I learned how to pay attention to details.

    Governor Fayemi understands all these and that is why he sometimes echoes the point that his Christ School, Ado Ekiti, which stood shoulder high with the best in the country now lags behind because its teacher content has depleted.

    We learn every day, but when we first learn helps us unlearn a lot of distortion. My great journalistic hero today is Roger Rosenblatt, whose style and breadth I have taken after. But without the background of those who taught me, I don’t think I would have met Rosenblatt, or written this essay today.

    Babatope at 70

    For those of us who knew Ebenezer Babatope in his hey days as Ebino Topsy, we did not envisage that this is what he would be at 70. For me, it was not Ebino Topsy who turned 70 recently, it was Ebenezer Babatope. Ebino Topsy was the devoted Awoist, feisty with ideological clarity, planted on the left, unsparing in his barb at Awo’s opponents, a stout progressive. But it is an irony that Ebino Topsy was dumped by Ebenezer Babatope. To paraphrase Poet Wordsworth, the child is the father of the man. Babatope is the apostate, Ebino Topsy the faithful and son. Ebino Topsy could not be a PDP chieftain weeping publicly. Awo must also have wept in his grave over this show of capital apostasy. Happy birthday!

  • Boko Haram’s olive branch

    It is not surprising that general reaction to the sudden declaration of cease fire by a faction of Boko Haram has been largely characterized by studied caution. This is not necessarily because such declarations in the past were observed in their breach. The tone for this doubt was at once, set by the leader of the group while announcing the purported temporary cessation of hostilities.

    Sheikh Abu Mohammed Abdulazeez Ibn Idris who claimed to be the zonal commander in charge of Borno north and south did not leave anyone in doubt that he was not speaking for the entire group even as he claimed to have the authority of their leader Abubakar Shekau.

    He had also admitted that there are factions in the sect and that some criminal elements may have been committing sundry crimes in their name. Idris did not help matters when he averred that the cease fire followed negotiations between his group and the Borno State government.

    The immediate deduction from all this is that the cease fire is limited to Borno State where Idris claims he holds sway. But Boko Haram is not all about Borno State neither is its activities limited to that state.

    Admittedly, Borno could pass for the headquarters of the sect being home to its late leader Mohammed Yusuf. It is also one state that has suffered immeasurable devastation from the orgy of violence that has trailed the activities of the sect. In a way therefore, Borno could be aptly tagged the unofficial capital of the sect.

    But it would amount to an over-simplification of issues to give the impression that Boko Haram is all about Borno State or once there is cease fire in that state, the activities of the sect in the country will automatically come to a halt. Facts on the ground do not support such a hasty and very risky conclusion. Not even the record of those so far arrested by the JTF gives such a comfort of mind. Before now, we have been told of the arrest of some other sector commanders whose areas of command fall outside Borno State.

    Apart from Borno, Yobe, Kano, Kaduna, Niger and Plateau states have suffered seriously from the Boko Haram insurgency that has left in its trail the destruction of lives and property of inestimable value. Abuja the federal capital territory has also had its dose of the killings and suicide bombings. We also saw how the mastermind of the Christmas day bombing at St Theresa’s Catholic Church Madalla in Niger state was arrested and rearrested after his escape from police custody. The point here is that Boko Haram has so many commanders that it will be foolhardy for anybody to repose any modicum of confidence in an unsolicited cease fire announced by one of its commanders without hearing from their overall leader, Shekau. Mallam Shehu Sani who maintains close contact with the group equally underscored this point when he said he doubted the sincerity of the ceasefire. He had also said that the only cease fire he will recognise is the “one that will be announced by Abubakar Shekau, the leader of the group himself”. Sani also faulted the move arguing that the grouse of the sect is not with the Borno State government but the federal government and its security agencies. If that is so, the choice of the Borno State government for such negotiations may have been borne out of the fact that Idris’ command post is limited to that state. This perhaps goes further to show the limited nature of the ceasefire agreement. It is also not known that the Borno State government had the confidence of the federal government in entering into such negotiations. Nobody has yet told us that. Neither is there anything in the reaction of the government and its agencies that point to that direction.

    Rather, caution and disbelief have been the official disposition of the presidency and the military to the offer.

    But then, if that faction is able to secure some ceasefire in Borno State alone, some progress would have been made. It would then mean as someone has pointed out, the Idris group maybe representing someone.

    The snag however, is in the three conditions the group gave under which the cease fire can be sustained. They want all their arrested members to be released, damaged mosques re-built and compensation paid to their members. So, even if we resolve the issue of credibility, there are bound to be serious hurdles on the way to sustaining the ceasefire in view of difficulty in implementing these conditions.

    The first problem is with the unconditional release of those arrested for sundry crimes while prosecuting the agenda of the sect. It is unlikely such a proposal will fly. There are also serious issues in the demand that mosques destroyed during the period should be re-built by the federal government. Such a demand is bound to raise emotions in the face of the fact that churches also suffered immeasurable destruction in the hands of the sect. If there are people to demand that their places of worship should be re-built by the government, Christians should be the ones. It is the churches that have been at the mercy of the unprovoked attacks by the sect in prosecuting their self assigned role of Islamizing the country.

    It will therefore ruffle public sensibilities for the same group that took delight in killing Christians and destroying their places of worship to turn around and be demanding compensation for their members and places of worship. So they have now come to terms with the sacredness of places of worship and sanctity of human life?

    What these point to is that the so-called ease fire was ab initio destined for stillbirth. It was not meant to survive and cannot survive. There are so many difficulties on its way that no serious government will embark on the risk of giving serious thought to them.

    Yet, the Arewa Consultative Forum ACF and the Sultan of Sokoto Sa’ad Abubakar have urged the federal government to welcome the development and embrace constructive engagement. It is not that anyone is averse to dialogue. The federal government has said time without number it is disposed to it. What has remained foggy is how to go about it in the face of the secrecy that has shrouded the identity of its leaders.

    The faction is not asking for negotiations as it has done so with the Borno State government. It is clear on what it wants for there to be peace. But it appears they cannot go far until Shekau, the acclaimed leader of the sect has spoken. For now, the most we can take home is that a faction has spoken. And since there are known to be many factions including criminals hiding under their name, it will be too cheap to repose any confidence in the so called ceasefire. It could also be a ploy to deceive the security agencies as a prelude to unleashing lethal violence of unprecedented magnitude on our innocent people. At a time events in Mali are said to be having serious security implications for Nigeria, those entrusted with securing lives and property must not fall easy prey to the antics of some faceless persons waving questionable olive branch.

  • Mali and how to strangle your economy in one easy step

    Mali and how to strangle your economy in one easy step

    In times of war, a word of wise council is to be sought above the chatter of anxious men.

     

    This is a column in two parts. The first movement concerns Mali. The latter portion centers on the despondent economic news coming out of Europe and America.

    Given some comments I received last week, there is a need to refine points raised in last week’s submission on Mali. Some comments received were quite instructive. Others revealed that many people view complex events too simplistically. Because the violent Islamists in Mali seek to impose a vile existence, these commentators reasoned that the French-led western intervention is an unalloyed positive. Some people even claimed the piece backed the Islamists. That they missed the crucial point of the piece is likely attributable to my imprecise and clumsy pen. Indulge me as I try to clarify the central theme of that piece in hope of helping people discern the motives of the great powers.

    The violent extremists are not the children of Islam; they are spores of evil. However, just because the West now fights them in Mali does not render the intervention altruistic or mean the outcome will redound to the benefit of Mali or West Africa. The situation is tragic because it allows only a choice between bad and worse. In such straits, we opt for bad because it is less onerous; it does not present a happy occasion. That the jailer severs one man’s leg at the knee but maims yours only at the foot is not a proper cause for elation.

    Many applied the adage “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” to the crisis. Because the radical Islamists are an incendiary scourge, the western guns opposing them must be friendly these people reason. Sadly, they take the hoary maxim out of context and thus take false comfort in it. The saying applies when the third party has no significant relationship with you and no vital interests contrary to yours. If that party has interests colliding with yours, better toss the maxim out the window. Otherwise, it will lead to certain folly through imprudent policy. During World War II, Germany and the Soviet Union wanted to consume Poland. They allied in the despicable endeavor of dismembering a sovereign nation for no legitimate reason save the love of brigandage on a grand scale. Afterward, Germany used seized Polish territory as its forward platform to invade the Soviet Union. This is not to imply that Western designs in the Sahel are as sinister as Hitler’s machinations. Western nations are calculating; they are not irrational madmen. No, this example is a cautionary one. The domain of the great powers is not a simple place. The shortest distance to a desired point is never a straight line. Shadows serve as the filament of light in this world of intrigue within intrigue. In this place, the enemy of your enemy may well be your enemy.

    Such is the case in the Sahel. He who fiercely battles the Islamists does so for their selfish interests. Hopefully, the jihadists will be defeated; most likely they will fade into the ocean of sand to bide their time. The West will appear to have saved the day. But for whom? African leaders must think strategically. The people on the street are free to applaud the Europeans’ heroics. National leaders cannot afford the frivolity. They must formulate strategies minimizing the influence foreign militaries have in the region or risk lurching toward a new form of inferiority redolent of that old evil called neo-colonialism. Again, WWII provides the apt lesson. While Germany threatened, America and the Soviet Union allied against it. The minute Berlin fell prostrate, America and the Soviet Union descended into a Cold War.

    It is natural to feel relief that France has grasped the cudgel in Mali. This relieved sensation should block us from questioning why this was not done in Libya. Had they deployed troops in Libya, Mali would not have erupted. Tactically, it would have been easier to contain the Islamists along the narrow strip of fertile Libyan coast than to chase them the length and breadth of Mali. Moreover, the current Libyan government would have been strengthened. Where did the West think the jihadists would go after Gaddafi’s departure? Did they think the fighters would seek to vacation on the French Riviera? Months ago, the jihadists established several camps in southern Libya. Yet nothing was done about these camps although their very presence indicated the extremists were plotting a southern strategy. It was almost as if the West dared the jihadists to do what jihadists do: make war.

    Mali has become a beachhead for the western counterattack against Islamic insurgency in the Sahel. Coincidentally, the battleground of northern Mali reportedly has large quantities of uranium. The area lies adjacent to confirmed deposits in Niger. No wonder France has turned into a charging bull. Nuclear reactors supplies 75 percent of Gallic electricity. Having your soldiers deployed in the vital areas is a head start to getting your hands on the precious commodity. The fracas will also deter China; the West believes the meddlesome Chinese might sell their offspring to consummate a deal but they are not ready to fight for one.

    America has announced it will operate a drone airplane base in Niger. American troops also have deployed in Mali as advisors. AFRICOM has finally arrived by stealth, under the guise of emergency help. Several years ago, African leaders steadfastly opposed AFRICOM’s deployment on the continent. They blanched at a vastly superior, imperial military having a permanent presence on the continent. Since then, AFRICOM has searched for the slightest aperture through which it could set boot on African soil. They found the crack when a stream of non-black African jihadists funneled into the Sahel. This raised such apprehension that African nations forgot their stance against AFRICOM. Now, western deployments are greeted with indiscriminate applause.

    The deployments will arrest the fall of Mali. This is good. However, Africa must brace itself for the blowback. The Malian crisis will not be fully resolved under the present constellation of factors. The Tuaregs will likely remain embittered. Consequently, the northern tier of the Mali and Niger will become the Sahelian equivalent of the eastern region of the Congo. The government’s writ will have no currency in these badlands. However, exploration and mining will intensify, feeding French energy needs and the coffers of western firms. Meanwhile, western military deployments, under the guise of training, will sprout throughout the region. Previously barred entry through the front door, AFRICOM entered the house through the hole in the roof caused by the Libyan debacle. Most people will see this as a needed level of new security. History says otherwise. No long-term American deployment in a developing nation suffering an insurgency has ever relieved that nation of the insurgency. Usually, the deployments make a grander mess of things. This is the future that now beckons. There is no reason to applaud it. Now, on to economics.

    Western governments are not so busy in the Sahel that they don’t have time to choke their own economies. Europe and America stumble along the road of austerity like zombies in a trance. These countries relish a close relationship with economic disaster. Spain’s unemployment rate has reached a historic high. Greece falls so deeply into depression that many of its citizens no longer can afford heating oil to see them through the winter. They resort to burning tires, and furniture as well as chopping down trees for firewood. The nation that was the world’s first democracy has been demoted to the Third World. Europe’s third largest economy, Italy contracted by 2.3 percent last year; this year’s shrinkage is predicted to be worse. The Netherlands joined the recession parade late last year. The German economy, Europe’s largest, slowed during the last half of 2012. The UK faces an unprecedented triple-dip recession, experiencing its third sustained downturn in less than four years. America’s economy also shrank by a small margin during 2012’s final quarter.

    These nations share a common economic trait. They all persisted with fiscal austerity despite preponderant empirical evidence against this approach. They are like the madcap adventurer who places his finger under the descending guillotine blade. Upon seeing the severed finger, he reasons he will be safe if he puts his head under the blade because the thickness of his neck will protect against his head’s amputation.

    The pain caused by austerity is beyond a sad joke. It is sadism practiced by governments now servant to those who inhabit the strongholds of finance and power. These people and their servants derive malevolent glee at watching the poor scamper about like small insects trying to escape before the descending boot crushes them into the turf. If only they were forsaken, the poor could make it. However, austerity has added burden to their burden. There is no escape or recovery. There is only dismal endurance. Light has perished from their lives. The complex theories of mainstream economics have escorted the people into a modern Dark Ages that need not have been. It is tragic and mean because it is all so unnecessary.

    Yet, the princes of high money insist on austerity because it benefits them if no one else. Governments continue slashing their budgets, particularly funding for the poor and underclass. Millions of people have been set adrift. England now suffers the most dumbfounding example of stubborn adherence to discredited policy since Chamberlain walked backwards into WW II by appeasing Hitler in hope that the hyena of Berlin would tire and be sated if fed a generous snack of small, defenseless nations to devour.

    Not shackled by membership in the Eurozone, England has its own sovereign currency. Thus, it can run fiscal deficits without fearing insolvency. Instead, what PM Cameron and his Tory brethren most fear is an insolvency that will never come. Thus, they force feed austerity to their countrymen as a warden feeds gruel to his inmates. Repeatedly, Cameron has promised that austerity would grow the economy. Each time he has repeated it, the claim has failed him. Now the country borders on a rare triple-dip recession. Yet he cannot concede the error. He keeps promising prosperity is around the corner. It may be around the corner but sadly not the corner toward which he leads the nation. When Cameron stands on the international stage to berate Nigeria or any other nation for economic wastage he stands as a self-righteous thrower of stones living in a glass hut. The pain he inflicts on his economy is of the same magnitude as that for which he denigrates Nigeria. His misdeeds are also done for the corrupt purpose of bettering the moneyed elite. Consequently, the man has no more right castigating Nigeria than a drunk has fulminating against a drug addict for engaging in substance abuse.

    The shrinkage of the American economy is directly attributable to a reduction in government spending. Still, both Democrats and Republicans waltz toward a deal whereby they will brusquely cut the federal budget by several hundred billion dollars. This will plunge the nation into a recession that will bear President Obama’s name.

    Despite the books and theories written by the prominent economists paid and made by Big Money, nothing substitutes for the truth. The more governments impose austerity in a time of economic weakness, the more their economies falter. Being a clerk to Money Power, the IMF traverses the world seeking out vulnerable economies it can stifle, contract, and deflate. This travelling show often tours Africa selling its enervating wares. Africa consumes the defective products with good humor; but the good humor does little to mask our bad poverty. Austerity should be jettisoned before too many people are force to consume the flesh of their own diminution. Unless African nations break the intellectual shackles to forge independent-mind policies that grow their economies for the benefit of the people, they will consign their populations to an existence hounded by a poverty so relentless and omnipresent that it shall become synonymous with life itself.

    In this vein, news that West Africa pursues a monetary union is discomfiting. The contemplated regional union is eerily similar to the Eurozone architecture. The flawed structure of the European monetary union intensified the economic downturn of that area. A monetary union strips nations of their currency sovereignty. A nation with a sovereign fiat currency can run government deficits that spur growth without fear of becoming insolvent. Once a nation agrees use a currency over which it is not sovereign, the nation becomes slave to the currency. The country can no longer run deficits to spur the economy because it is no longer the producer of its own currency. The nation is reduced to the status of any common shop or household. It can go bankrupt and thus is prone to austerity as protection against such an outcome. This is a steep price to pay for the ephemeral, uncertain benefits of a common currency. West Africa should rethink this move lest it repeat the mistake Europe made. The costs for West Africa will be steeper because its economies are frailer than their Western European counterparts.

    The critique of austerity and financialist policies is a recurrent theme of this column. I do this not to bore but to warn you of what is to come unless we begin to think for ourselves. These policies are inhumane at best. They also don’t work. The policies do the opposite of what their advocates espouse. This outcome goes beyond GDP statistics and government accounting ledgers. The contest of progressive, pro-growth policies versus conservative austerity policies goes beyond ideology. It will dictate whether African governments will be sufficiently equipped to educate our children, build the roads and bridges that open to a more placid future, and care for the elderly and infirmed. It will determine whether the general economy is sufficiently healthy to produce jobs giving the average man the chance at a decent wage and dignified life. It speaks to whether Africa can free itself from the past or remain prisoner of it. In the end, we must decide whether we live for ourselves and author our own fate or serve as the stationery upon which someone else writes their own story.

     

  • A heart to thrive

    A heart to thrive

    Everyone knows that you need more than wings to fly. More than anything else, you need a heart. To make a success of anything, you require more than tools or tutelage. You need a heart to fly, a fire to propel you.

    Only a few years ago, planes were falling off the Nigerian sky at an alarming frequency, plunging people to a most horrific death. It wasn’t that Nigerian pilots could not fly an aircraft. Nor was it that the planes were wingless or not altogether airworthy. The aircraft were crashing simply because there was no heart to ensure safety in the air. Without such a heart, therefore, no one prioritised the installation of obligatory flying aids. Nor was the right orientation in place for ground personnel. The result was the unforgettable catalogue of air tragedies of the Obasanjo years. The moment the right heart came the planes flew began to fly peacefully in the Nigerian air space.

    Hard-nosed football coaches look for this sort of heart in their players especially the strikers. A good pair of legs is not enough. Nor is ball control. Do you have enough push, an insatiable hunger to put the ball behind the opponent’s net? Attackers are rested if this fire is not in their belly.

    We need such fire to successfully tackle every challenge facing this country, including insecurity. These days of Boko Haram bloodletting, we have read that virtually every world power has lent us their security and intelligence services to help tackle terrorism. The other day, we read again that the Jonathan administration appealed to Britain for help in this regard.

    If outsiders help, it is all well and good, considering that no nation is, or can be, an island. But as a people, we need a heart of our own to confront evil. External help is welcome but it may not endure. Beyond the obligation stirred by our common humanity, the West will only help us or anyone if the gesture will benefit its people one way or another. There are interests to protect, new grounds to break and virgin frontiers to explore. Beyond that, you are essentially on your own. We need a heart to survive before the helpers come. We need a heart to survive while they are here. And we definitely need a heart to stay alive after the helpers are gone.

    Such a heart has eluded the Nigerian leadership. In spite of assorted national mantra, slogans and other forms of rhetoric, leadership has perpetually failed the nation and its people. Why? No heart to swing things. No heart to fly.

    A few examples won’t go amiss. Our leadership has consistently expended a lot of energy and cash to project a polished Nigerian brand to the world. We have been urged to dress Nigerian and to love the local fabric. But what effort has been made to revive the abandoned indigenous textile industry that should spin out the fabric?

    The Ministry of Works takes a handsome cut of statutory funds from the federal purse but has failed to build roads or repair damaged ones on which our perish every day.

    Every government has trumpeted its iron-cast resolve to put corruption out of the Nigerian space, but the monster continues to grow in stature nevertheless. It continues to cripple everything we hold dear. Providing electricity, for instance, has since become an unsolvable puzzle essentially because of corruption.

    Some might say we lack most of the things we need to take off. No. We have everything we need. We do not lack resources, whether in human or natural form. If crude oil were for drinking, I believe we have enough of it to serve every family three times a day. But its abundance has ironically not always guaranteed its availability nor stopped us from importing fuel at a huge cost. Our human resources have also been helping to build overseas nations. But we cannot build ours. Why? We lack a heart to convert resources to assets, deployable to the common good.

    Boko Haram has set everyone’s teeth on edge. Last week our prized federal lawmakers were in an uncoordinated marathon race, beginning from their hallowed seats and terminating in the open space outside the legislative chambers where they felt safe. A security officer was later to dismiss the marathon as a needless product of an empty rumour. But you won’t blame the frightened lawmakers any more than you will chide a man who was robbed by someone wielding what he suspected was a toy gun. Who will wait to find out if a Boko Haram threat is a baseless rumour, or that a robber’s weapon is actually not made of iron?

    So bring in the British anti-terror experts, but we must bear in mind that we need much more than them to live peacefully in this country. We need a heart to protect our own, and a new order that puts premium on the human life, even that of a single individual.

     

    First published September 25, 2011

     

  • Steal the Central Bank of Nigeria, plead guilty, go home  free

    Steal the Central Bank of Nigeria, plead guilty, go home free

    I had intended to commence, this Sunday, a series of articles on the refreshing re-engineering presently afoot in the South-West courtesy of the A C N governors in the region, a pan-regional renewal of infrastructure, education, agriculture and ground-breaking social security programmes for the elderly so heartwarming Chief Obafemi Awolowo would give the architects a thumbs up from his grave since they are earnestly working towards the happiness and well-being of the greater majority of the people which the Avatar unequivocally prescribed as the raison d’être of a good government. That, however, was before the news broke of an insensitive Abuja High Court judge sentencing one John Yusufu, a self-confessed thief of N32.8billion Police Pension fund, to two years imprisonment with an option of a measly N750, 000 fine which the convict promptly paid. Interestingly, less than 24 hours after that judgment, an Ikare Magistrate Court in Ondo State sentenced an accused to three years imprisonment for stealing a telephone handset worth N17, 000.

    More nauseating than Mr Justice Talba Mohammed’s unthinking judgment is the fact that the EFCC, with all its effete posturing about corruption, was privy to this unconscionable arrangement. This is obvious from the following statement by the agency: ‘The Commission is of the view that the option of fine runs contrary to the understanding between the prosecution and the defence wherein the convict consented to a custodial sentence with the forfeiture of all assets and money that are proceeds of crime’. Little wonder the convict knew well ahead, exactly how much he was going to be fined. With things as they stand in the country today, the EFCC must reckon as the greatest motivator of corruption. Where in the civilised world, other than Nigeria, would such a rogue walk away with a slap on the wrist? Did Mardof get a plea bargain in the U.S? Is whatever money or property seized more important than the immoralities EFCC is inculcating in the citizenry through these brazen compromises? Where is the money paid by the likes of former governor Lucky Igbinedion and co in past plea bargains or where are the houses forfeited to government in all these ludicrous paddy paddy bargains? Were they not all sold within their cabal? If a man could literally walk free from such humongous heist, why would unemployed graduates not go into armed robbery and some jobless miscreants into kidnapping? As it stands today, EFCC deserves to be completely scrapped. It was no surprise that another government agency, the Code of Conduct, was reported to have summarily quashed the case of one of the co- accused persons in whose account at the United Bank of Africa a whooping N500 million was found, freed allegedly on the intervention of the wife of a very senior government official.

    Since the news broke, I have heard lawyers of all hue rationalising plea bargaining. I make bold to say that while this may be provided for in our law books, it is absolutely unhelpful in a Nigerian society where corruption has become, not only endemic but, systemic. Whichever way you turn, all you hear are public servants stealing, no longer millions but, billions of naira given the certainty that no punishment awaits them. Impunity has taken over the land and when anti-corruption agencies make a sham of going to court, all you get is what the Abuja judge dispensed here as punishment -a huge joke and the same reason Ibori was treated here in Nigeria as a paragon of honesty only to be shamefully jailed in the U.K.

    What a rudderless government we have and what a spineless people we are turning out to be? What a country? Why will the world not call us thieves? Coming so soon after a British court described one-time governor Ibori as a common thief in state house, who in the world should respect any Nigerian? Are these judicial officers, supposedly operating in the temple of justice, so uncaring they can vomit any judgment, however inane? Granted that this judge cannot single-highhandedly re-write the law, (but) was he obligated to offer the criminal an option of fine knowing full well that a cow thief in a part of this country could have a limb chopped off? What impunity, and, again, is there a single reason young Nigerians should not go into armed robbery or kidnapping when men and women constitutionally empowered to moderate our values through the instrumentality of law are so unthinking? Going by the level of listlessness routinely displayed by the judiciary, shouldn’t every Nigerian be a criminal of sorts since criminality pays so handsomely? And by the way, hasn’t it been suggested this same judge it was who ruled that Kenny Martins had no case to answer in another police-related case where sleaze was strongly alleged? Doesn’t he realise that hundreds of thousands of poor retired old men who had served this nation to the best of their abilities are victims of this heist and that some of them actually die, queuing for this same pension? God, give us judges: men and women in their dignified robes, who will know that they are chosen by you, though appointed by man, to perform what essentially is a solemn function to the edification of your name, rather than simply see it as working for a meal ticket.

    Lord, give us responsible judges.

    Questions ad infinitum, but let us get to the nitty gritty of this thoroughly revolting case. We have in this country, a party which, as I often describe it, has held this country under its stranglehold for close on 14 years and always with about three quarters of members of the National Assembly. For these many years, has the National Assembly been so irresponsible it did not know that even if you steal the entire Central Bank of Nigeria, all you get is a 2-year jail term? Did they consider this equitable to the offence? What then is the responsibility of the Committees on Judiciary in both the Senate and the House of Representatives, or does it stop with the squandering of funds and allocation of state of the art cars for so-called committee work? Of course Nigerians will not be surprised their representatives are too blinded by graft and greed to notice such inequities.

    This case is so nauseating you want to puke.

    Where now is PDP’s so-called Ethical Revolution, that shibboleth, like Vision 20 20 20, and its cousin, Rebranding, through which they once ate the nation raw. PDP is never short of such grandstanding rhetoric. Trending now is their Centenary anniversary and Senator Ayim Pius Ayim, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, is throwing his entire weight into it. By the time the dust settles on this too, Nigeria would have been short-changed to the tune of billions of naira. Didn’t former minister Ezekwezili, only last week, ask them questions as to how they squandered a colossal $67 billion; an amount no West African country, beside Ghana, can boast of in a given financial year?

    That is PDP with its ideology of ‘share the money’.

    And what manner of people are we? Are we so consumed with the challenges of life and living that we have become so spineless? Must we take just about anything when, as you read this, Egyptians, in spite of an emergency declared by government, are still out there on the streets protesting against some draconian decrees by the Morsi government?

    .And as somebody has asked, why are the two major religions silent on this evil plaguing our country? What are the moral and ethical tenets driving these religions that they cannot lead their adherents out on a massive anti-corruption demonstration as is routinely done in other countries? And concerning the Bible and the Quran which these rogues, counting on the mercy of God, do not take seriously, shouldn’t our constitution now prescribe that public officials should swear on Ogun – the god of iron – and such like gods which show no mercy to criminals? Shouldn’t our traditional religionists place a curse on those rabidly raping this hapless country? At least one remembers General Obasanjo once suggesting we fight purveyors of the apartheid system with African juju.

    If these nation wreckers are so unrelenting, l will suggest it is time unforgiving African gods are unleashed on them for the sake of fatherland.

     

  • Okon dazzles them in Akure

    When beggars die, there are no comets seen, but the heavens themselves blaze forth at the death of princes” The immortal William Shakespeare could not have been more perceptive. It was a carnival-like exit on Friday in Akure as the entire state capital rose to bid goodbye to one of Akure’s most illustrious sons ever, Chief Adewunmi Adegbonmire, a.k.a Omo Ekun, the late Asiwaju of Akureland. Ancient and folklored political gladiators, the new kids on the political block and the cream of Nigeria’s progressive politicians came to wave a final goodbye to a true political generalissimo.

    Snooper was there, and so was the impossible and impertinent Okon who was fronting as Domestic and Political Secretary with concurrent accreditation to the Kitchen Cabinet.. It is quite a mouthful but then Okon himself is quite a handful. Strangely enough, the crazy boy seems to know the social and cultural topography of Akure and environ very well claiming to have served as an apprentice journeyman— whatever that means in the area.

    After an initial weather scare, the journey got on to a smooth cruise until Okon began his demented antics to snooper’s acute regret. All of a sudden, the mad boy jumped up as if stung by a scorpion.

    “Oga, tell dem plane driver to park, as I wan pee,” the crazy boy yelled at me.

    “Okon, don’t be stupid. This is not a kabukabu bus.” Snooper screamed at the fool.

    “Even dem kabukabu dey park for pipul make dem pee” Okon shouted at me. Before snooper could comprehend what was going on, Okon yanked an empty bottle from a revered politician and rapidly began filling the bottle to his bladder’s content with the velocity of a consummate rapist even as he was neighing like a wild horse. After this his face became frozen by a deranged grin. Snooper avoided him for the rest of the flight.

    But the firework started again as soon as we reached the church premises, teeming and milling with a mammoth crowd which was unprecedented in colour and diversity. From the distance, snooper began counting professors and eggheads from the old University of Ife who had come to bid goodbye to the illustrious warrior, but this seemed to have drawn Okon’s juvenile ire.

    “Kai, kai, dis yeye Yoruba people and dem feferity. If to say na better person kaput now dem no go comout. But na animal dem dey worship. See how dem they cry for dem tiger im pikin. If to say na tiger himself come kaput nko?” the mad boy snorted and snooper immediately whipped him into line with a look full of daggers.

    But the testy truce lasted up to the church doorstep. As soon as snooper hailed his old friend and school chum, Bola Akingbade, a.k.a Skiddy, the retired MTN mogul who was part of the choir, Okon exploded, “So na here dis one come dey hide after dem done daburu dem MTN? Dem phone don become kalokalo,” Okon sneered as snooper deliberately stepped on his toes to shut him up.

    Then as if contrite and penitent the mad boy sidled up. “Oga, ask him whether him get recharge card,” Okon crowed as snooper quickly doubled his pace only to run almost headlong into retired General Alani Akinrinade. “And where is Okon?” the great and greatly civil soldier whispered to snooper not realising that the scourge was right behind him.

    “Oga, no be dem sakadeli Brigadier be dat?” Okon sniggered.

    “Okon, just shut up,” snooper screamed.

    “So how come him no sabi Okon again? Abi no be me dey…?” before he could finish his idle drooling, snooper pushed him through the crowd and ordered him to seat down. This particular treaty lasted only a few minutes as Okon suddenly jumped up amidst the din of thanksgiving.

    “Oga I don look inside dem coffin, I no see tiger him pikin, na old man I see oo” the mad man boy shouted. Then as the ecumenical finally caught up with the secular, the officiating priest announced Kayode Fayemi as the governor of the Ekiti Diocese to prolong and protracted laughter.

    “You see now, when dem Yisa Jaguda come say Nigeria be country of 150 million naira na dem Yoruba people dey yab am.” The crazy boy hollered. Fearing for the worst, it was at this point that snooper initiated the process which put Oko in a semi-conscious haze until we got back to Lagos. It has been a glorious day for progressives in Akure.

  • On the road to cosmetic federalism again?

    On the road to cosmetic federalism again?

    If the preliminary result of National Assembly’s efforts to involve Nigerians in the amendment of the 1999 Constitution released exclusively by Leadership Sunday is accurate (and there is no reason to disbelieve the notes leaked to the newspaper by those in charge of the exercise), then Nigerians calling for re-federalisation of the country are about being urged to start the process of de-militarisation of the polity afresh.

    We said in this column a few weeks back that Nigerians might be buying a lemon at the end of the protracted effort by the national assembly to neutralise the call for sovereign national conference or constitutional conference. We raised issues with the process of selecting or inviting citizens to meet representatives of the national assembly in hotels in state capitals across the country; the amount of time made available for discussion; and why on earth anyone would prefer such informal consultation with citizens to a referendum.

    With the release of outcome of lawmakers/citizens’ interactions in November last year published by Leadership Sunday of January 27, Nigerians may at the end be blamed for an amended constitution that is more unitary than the one that federalists have found to be a source of inter-ethnic or inter-regional tension and of national under-development since the outing of the 1999 Constitution by General Abdulsalam Abubakar, after the presidential and legislative elections of 1999.

    In what Leadership Sunday called the highpoints of the House of Representatives’ People Public Sessions on the review of the 1999 Constitution conducted on November 10, 2012, ‘Nigerians have rejected’ the following: any mention of the country’s six geopolitical zones in the constitution as administrative or political units; abolition of State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) and transfer of its functions to INEC; call for a provision to allow Nigerians in diaspora to vote at national elections; establishment of state police; affirmative action for women in elective offices; transfer of any responsibility from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent List; etc.

    Is the report of Leadership Sunday only about what citizens have rejected? No. As the paper puts it: ‘As widely expected, voting patterns show Nigerians want state houses of assembly to be granted financial autonomy/independence as is the case with the National Assembly….The collated report disclosed that Nigerians backed amendments’ to abolish Joint State/Local Government Account; to create a role or place for traditional rulers at federal and state levels; to award indigeneship (rather than residency) to indigenes of other communities; etc. What is unmistakable about the preliminary result of collation of responses from citizens that travelled to speak with legislators in November is that majority of such citizens largely prefer the constitutional status quo that puts centralism over federalism.

    It is not clear what the announcement in Leadership Sunday: ‘voting patterns on all the issues itemised in the template for voting during the sessions in 318 federal constituencies of the original 360 constituencies have been collated and ready for official unveiling on January 31’ is designed to achieve. Is the unveiling of an informal voting by citizens that had no mandate from their constituencies being packaged as a true reflection of the thinking of constituents on the items presented in November to selected invitees by legislators? Is voting by an infinitesimal number of invitees to public hearings in hotel rooms being designed as a substitute for direct indication of citizens’ choice? Are Nigerians being prepared by the leaked collation of votes of a few Nigerians that had the privilege to travel to state capitals to meet with lawmakers for what the national assembly is likely to recommend as amendments? What does ‘as widely expected’ mean? Who widely expected what—the legislators or Leadership Sunday? It is uncharitable to think that the national assembly would intentionally parade the views of a few Nigerians at one-day public hearing as the voice of 160 million Nigerians.

    What is not uncharitable to do is to remind members of the national assembly that fears expressed before the decision of the national assembly to initiate amendment of the 1999 Constitution may be justified at the end of exercise. When citizens called for sovereign national conference or constitutional conference for the purpose of writing a people’s constitution that is mandated by citizens and assented to by citizens through a referendum, members of the legislative assembly said that all that was needed was ordinary amendment to the 1999 Constitution. Legislators refused to include involvement of citizens directly in the process by rejecting calls for a referendum. Now the same national assembly is claiming that majority of Nigerians have taken a position on items slated for amendment, when in fact only a handful of citizens attended the hearings organised for interaction between lawmakers and citizens.

    Many citizens at that time warned that legislators elected under the constitution in contention were not elected to write constitutions and that the matter of creating a people’s constitution should be given to another group set up principally for that task. Citizens were told by lawmakers and even the president that Nigeria should settle for amendment to a constitution that citizens never saw until after the inauguration of the first post-military government in 1999. While citizens called for constitutional transformation, their leaders, elected for purposes other than writing a constitution, preached and pushed for panel-beating of a constitution that citizens thought was a write-off.

    If the leaked report to Leadership Sunday is accurate, then federalists and constitutional purists who warned that amending a constitution that had no imprint of citizens ab initio would amount to a waste of time and emotion may be more prophetic than legislators who affirmed that re-federalisation of the country was attainable through amendments. Issues that citizens have been reported to reject indicate that the 1999 Constitution authored by the military on the eve of handing power to elected governments in 1999 only needs cosmetic touches designed to enhance the powers of the centre.

    A graphic example of further de-federalisation of the polity is the so-called approval by citizens that the exclusive legislative list should remain sacrosanct. Another example is purported approval by ‘citizens’ of the provision to divorce local governments from the states that constitute them. The Federal Republic of Nigeria will be the first such federation in the world, just as it will be the first federation that is incapable of tolerating state and local government police for purposes of enforcing laws and ordinances created by states and local governments.

    Without doubt, the report released to Leadership Sunday must signal the message of a luta continua to lovers of federalism and believers in federalism as the only way to ensure sustainable democracy and development in post-colonial Nigeria.

     

  • Hypocrisy of yesterday’s men

    Hypocrisy of yesterday’s men

    A loosely bound group of yesterday’s men and women seems to be on the offensive against the Jonathan administration. They pick issues with virtually every effort of the administration, pretending to do so in the public interest; positing that they alone, know it all. Arrogantly, they claim to be better and smarter than everyone else in the current government. They are ever so censorious, contrarian and supercilious. They have no original claim to their pretensions other than they were privileged to have been in the corridors of power once upon a time in their lives. They obviously got so engrossed with their own sense of importance they began to imagine themselves indispensable to Nigeria. It is dangerous to have such a navel-gazing, narcissistic group inflict themselves with so much ferocity on an otherwise impressionable public. We are in reality dealing with a bunch of hypocrites.

    With exceptions so few, they really don’t care about Nigeria as a sovereign but the political spoils that accrue from it. And so they will stop at nothing to discredit those they think are not as deserving as they imagine themselves to be. President Jonathan has unfairly become the target of their pitiable frustrations.

    Underneath their superfluous appearance, lies an unspoken class disdain directed at the person and office of a duly elected president of the country. It is a Nigerian problem, perhaps. In the same advanced societies which these same yesterday men and women often like to refer to, public service is seen and treated as a privilege. People are called upon to serve; they do so with humility and great commitment, and when it is all over, they move on to other things. The quantity surveyor returns to his or her quantity surveying or some other decent work; the lawyer to his or her wig and gown; the university teacher, to the classroom, glad to have been found worthy of national service. When and where necessary, as private citizens they are entitled to use the benefit of this experience to contribute to national development, they speak up on matters of public importance not as a full-time job as is the case in Nigeria currently.

    What then, is the problem with us? As part of our governance evolution, most people become public servants by accident, but they soon get so used to the glamour of office that they lose sight of their own ordinariness. They use the system to climb: to become media celebrities, to gain international attention and to morph into self-appointed guardians of the Nigerian estate. They mask self interest motives as public causes and manipulate the public’s desire for improvements in their daily struggles as opportunity for power grab.

    They are perpetually hanging around, lobbying and hustling for undeserved privileges. They exploit ethnic and religious connections where they can or join political parties and run for political office. They even write books (I, me and myself books, packaged as cerebral stuff); if that still doesn’t work, they lobby newspaper houses for columns to write and they become apostolic pundits pontificating on matters ranging from the nebulous to the non-descript. Power blinds them to the reality that we are all in this together and we have a unique opportunity to do well for the taxpayers and hardworking electorate that provide every public official the privilege to serve.

    Unsatisfied with the newspaper columns, they open social media accounts and pretend to be voices of wisdom seeking to cultivate an angry crowd which they feed continually with their own brand of negativity. They arrange to give lectures at high profile events where they abuse the government of the day in order to gain attention and steal a few minutes in the sun; hoping to force an audience that may ‘open doors’ for them, back into the corridors of power. These characters are in different sizes and shapes: small, big; Godfathers, agents, proxies. The tactics of the big figures on this rung of opportunism may be slightly different. They parade themselves as a Godfather or kingmaker or the better man who should have been king. They suffer of course, from messianic delusions. The fact that they boast of some followership and the media often treats them as icons, makes their nuisance factor worse. They and their protégés and proxies are united by one factor though: their hypocrisy.

    It is in the larger interest of our country that the point be made that the government of the day welcomes criticism and political activism. This is an aspect of our emergent democracy that expands on the growing freedom of expression, thought and association but there is need for caution and vigilance, lest we get taken hostage by the architects of odious disinformation. Nigerians must not allow any group of individuals to hold this country to ransom and no one alone should appropriate the right to determine what is best for Nigeria. The accidental public servants who have turned that privilege into a life-long obsession and profession must be told to go get a life and find meaningful work to do.

    Those who believe that no one else can run Nigeria without them must be told to stop hallucinating. The former Ministers, former Governors, former DGs, and all sorts who have been busy quoting mischievous figures, spreading cruel propaganda must be reminded that the Jonathan administration is in fact trying to clean up the mess that they created. They want to own the game when the ball is not in their possession. They want to be the referee when nobody has offered them a whistle. They seek to play God, forgetting that the case for God is not in the hands of man. One of the virtues of enlightenment is for persons to have a true perspective of their own location in the order of things. What they do not seem to realise or accept is that the political climate has changed.

    When one of them was in charge of this same estate called Nigeria, he shut down the Port Harcourt airport and other airports for close to two years under the guise of renovation. The Port Harcourt airport was abandoned for so long it was overgrown with weeds after serving for months as a practice ground for motoring schools. It was reopened without any improvement and with so much money down the drain, and the pervasive suspicion that the reason it was shut down in the first place was to create a market for a new airline that had been allowed the monopoly use of the other airport in the city. Under President Jonathan, airports across the country are being upgraded, rebuilt and modernized; in less than two years, the transformation is self-evident. Perhaps the greatest hypocrisy from our see-no-good commentators comes from the one who superintended over the near-collapse of the aviation sector who is now audacious enough to claim to be a social critic.

    For the first time since 1999, the Nigerian Railway Corporation is up and running as a service organization. The rail lines have become functional from Lagos to Kano; Ewekoro to Minna, and very soon, from Port Harcourt to Maiduguri, Abuja to Kaduna and Lagos to Ibadan. They couldn’t do this in their time, now they are busy looking for money that is not missing with their teeth. When questions are asked, they claim they invented the ideas of due process and accountability. They once promised to solve the crisis of electricity supply in Nigeria. But what did they do? They managed to leave the country in darkness with less than 2,000 MW; abandoned independent power projects, mismanaged power stations, and uncompleted procurement processes. The mess was so bad their immediate successors had to declare an emergency in the power sector. It has taken President Jonathan to make the difference. Today, there is greater coherence in the management of the power sector with power supply in excess of 4, 200 MW; a better conceived power sector road map is running apace, and the administration is determined to make it better. They complain about the state of the roads. Most of the contracts were actually awarded under their watch to the tune of billions! They talk about corruption, yet many of them have thick case files with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the courts and the police on corruption-related charges. One of them was even accused of having awarded choice plots of government land to himself, his wives, his companies and other relations when he was in charge of such allocations! Really, have we forgotten so soon?

    These yesterday men and women certainly don’t seem to care very much about the Nigerian taxpayer who has had to bear the brunt of the many scandals this administration is exposing in its bid to clear out the Augean stable. They’d rather grandstand with the ex-General this, Chief that, Doctor this and ex-(dis)Honourable Minister who has no record of what he or she did with the funds the nation provided them to deliver results to protect our interest so that we don’t end up continuing to make the same wasteful mistakes.

    It is enough to make you shudder at the thought of any of them being part of government with access to the public purse; but then we’ve already seen what some of them are capable of doing when in control of public money, authority and influence; and to that the people have spoken in unison – they have had enough. Nigerians are wiser and are now familiar with the trickery from these persons whose claim to fame and fortune was on the back of their public service.

    Our point at the risk of overstating what is by now too obvious: We have too many yesterday men and women behaving too badly. We are dealing with a group of power-point technocrats who have mastered the rhetoric of public grandstanding: carefully crafted emotion-laden sound bites passed off as meaningful engagements. That is all there is to them, after many years of hanging around in relevant places and mingling in the right corridors, all made possible through the use/abuse of Nigeria. Our caveat to their audience is the same old line: let the buyer beware!

     

    Dr. Abati is Special Adviser (Media and Publicity) to President Goodluck Jonathan

     

  • Justice Talba and the pension thief

    Justice Talba and the pension thief

    If anyone had doubts that Nigeria was yet to start any serious anti-corruption war, the judgment handed down to a director of the Police Pension Office, Mr. John Yusuf, by Justice Abubakar Talba of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, Abuja, on January 28, was enough to erase that doubt. Yusuf’s case had been a celebrated one, given the magnitude of the amount allegedly stolen by the pension thieves in the Police Pension Office, and the fact that he was the first person to be tried for the police pension fraud. About N38.8billion was alleged to have been stolen. However, Yusuf and his ilk were said to have stolen N27.2billion of the amount. Indeed, Yusuf personally admitted to stealing N2billion. For this, the best Justice Talba could do was to ask the big thief to refund N325million, forfeit 32 houses and pay a fine of N750,000 or spend two years behind bars.

    It is unusual for people to engage in loud discussion in the courtroom, but in this case, people in the court, engaged in loud exchanges, loud enough for the court clerk to call everybody to order when Justice Talba pronounced his judgment. Obviously, Yusuf had stolen more than enough for the owner to notice; and Justice Talba too had shown a kind of uncommon compassion. Where did he expect the owners of the funds to get their money at retirement if this is the kind of kid gloves that judges in Nigeria would be treating people like Yusuf? Did it ever occur to Justice Talba that he too could be a victim of the Yusufs of this world upon his retirement?

    Quite annoyingly, the pension thief immediately paid the peanut of a fine, to the admiration and applause of his friends and family members, and headed for home. No shame; no remorse. I wonder what Yusuf would tell his children and grandchildren, if he is already a grandfather. Will he tell them that he just paid a fine instead of going to jail for stealing other people’s sweat? Do you know that in the kind of Nigeria where we now live, Yusuf would have organised an elaborate party to mark his victory over the country’s rotten system if the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had not rearrested him to face trial, this time, for allegedly not declaring some assets, among other allegations, including, again, theft? Some people might even take space in the media to felicitate with their own who was lucky to escape imprisonment for stealing. That is how sunk we are as a nation. This country is indeed in trouble if this is the way we want to fight corruption. I wonder how our leaders feel in the company of other countries’ leaders when matters like this crop up in the comity of nations.

    But I am happy that, for once, many Nigerians were enraged by the judgment. They must have been wondering why Justice Talba did not emulate Jesus Christ by simply telling the accused to ‘go but sin no more’. I am happy that, Nigerians protested the judgment; and particularly so that students and other youths were in the vanguard of the protest. It is rightly so because it is their parents’ future, and by extension their own future, that the Yusufs of this world are eating up today. With the kind of judgment handed down to Yusuf, we have every cause to be apprehensive of the pension savings. Rather than serve as deterrent, it will serve as stimulus for other pension and allied thieves. All they have to do is to steal big enough.

    That was why I laughed when last Monday, Justice Okon Abang ruled (in a matter between Capital Oil and Gas Ltd and its managing director, Mr. Ifeanyi Ubah, and Access Bank Plc and Coscharis Motors, over a N10billion loan the bank claimed to have given Capital Oil and Gas Ltd.), that Access Bank must withdraw its suit on the same matter in a London court. With rulings such as the one by Justice Talba, one does not need any expert advice that if one could afford it, he should not leave such matters in the hands of the unpredictable Nigerian judiciary. At any rate, I wonder why Justice Abang should be so concerned about whether someone has confidence in the Nigerian Judiciary or not; what, to me, should be his uppermost concern is that justice is done, no matter from where; whether home or from abroad. In any case, don’t Nigerian rich people leave our hospitals for hospitals abroad for the same reason that they do not have confidence in the country’s hospitals? Why couldn’t the minister of health or even the president protest this by decreeing a stop to it? The point that Justice Abang seems not to know is that confidence or trust are priced words that cannot be decreed or imposed; both are earned. It does not seem to me that anyone can force another person to have confidence in what he or she has a choice not to have confidence in. l leave the matter at that for now.

    But, meanwhile, to underscore how ridiculous the Yusuf sentence was, Justice Mashood Abass of the Oyo State High Court, Ibadan, just the day after Justice Talba’s judgment, sentenced the Provost of the Federal Cooperative College, Ibadan, Mrs Ruth Aweto, and the bursar, Mr Adekanye Komolafe, to four years imprisonment for deceiving the Federal Government by passing off 41 casual staff of the college as permanent staff, with annual emolument of about N7million, instead of N3.6million. They thereby made a dubious gain of N3.4million over one year. They had no option of fine. Their crime must have been that they are ‘petty thieves’.

    I do not know of a place where people set a date for revolution; it builds up over years only for the bubble to burst when the people run out of patience. The spontaneous reaction of Nigerians to the verdict tells me that there is still hope for this country. All we need is to sustain such protest whenever strange things like this happen.

    I know President Goodluck Jonathan has hardly seized any great moments. But he can take advantage of this because, to do otherwise would confirm the notion that the government itself is handicapped when it is anti-corruption because its hands too are not clean. The President may be saying this is the problem of the judiciary; but the buck stops at his desk. There is nothing that says he cannot initiate a genuine judicial reform that will take care of the inadequacies of our present laws which make it easy for big thieves to escape justice while poor ones get all the punishment. Anything can happen in a situation where people lose confidence in the judiciary, which is the last hope of the common man. All the arguments advanced by Yusuf’s counsel that made Justice Talba to have compassion (I hope it is compassion) on the accused pale into insignificance when juxtaposed with the sufferings that the owners of the pension being stolen and their dependants would face when the time to reap the fruits of their labour comes and there is no money forthcoming. Even Kootu Ashipa of old (Ashipa’s Court) would have done better, if only to prove to the world that the country’s anti-corruption war is not a huge racket or, sorry, a huge joke.

  • South African experience

    South African experience

    Professor Abiodun Salawu, a former colleague at The Punch newspaper, used to be a Mass Communication lecturer at The Polytechnic, Ibadan, University of Lagos and later Ajayi Crowther University.

    I was, however, surprised to hear that he relocated to South Africa some years ago considering that there are not enough mass communication scholars to teach in Mass Communication departments in the country’s public and private universities.

    Following his recent appointment to Mazisi Kunene Chair at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, I had an online interview with him during which he spoke on his experience living and teaching in South Africa.

    Why did you relocate to South Africa?

    I relocated to South Africa because of the better infrastructure in the country. Today, it has the best infrastructure on the continent; certain aspects of these, some people call world class. The research environment is also an attraction. There are motivations and facilities for research.

    What is the difference between being a lecturer in South Africa and Nigeria?

    This goes back to my last statement. The infrastructure and facilities are there to enable you do your work without much hassles. Colleagues in the sciences appreciate this better as they require certain equipment and facilities in their laboratories to do their work. For us in the humanities, we appreciate more the abundant online resources that we have to do our work. Provision of basic office facilities is also appreciated.

    What do you miss about Nigeria?

    I miss the culture of our people. I miss the culture of respect for elders, of appreciation of good deeds, of communalism and of industry. I miss listening to high standard Yoruba on certain radio/television programmes and movies. I also miss our foods – amala, ewedu, yam, fried plantain etc.

     How would you describe living in South Africa?

    It is a more organised living.

    What should Nigeria learn from South Africa?

    Nigeria can learn organisation of higher education from South Africa. Research is a priority in South Africa and there is huge provision of funds to facilitate, motivate and incentivise it. Many of our colleagues in Nigeria do not have (regular) opportunities to attend international conferences, but this is what an average lecturer in South Africa takes for granted.

    We can also do better with little or no disruption in our academic calendars as a result of staff strikes. Since I came here, I have not heard of staff (either academic or non-academic) going on strike. May be, we can just say such is rare here. Of course, there are grievances but they hardly result into industrial actions. I guess we need to find a way of managing conflict in our public institutions. This requires sincerity. The campuses in South Africa are much more peaceful than our own campuses. The fear of student cultism is remote. Even when students go on strike, it is not usually prolonged; and the grievances may be about lack of study loans. There was a time when students at University of Fort Hare demonstrated and one of the things they were demonstrating about was lack of internet in their residences.

     

    Full interview on : staging.thenationonlineng.net/category/online-special/