Category: Columnists

  • A slave economy

    A slave economy

    At this time last year, the spectra of a strike loomed over us. The new year had begun to yawn with woes even before it was born. When it dawned, fuel price soared at the same proportion with the rage in the land.

    What was not debated with much frenzy at the early stage of the fulminations was the band of racketeers who turned our patrimony into platforms for cheap riches to fuel their showy lifestyles. Owned and rented jets, cars without number, palaces, front row seats in churches, superfine wristwatches, glamour mistresses, cameos with governors and the president, court jesters in high and low places, swarms of congratulation adverts in newspapers, birthday parties in Dubai, weddings in Spain. Society parties are coy without them.

    These were men who thrived on cheap imports of oil. But in the bowel of our earth, we had crude aplenty. Our NNPC, increasingly playing the role of a glorified carcass, is unable to meet its quota to tap them with the other carcasses called refineries. So it swaps with so-called marketers who import oil to meet that quota.

    The story of oil in Nigeria is the story of our impotence as a people. It is the story of ineptitude in high places. It is the tale of a state stale of ideas about indigenising an economy. Because all we do is import oil, we make import the queen of entrepreneurship.

    Now, Nigeria is an economic dumpster. China is our chief dumper. Whether it is oil, or building materials, or pharmaceuticals, or textiles or electronics, we have our supplier in that Asian warrior.

    I have worried over this in the past few years. The recent worry came when I learned that Dangote shut down his Gboko plant over cement importation. The first thing that came to mind was the textile industry. The once thriving giant, especially in the North with Kaduna as the beachfront, is now captive to foreign invasion.

    In Dangote’s case, it is reported that it affects about 2,500 workers. And this spells a bleak holiday for the workers and their families. There has been a back-and-forth of attacks and recriminations about this between Dangote and the Ibeto Company that imports cement. The debate is healthy for the economy if anything will come out of it.

    No argument can beat the concept of developing a local economy, not even when the importing company is also a monopolistic importer.

    What is strange is that this was a country that debated in the years of IBB the IMF loan. By overwhelming majority, we voted with our voices against it because we wanted to protect the local economy from the ravages of the foreign behemoths. The then President Babangida yielded openly but craftily implemented the ideas of the Breton Woods Institution, allowing us to become receptacles of a wide variety of goods.

    Bad as it was, today’s scale of imports is monumental. Look at building materials, for instance. We have the case of Dangote’s Gboko lament. But we also have all sorts of building materials from tiles to paints to pipes to chandeliers. Most of them come into the country without checks for standards. That is why when a person builds a house, the owner is assured to put money aside to replace much of the materials. They do not last.

    In the imported cement, for instance, do we check the product for standards? I understand that some of the cement making it into our market lack gypsum, an important ingredient.

    We are witnesses to the Chinese product called Gold milk, a teething powder that predated My Pikin and killed about 20 children. We are also witnesses to a step by NAFDAC sometime ago to crack down on fake Colgate toothpaste that contained the deleterious anti-freezing agent diethlyne-glycol that subjected its victims to bouts of abdominal pains, vomiting and liver damage. If taken in large doses, it could cause death.

    Those undetected are many in the market. That is why it is important we emphasise local industries. No economy grows on an appetite for foreign products.

    We call ourselves an oil producing country. If we take the inventory, we will find out that we import so much oil that it makes nonsense of our crude oil exports.

    Now, the infrastructure is in a mess. Security is also in shambles. Every condition to help the local producer, including the farmer, is in a bad state. Loans are not readily available to the creative investor. It is harmattan haze without much spring, apology to Wole Soyinka.

    The American economy complains of the Chinese rise, but virtually all of its imports are checked for standards before accepting them into the United States. We do little in that regard. We even flood the roads with cars and okadas that inflict diseases and environmental damages with their liberal fumes of carbon monoxide.

    Our inability to protect local industry calls back the feisty years of American battle for independence when Britain imposed a variety of taxes, including the stamp tax. The Americans called for boycott of British imports. But the wife of one of the frontline nationalists, Benjamin Franklin could not live down choice jewelry from overseas. A disappointed Franklin quipped: “Alas, it is by the luxury and vanity of women that empires decay.”

    We had such nationalistic fervour once. We saw importation as economic servitude and worked consciously as a nation against it. We had PAN that supplied governments with locally made cars. Odutola factory was a household name. Kanti Kwori in Kano was a behemoth now shrunken. Even vehicle spare parts were generally genuine. When you want to buy new phone chargers, you have to distinguish between Chinese and genuine one.

    If we do not want standards, we cannot improve. The standards are not imposed. We brew them here on policy tables and on factory floors. The policy tables are sterile, so the factory floors are shrinking and dying. Dangote’s Gboko plant is the latest of such tales of woe.

    No modern economy thrives without imports. But regulation is key to ensure that imports do not strangulate local production. When we do that, we create the racketeers like we have had in the oil sector. Import dependence spawns racketeers like we are dealing with in the so-called subsidy imbroglio.

    We can love others, but let us love ourselves first. That principle will elevate our economic policy.

     

  • Suswam: Yakowa and Suntai

    Suswam: Yakowa and Suntai

    Obviously, this country is in very perilous times. Events since the death of former Kaduna State governor, Patrick Yakowa and former National Security Adviser, Andrew Azazi and others, in the Navy helicopter crash, have again strongly reinforced this ominous tendency. In these and subsequent reactions can be gleaned all the trappings of a nation in dire stress. It is not hard to observe the perceptible discomfort in peoples’ reactions more so given the way the plane crashed, killing all the occupants barely three minutes after take-off.

    Both the presidency and the military echelon have shown visible signs of surprise at the incident. The Navy, while setting up an investigative panel to unravel the circumstances behind the crash, betrayed the same uncomfortable emotions. In a press conference, they not only gave a clean bill of health to the plane but strongly vouched for the competence of their pilots. Even as they would not want to pre-empt the investigations of the panel, it was discernable from their responses that there must be more to the crash than ordinarily meets the eyes.

    The same mood was also palpable in the quick deployment of soldiers to the streets of Kaduna, possibly to stave off any breakdown of law and order. The anticipation of a possibility of lawlessness following the crash meant that the people of the state may not see the crash purely as an accident.

    This may not be entirely surprising given the security challenges this country has had to contend with for quite sometime now. Kaduna has been a veritable theatre for pre-meditated violence. Much has happened to give room for suspicion and distrust in that state especially given the way the Boko Haram insurgents have carried out their activities. Their devious escapades have been such that deaths in some unclear circumstances are often screened for any links with the group.

    Matters have not been helped by the recurring orgy of sectarian crises following bomb attacks on churches by the same Boko Haram religious insurgents.

    The state has in the last one year or so, witnessed reprisal attacks between Christians and Muslims each time a place of worship came under attack. The situation has since remained tense but Yakowa managed to maintain some peace albeit; graveyard peace. Yakowa, the first Christian to occupy the number one seat in that former capital of northern Nigeria did not find it easy maintaining the balance. There were also feelings that his emergence as governor following the appointment of Namadi Sambo as aVice President may not have gone down well with some vested interests in that part of the country. And this will not surprise anyone.

    It was therefore to be expected that his sudden death could arouse sufficient suspicion and possible violence. Before now, we have been told by no less a person than President Jonathan that some of his cabinet members are also members of the Boko Haram sect. If they could infiltrate his cabinet, there is no gamut of our national engagement that should be possibly considered safe. If any ulterior motive is being ascribed to the crash, it is not out of place. That could explain the deployment of soldiers to the streets as the news of his death filtered.

    If that action was not enough to rope in the religious angle to the various possibilities regarding the cause of the accident, the lamentations of Benue State governor, Gabriel Suswam has brought the matter to a level where it can no longer be ignored. Suswam, citing security reports, was said to have told journalists that his life and that of his family were under threat by Boko Haram. He had lamented the fate of the four Christian governors in the north with the death of Yakowa and the fatal air crash involving the Taraba State governor Danbaba Suntai.

    Though an aspect of that report has been refuted by his media aide, the issue raised may not get out of public scrutiny in a hurry. Not with the zeal with which Boko Haram has been pursuing its agenda of driving Christians out of the north. Not with the constant targeting of Christian places of worship, killing and maiming of innocent souls. So what is there really to deny by Suswam on the possibility of his family being attacked by the group? It is a trite possibility that if the group has a way of attacking Suswam or his family or any other key government functionary, they will definitely do so. And they have never hidden their intention for mischief. For a group that successfully bombed a Church right inside Jaji and followed it up by subduing the SARS headquarters in Abuja, a governor or his family is definitely a very high impact target. After all, part of the original target of Boko Haram was public institutions and persons before that goal was displaced and they resorted to attacking defenseless and innocent people. But for this goal displacement, public institutions, public personages and their families symbolize that evil which western education represents and constitute the real enemy of the Boko Haram sect. So it will be in line with the propelling motivation of the sect if people in very high places are attacked and possibly decimated.

    Perhaps, the aspect of the report Suswam may have found uncomfortable was what was credited to him regarding the fate of Christian governors in the north following the air crashes involving Yakowa and Suntai. Coming from such a high profile person, there is no doubt that it will attract considerable public attention. For a nation that has been fighting hard to avert a religious war on account of the excesses of Boko Haram, his statement could in a way, be considered provocative even as many would prefer that lead to be fully explored. It is a coincidence so curious that it cannot be ignored. Even at that, the reaction of the governors’ forum by insisting on appointing their independent consultant to observe the investigations has with it every element of suspicion and mistrust in the manner these accidents have occurred.

    No less a person than Gen. Yakubu Gowon had to cautioned the people of the state to take the matter purely as an accident and not to attach motives to it. Relieving at Kafanchan how he escaped boarding the helicopter that fateful day, he had said “it was an accident. Don’t attach meaning to it. Don’t say it was planned to get rid of some people”. His choice of Kafanchan for these explanations and exhortations is quite instructive.

    What these go to underscore is that the crash is not just seen as a mere happenstance. That is why so many groups have shown keen interest in the investigations. And that also accounts for why efforts are being made to calm the people. The Minister of Information Labaran Maku equally spoke along the same line when he recounted just like Gowon that he would have boarded the flight but for destiny.

    These may as well be. But there are lessons to learn from the mood and thinking of the people irrespective of the way the investigations go. If any thing, they have aroused our consciousness to the mortal danger Boko Haram has become in our march to nationhood. If people now begin to impute sectional, ethnic or religious meanings to any and every event in this country, it is indicative of the level of drawback the Boko Haram menace has thrown this country into.

    It is time to stem this mortal danger else the prediction that Nigeria may turn out a failed state by 2015 may become a self-fulfilling prophesy. May God save us the possibility of such a foreboding cataclysm!

  • My ‘Man of the Year’? Let ‘subsidy fraud’ please step forward!

    My ‘Man of the Year’? Let ‘subsidy fraud’ please step forward!

    No doubt, it merits the gold

    Two things are common when a year is about to end: the first is the New Year resolution/s that many people make and the second, which is customary, especially with the media, is the ‘Man of the Year’ concept. For instance, TIME magazine has just chosen President Barack Obama as its ‘Man of the Year’ for 2012. While the propriety or otherwise of the choice is still being debated, the fact is that the magazine has made its preference public; people are bound to agree or disagree with it. The same way some people might disagree with my choice of ‘subsidy fraud’ as ‘Man of the Year’. Again, that is my choice and I am perfectly entitled to it. There is no democracy about this. And if there is, it is in the freedom of everyone else to also freely choose theirs.

    I guess this is the first time in over two decades of my maintaining columns that I would be choosing a ‘Man of the Year’. Obviously, my decision was informed by the reality that subsidy fraud has simply refused to disappear from the front-burner of national discourse in the country since January when it became a burning national issue. Of course Nigerians had been talking about fuel subsidy since the military years. We have also had subsidy protests since then; but none compared with the reaction of Nigerians to the issue last January, when sustained riots made the government to reduce, rather than completely remove, the so-called subsidy it claims to be paying on petrol.

    No doubt the country occupies a conspicuous position among the most corrupt nations; so, one could have asked, ‘why not write on corruption generally’? But corruption has now become a nebulous concept in Nigeria. ‘Corruption the Great’ has now begotten children, grand-children, great-children, etc. in Nigeria and one does not even know what its genealogy looks like here anymore. It is such a serious matter that even elementary school pupils can write volumes on. And, if ever Mother Corruption dies in the country, and there is such a bitter struggle to succeed it (because there are so many competent offspring to take its place), subsidy fraud will surely be a frontrunner.

    What I am saying in effect is that it is better to be specific when talking about corruption in Nigeria. Which brand or leg of it are you talking about? Is it pension fraud? Is it corruption by way of inflation of contracts, etc? Hence, I decided to narrow today’s write-up to the fuel subsidy fraud and I hope it is eminently qualified to be so acclaimed. We started the outgoing year with fuel subsidy riots and up till now, we are yet to get out of it. Yes, the riots appear over, whether temporarily or permanently, we do not know yet because we do not know what other surprise the government might want to spring on subsidy. As a matter of fact, subsidy fraud seems to be acquiring a life of its own, and is also giving birth to all kinds of offspring, including acrimonies, court cases, unending probe panels, etc.

    A few weeks ago, the Federal Government asked the National Assembly to appropriate another N161.6billion to enable it meet up with the expected subsidy claims for the year. The government had estimated about N888.1billion for this but just realised that the amount would not be enough. Already, both houses have consented, meaning that by year-end, we must have spent about N1.3trilion on fuel subsidy since no one returns any ‘change’ to government in the country.

    Fuel subsidy has come with all sorts of things, from allegations of a certain company that is allegedly not registered but got N2.7billion from subsidy funds without supplying a litre of fuel. We were inundated with government’s worries emanating from stern warning on the alleged company, but where is the matter today? There is the ‘if you Ubah me, I Maduka you’ issue now before some courts at home and abroad. Fuel subsidy has also brought out the ingenuity in a private citizen usurping the role, as it were, of the security agencies by way of ‘sting operation’. The bee actually stung as the lawmaker involved finally stepped down from the exalted office of chairman of the committee involved. We have also been treated to free video allegedly showing who was offering, or who was taking bribe, or both.

    These are not all: we have also seen the subsidy fraud producing allegations and counter-allegations of bribery and what have you. The same subsidy mess has produced even further mess by way of people on subsidy probe panel getting plum appointments into government’s opaque oil firm, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). While one became a member of the board of directors, the other became director of finance! Yet, we are being told daily of government’s sincerity about getting to the root of the subsidy scam. Tell me; in which civilised clime could such a thing have been possible? Indeed, we have seen a lot in the last 11 months on subsidy fraud, but the supervising minister has remained on her seat like the Rock of Gibraltar, unmovable and unshaken, leading to speculations that she is not an ordinary woman, but one with nine lives.

    The way things are, Nigeria’s subsidy regime has remained a jigsaw puzzle. That partly explains why it has refused to leave the centre-stage of public discourse. But one thing that flows from all the probes into the subsidy fraud is the fact that Nigeria has been ripped off. From the parliamentary probe into subsidy, to the Aig-Imoukhuede’s, down to the Ribadu panel, it was clear that Nigeria has been swindled through and through, with subsidy as conduit. The reports may be different in terms of what they alleged had been stolen, but they confirm widespread fears that some fuel marketers got paid for fuel they never imported, or that was sold abroad. One parliamentary probe said about $6.8 billion must have been lost to subsidy fraud over three years. Of course it is a racket involving even government officials and agencies because the importers could not have done the deals all alone; as they say, it takes two to tango.

    The fact that not much is happening by way of punishing the culprits, particularly those in government, has naturally led to fears that part of the stolen subsidy money was spent on last year’s elections. The implication, if this is true (it is yet to be convincingly explained otherwise, though), is that any attempt to retrieve our money might be another wild goose chase. We may never be able to get to the bottom of the matter, at least not in the lifetime of the Jonathan presidency. We will be lucky if we get an insignificant fraction of it back. Are you still asking why?

  • The Christmas that got away

    The Christmas that got away

    Yes, indeed, Christmas can get away, folks, aided and abetted by the government through its bad economic policies

    What with the recent events in this country resulting in the loss of some of our valued nationals through the crash of an aircraft, the mood is really not very bright right now for celebrating. The thing about the seasons, however, is that they will come and go, come rain or shine. So indeed, the rains and the shines do come in spite of all that man may have lost. It is up to the living to carry on the business of forging a way through this dark vale that Nigerians have found themselves in. The problem though is the tendency of the same fellow Nigerians to add more darkness to the existing darkness by choosing to display wickedness over love towards others through bombings, kidnapping, killing, embezzling, etc. As if our dark skins were not enough, we must draw veils of blackness over our hearts and minds just to make life more difficult for our fellow countrymen. Perhaps the reason is that instead of red blood cells running through our veins, we have … you guessed it.

    This season, I determined to show that only red blood cells flow within my veins. I would behave like a human being and display more generosity of spirit towards others, in spite of myself or them. I would begin by celebrating Christmas. So, as soon as I could hear carol notes belting into the air from the taped voices of well-fed carollers, I determined to bring some Christmas cheer into the house by getting a good Christmas tree and some lights to make the house look less like Ebenezer Scrooge’s shanty. The first tree I saw appeared friendly enough. It should be, I grumpily thought, considering it was made of synthetic rubber and had been set permanently at the friendly mode so that even the renegade Christian should want to put one up in a conspicuous corner of his/her house. The price put on it actually went through the roof but I managed to rummage through my purse and came up with the sum. I was determined to be generous to the seller.

    I also wanted to extend some real peace and goodwill to all this season, so I set out with the will to obtain the biggest turkey or at least something close to it. Before I got to the chicken stall, however, I was given a live one. I did the humane thing: I took it for a drive through the town. Don’t get me wrong: I have eaten a chicken or two in my life time; but the ones I eat are not usually my friends. This one became my friend the minute I held him. Now, how was I going to eat him? I mean, you don’t do that kind of thing to a friend, just not the ton.

    I took the chicken for a drive through the town because I thought that would convince both of us of the inherent dangers in our friendship. The poor thing squirmed and squeaked continuously either in fright or discomfort. I took it to be discomfort, since the air coming in through the windows was quite, quite hot. So I went a step further in the business of being humane: I turned on the air conditioner for it out of the generosity of my heart. Ah! I thought the chicken should appreciate the gesture but I don’t think he quite understood it enough as the clucking went on at varied decibel levels. At the first opportunity, I disposed of it out of generosity to myself and the peace of my ears. That was when I found myself in a real quandary. It never occurred to me that I was letting Christmas get away.

    My standard joke at the approach of any festival is to enjoin my friends to please ensure the safety of their offerings such as chickens, rams, turkeys, etc., so that when it comes time to extend their hands of friendship and love to me, there would be no excuses. The joke is that the excuses still come in various hues and colours, and they go something like: yea well, I remembered you but you see I had more visitors than I prepared for; or the blessed thing got away in spite of the day and night vigils of the army of young and eager guardians in my neighbourhood; or, and best of them all, the chicken, ram or turkey was a bit reluctant to die so we had pity on it and let it go! No problem, I say to them, Christmas is around the corner when I hope to also extend the same generosity of spirit to my own sacrificial offering.

    The quandary now was getting a less expensive, less friendly chicken to offer as a sacrifice in celebration of the season. Perhaps I should just offer a variety of excuses too. I could go, so sorry but the chicken I got did not get home with me. No, that sounds lame. How about, sorry but the turkey was a little too expensive, staggered too drunkenly and cackled insults at passers-by. No, that would make me sound drunkenly too. So, why don’t I just settle down to the age-old, traditional, well-worn and well known excuse? The turkey bolted when it saw the knife; I mean, who would not believe that?!

    Once, a man had purchased and tied up a cow to slaughter at his daughter’s wedding ceremony. However, while no one was looking, the clever cow managed to chew through the cord used to tie it and bolted. The father of the bride, already harassed by the economic burden of his daughter’s wedding, immediately bolted after it shouting, along with neighbours and friends, ‘catch it for me, catch that cow for me, that’s my daughter’s wedding! That’s my daughter’s wedding going!’ Yes indeed, the cow got away but the man thought it was the fault of his neighbours who did not run hard enough.

    Just as that cow got away, Christmas can indeed get away, aided and abetted by the government (through its bad economic policies), individuals (who cannot stand the clucking or cackles of their sacrificial offerings) or neighbours who refuse to run fast enough to catch one’s escaped and convicted chickens. Whatever the cause of Christmas attempting to escape from your clutches this year, you must fight it, even if it means shouting after it. That may not do you much good though, any more than it did our father of the bride in the story above, but at least your friends will know enough not to sit down and be expecting a miracle of the loaves and fishes from you as if you were Jesus.

    Yes, Jesus did do a lot while he was here on earth, didn’t he? This is why we must celebrate the season doing what he did: display an uncommon generosity of spirit. We must go around giving and forgiving; living and letting live; and above all, loving all men and women. Oh you!, you know what I mean. Out of the generosity of my heart, I gave an air-conditioned ride to a chicken; what have you done to help someone this season?

    Friends, things must change. Nigerians and Nigerian leaders must now earnestly begin to appreciate the lesson that what matters in the long run is not how many houses an individual manages to build or how much money he/she manages to stash away in Swiss banks or Cayman Island banks or how much money he/she leaves behind for loving and loveless relatives to fight over, but the simple acts of generosity that one leaves behind. In the long run, as one person put it, what matters is the generosity of spirit that one has displayed in one’s lifetime. Have a beautiful time this Christmas!

  • Foundation for a great nation

    Foundation for a great nation

    Strong institutional structure will prevent our constant embarrassments

    A nation is like a house. It needs a strong foundation to stand. Lay a weak foundation and wait for the result. When the wind blows you will be embarrassed. If it is a whirlwind or a storm, you might find the eastern wing or the western half blown away. For all you care, the north side or southern part of your house might be detached. The entire structure, for that matter, could even come crashing down. At best, you are condemned to perpetual patch-work.

    It is an uncomfortable situation with a sinking feeling.

    Every now and again, this otherwise great nation, with a lot to intimidate the world, faces such situations. Only a strong institutional foundation will save us the embarrassments and frustrations those situations bring.

    Let us consider a few recent incidents. Even as Nigerians mourned former National Security Adviser Gen Andrew Azazi, erstwhile Kaduna State Governor Patrick Yakowa and four other Nigerians who died in penultimate weekend helicopter crash in Bayelsa State, the Presidency is said to be uncomfortable with the position of the state governors. The issue appears simple. President Goodluck Jonathan ordered a probe of the crash. But the governors, who lost one of their own, do not want to sit back and wait for the report; they would rather send an investigator of their own to participate in the investigations either directly or as an observer.

    The Presidency is feeling slighted, reasoning, according to reports, that the governors’ position amounts to lack of confidence in the probe. The Presidency is understandably embarrassed. For what good is its decision if state governors, crucial as they are, have nothing but scorn for it. But it is not just the Jonathan administration that is embarrassed; the entire country is equally humiliated. In a matter like this, the Jonathan Presidency and the state executives should sing a common tune. After all, the issue is the probe of a tragic death and a national loss.

    Still, we can all understand the governors’ gripe. For so long, probes have yielded little or nothing, much to the chagrin of every Nigerian. Our tragedies and disasters are often probed, but we have gained nothing from them because their results are shielded from the public. There is a sense of double tragedy because on the one hand there is profound grief from the disasters, and on the other, much-needed cash is mobilised to fund the investigations. No one can say how many billions or trillions we have lost to probes.

    For decades, we have not laid a good foundation or set a standard in resolving our tragedies through probes. The disenchantment of the governors and embarrassment of the Presidency are a direct fall-out of that profound national error.

    Before the Bayelsa crash, a school Principal Rev Olufunke Oladeojobi of Ajuwon Senior High School in Ogun State was reported to have conducted a virginity test on some 10 pupils of the institution. The examination was said to have been conducted on the floor of Rev Oladeojobi’s office, with a guest nurse in action and a number of in-house staff observing the proceedings. Outsiders would probably have missed the event but for the bleeding incident reported by one of the tested pupils. That reportedly sent parents rushing to Ajuwon Senior, and the Principal to a panel of police questioners. Oladeojobi denied testing the girls, according to one report, but admitted doing so in another, saying the exam was “to help them”. Everyone is horrified. The doctors say she dared to do what even medical personnel are not allowed to contemplate. Lawyers say the test is “actionable”, meaning she can be sued. The Ogun State government has justifiably suspended her pending the conclusion of investigations (that word again).

    A good foundation would have prevented all that. Standards jealously protected will keep a school principal, whether a Reverend or a senior atheist, from contemplating such a horrible, criminal act, let alone executing it.

    Last week, it was also reported that Nigeria has a critical shortfall of 144,000 health workers. Professor Boluwaji Fajemilehin of the Department of Nursing Science, College of Medicine, University of Lagos, said World Health Organisation (WHO) identified the country as lacking that crucial number of health workers.

    Six years ago, according to the report, WHO said any country with fewer than 2.3 doctors, nurses, and midwives per 1,000 people was in danger of facing a critical shortage of health workers. Now with a deficit of 144,000 personnel in our health facilities, Nigeria is the seventh highest among 57 countries facing such crisis in our health sector.

    That is instructive. We have not yet set a foundation for our health sector. That explains why the few health workers we can find are easily irritated at patients’ inquiry. Quarrels ensue often. Queues are insufferably long at the hospitals. Midwives dispense insults, even slaps, in the labour room. Such unprofessional conduct may not derive from natural traits but from numerical shortfall at the workplace. It explains why we the rich fly away to foreign hospitals.

    It is clear. There are no foundations. Can we begin to lay them now?

  • America’s petroleum and Nigeria’s future (2)

    America’s petroleum and Nigeria’s future (2)

    The years of less revenue from fossil energy  will strengthen the territorial unity of Nigeria

    Last week’s conclusion asserts that America’s entry into the international petroleum market as a gas and petroleum exporter (as distinct from its many decades of being an importer) will force Nigerian political leaders and citizens to accept the end of miracles as the solution to national economic and social problems. In other words, the existence in the future of what does not exist now or of what exists now and may not exist in the future in the petroleum market will push trustees or guardians of Nigeria’s politics to accept that the best route to national development is an economic culture that encourages citizens to engage in production, the way it was all over Nigeria until 1966.

    It is important for the country’s economic planners to replace platitudes with policies that can meaningfully diversify the country’s economy, without allowing current inflow of petrodollars to distract them from going back to the fundamental law of culture: no distribution before production. Since General Gowon was reported as saying that money was not Nigeria’s problems in the 1970s, Nigeria has been preoccupied with distribution without production. This is why it has not been able for the country to invest in infrastructure that can fuel development: energy, rail, road, water, etc. Nigeria has been dependent on the 57% of revenue from oil that accrued from oil sale for several decades. This culture of Sadaka, Awuufu, or Saraa (free loading) is best captured by the name of one of the country’s foremost agencies, Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, most graphically in the emphasis on assembling and making ready for use that mobilisation suggests.

    If after 50 years of underdevelopment of the country’s infrastructure despite decades of oil boom, America’s entry into the petroleum and gas market as exporter reduces Nigeria’s revenue from oil and gas, Nigeria may enter a critical phase that will call for new thinking on the part of leaders and citizens. Many things that have been taken for granted since 1966 will call for review, especially the country’s political structure.

    Once the flow of funds to the central government declines (as surely it will once the percentage of oil and gas it can sell to other countries goes down), existing states will attempt to become development centers, rather than distribution centers that they have been since military dictators initiated the culture of creating states and sustaining them with funds from the federation account. The existing 36 states and 774 local governments will certainly have difficulties meeting their monthly bills: salaries to civil servants and other sectors of public service in particular. Retrenchment or downsizing the public sector will become imperative at the beginning for most states. But leaders that are unlucky to be in office when revenue decline occurs will have to adopt the maxim: necessity is the mother of invention. Otherwise, they may be chased out of office by angry citizens, the way it happened in many Arab countries a few years back. They will have to move from the ingrained culture of profligacy and corruption made possible by cheap oil money to providing infrastructure and support for a productive private sector.

    The sudden shift of attention from the federal government as the dispenser of funds to states and local governments to states and local governments as laboratories and factories for production will renew calls for restoration of functional federalism. No state will be prepared to pass gains from the sweat of its citizens to the federal government to share among states and local governments in the name of even development. States and local governments will have to compete with each other, just as they will also cooperate with each other in their effort to respond to the new development challenges to be thrown by decline in oil revenue.

    States that are currently calling for people’s constitution, restructuring of the polity, and devolution of power will be more aggressive in their demands, more so when the easy monthly or quarterly allocation from the federation account ceases to be useful to sustain the appearance of governance and government that most states have enjoyed since 1966. As each state struggles to produce what its citizens consume, it will need to have full supervisory power over its economy and polity.

    The mantra that only the federal police can keep Nigeria united will be challenged more forcefully by states that require efficient and dedicated police to enforce laws and sustain public order. States will resist the usual practice of collecting VAT and fees for driving license and vehicle registration for the federal government to share among states on the basis of land mass and population estimate. States with ports will aggressively ask for compensation for port facilities in their states, rather than beg for special financial support or special status from the federal government. For example, the demand on the federal government to give Lagos a special status that will require additional funds from the federal government will be replaced by demands for a percentage of revenue from use of Lagos ports. Other states with port facilities, such as Delta, Cross River, and Rivers, will make similar demands for revenue sharing with the federal government from port revenue.

    Regionalism or regional integration will become a common model of development across the country once the easy flow of revenue from petroleum and gas ceases or reduces considerably in the years beyond 2020. The current competition among states on exhibitionism in the use of public funds will give way to cooperation in design and execution of projects that can advance development in contiguous states. The reality of scarce resources that may result from revenue decline from the federation account funded largely from proceeds from oil and gas will stimulate the culture of prudence in states that do not want to go bankrupt. Citizens whose taxes become the largest source of revenue for the government will demand an end to low-class self-promotion of political leaders and their family in newspaper adverts at the expense of public funds.

    The sections of the country that have sworn not to allow the country’s post-military federal government to devolve power to states will become more realistic about the imperative of restructuring, once the oil and gas revenue that has been lubricating the country’s chain of unity goes south. Such leaders will have no choice but to accept that it is only parasite without a sense of self-preservation that will depend on an emaciated host. Such states will loosen their grip on the federation and cooperate with those calling for true federalism, not out of altruistic interest but out of the need to have control over their own hard-earned resources in the years beyond today’s bountiful harvest from oil and gas.

    However, the years of less revenue from fossil energy will strengthen the territorial unity of Nigeria. No state or region of the country (not even the Niger Delta) will feel strong enough to want to opt out of Nigeria. A country that has since 1966 seen itself as one united by oil will start to see itself as needing to stay together in order to grow out of poverty. But the country’s unity will cease to be nominal or symbolic; it will be one with a purpose. The country will morph into a site for what Ben Nwabueze calls ‘diversity in unity’.

  • An avoidable tragedy

    An avoidable tragedy

    Once again, Nigeria has been thrown into deep mourning. All over the land, the grief is so palpable that you could almost touch it. How can one single society which is not officially at war endure so much trauma and tragedies ever unfolding at a fast and furious pace? Are we not in denial when we say we are not at war? When is a war? As psychologists would attest, the undeclared war is the most deadly, the most lethal because it leaves citizens psychologically unprepared and very vulnerable indeed.

    We raise these posers this morning because disaster seems to have become Nigeria’s default setting. Like sadistic robots our rulers deliver pious homilies at every tragedy and then move on to await the next. And truly in the manner of a society that worships a different god each new day, each new day brings a new tragedy. This is the land of three hundred and sixty five tragedies a year. The year opened with the avoidable tragedy of the removal of a phantom subsidy. It matured into the avoidable tragedy of the DANA air crash. Now, it is ending with the tragedy of a naval helicopter crash. Why do we waste ourselves so much?

    In such circumstances, talking about Annus Horribilis is a misnomer, an instance of misplaced optimism and an anodyne of the socially and economically besieged. An Annus Horribilis occurs when you have a bad year within a fairly good run. But you cannot be talking about Annus Horribilis when you have been sentenced to perpetual unhappiness. What you have in Nigeria is not Annus Horribilis but Homo Horribilis.

    Yet in their unique way, each of these tragedies showcases our inability to evolve into a true nation or a truly modern society for that matter. If the fuel subsidy palaver highlighted the collapse of social capital and the binding bond between the governed and the governing, the Dana crash pinpointed the ravages of the cannibal capitalism that we have imbibed and reconfirmed the nation as the carnage capital of social cannibalism. The helicopter crash is a telling testimony of our continuing inability to come up with the bureaucratic and institutional rationality that underpins modern governance.

    It is a pity that General Owoye Azazi had to go down in that chariot of fire. Despite his controversial exit as the National Security Adviser, the four-star general remained one of the most decorated officers of the Nigerian military, having been DMI, GOC,Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Defence Staff and crowning all this with his appointment as National Security Adviser to President Goodluck Jonathan. It was probably the first time an Intelligence officer had shone so brightly in the firmament of the Nigerian military. General Aliyu Gusau who achieved almost the same professional distinctions was never a four-star general.

    The death of Patrick Yakowa is a political tragedy of catastrophic proportions. An accomplished bureaucrat and administrator from a minority group in the politically volatile Kaduna State, there was ample evidence that he had managed to douse the tension and calm things down a bit. Those who should know insist that Yakowa took it hard that he was considered a “stranger” when it came to higher office by those he had mingled and gone to school with, but there is no evidence that he ever allowed this to affect his political judgement.

    Given the conspiracy theories flying around and the opening salvo of his youthful successor against those who have treated him with disrespect and discourtesy while he was a :”spare tire”, one must hope that the old demons of ethnic mayhem are not revived in that combustible region. The unfolding political scenario in Kaduna State requires utmost tact and caution.

    But if we mourn the tragic death of illustrious Nigerians, we must also mourn the tragic departure of the less illustrious, particularly those gallant naval officers who were cut down in their prime, particularly in the course of official duty to their fatherland. Nobody knows what Navy Captain Daba and Navy Lieutenant Adeyemi Sowole could have gone on to become. In an emotive outburst published in this paper on Friday, Pa Sowole accused the naval establishment of arrant insensitivity. This is a case of acute bereavement that ought to be better managed

    The crash itself raises so many posers. The federal authorities must come up with the answers to these posers. Since when has it become the official norm for a naval helicopter to be turned into an air-taxi for ferrying VIPs to the funeral of a government functionary? Surely, this is not the norm in civilised nations. It is no use saying that this has always been the practice. What is wrong is wrong. In any case, a government has to be taken by its self-declared mission and not every post-military administration has promised Nigerians a transformation. If this is transformation, Nigerians will be happy with transmogrification.

    The real tragedy of our era is the inability of the Nigerian political elite to realise that they hurt themselves even more when they refuse to abide by the accepted and civilised procedures of doing things. It is not for fun that certain political standards and the administration of justice are maintained with impersonal rigour in developed countries. If you do not secure the realm with justice, injustice will make the realm insecure for you too. The mounting spate of insecurity in the land, the rise of high-profile kidnapping, the horrendous casualties suffered by elites in avoidable tragedies all speak to an elite that cannot save itself not to talk of saving the nation.

    In such circumstances, the general theoretical question can now be broached. Is there an elite conspiracy against democratic rule in this country? The attitude of many members of the ruling class does not reflect the mental conditioning of those who are committed to the general principles of democracy both as a short term prospect or as a long term project. Yet without such mental conditioning, we can never build durable institutions, and without durable institutions we can never sustain democracy. It is an appalling prospect for nation and society.

    The international community must be watching Nigeria with a degree of sympathy-fatigue. The cost of maintaining a deficient democracy is becoming truly prohibitive in terms of human toll and economic wastage. But given the circumstances the alternatives are just too scary to contemplate. If only a fraction of the money being stolen on a daily basis is ploughed into the development of an arterial network of roads, there would have been no need for a helicopter shuttle to become the preferred mode of elite transportation in the mangrove swamps. Primitive accumulation often leads to the accumulation of primitive terror.

  • By a whisker…not the whiskers!

    WE begin this week with wrongdoings by National Mirror of December 20: “…police officers had actually taken law into their hands….” Extra-judicial killings: taken the law into their own hands….

    “Our education system is in shambles (in a shambles)….”

    “Majority (A majority) of our graduates are graduating into unemployment….”

    The next disaster is from DAILY SUN of December 19: “…Dickson paying his last respect to his departed colleague….” A rewrite: Dickson paying last respects to his colleague.

    THE GUARDIAN of December 18 disseminated copious goofs: “Imo offers reward for information on Sylvanus abductors” This way: Sylvanus’s abductors

    “One year after, thousands in N’Korea mourn late leader” Would they have mourned their living leader? Fatalistic thinking! North Koreans mourn leader’s death

    “In Imo, Ihedioha flags off N4.3b road project…” Can The Guardian tell us the etymological source of ‘flag off’?

    Now The Guardian Editorial which contributed three major solecisms: “But the lawmakers failed to tell Nigerians what they plan to do about the siege currently laid on (to) the country by armed gangs.”

    “…armed bandits ravaging the country is worrisome.” Conscience, Nurtured by Truth: banditry inevitably involves the use of arms/weaponry. So, delete ‘armed’!

    “Besides, are there genuine political reasons behind the activities of terror organisations such as Boko Haram and how could it (they) be addressed?”

    Still on The Guardian: “Stylish pet bottle that adds class to your occassion” (Full-page advertisement by CWAY) Spell-check: occasion.

    “Free, handy, extra cap for better hygeine (hygiene)” Source: as above

    “The proposed initiative will ensure that only road worthy (road-worthy) vehicles driven by….”

    Last week’s edition of this medium goofed in its lead story: “It was however gathered that a former Managing Director of the NDDC…cheated death by the whiskers (by a whisker).

    And my own oversight last week: “Your Excellency, we at AEL pray that the Almighty God continue (not continues) to grant you good health….” “We heard a gunshot and saw his police orderly walking briskly towards us, with a crowd in tow (not toe).” Apologies and thanks to the few eagle-eyed readers who pointed them out. This is the basic essence of this column: exchange of scholastic ideas with human fallibility in purview.

    “The Igue Festival, with it’s (its) glorious history and rich heritage, is here once again.” (First Bank/Western Union full-page advertisement, THE PUNCH, December 15)

    National Mirror of December 13 donated four blunders to the pool of infractions this week: “…which has raised hope of restoring democratic rule at (to) the grassroots after….”

    “…it has been controversy (controversies) galore.”

    “The warning came on the heel (heels) of moves by the EFCC to adopt it in the trial of….”

    “Last Wednesday, educationists, under (on) the platform….”

    “…nobody would nurse the ambition of visiting those places talkless of (let alone) going there to eke out a living.”

    “..the opportunity divinely offered him to transform a country touted as one of the richest in (on) the continent into a haven for investors and a paradise for his people.”

    “..the people of Umuchu can pool resources together to do a final battle with the erosion menace.” When you pool resources, there is no need for ‘together.’

    “The falllouts of the Kaduna riot are large scale (large-scale) destruction and looting….” Justice in service of community: ‘fallout’ is non-count.

    “…Mark survived an impeachment attempt as senators in an overwhelming decision passed a vote of confidence on (in) the leadership of the Senate.”

    “…but rather accusing fingers pointed at the Presidency.” The finger pointed at the Presidency. No lexical decoration (accusing).

    “Nigerians can no longer silently acquiesce to (in) the persecution (prosecution?) of such illegitimacies for whatever reason by whosoever.”

    “Pomp and pageantry as Asiwaju of…is installed” Either pomp and ceremony or pomp and circumstance. Simply, pomp, too.

    “…another feather was added to (in) his cap as he was initiated into the royal circle with all the paraphernalia of royalty.”

    “For that reason, we state it as our opinion that the police owes (owe) the nation.…”

    “I score Maduekwe and the other diehard opponents of Kalu who are at (in) the corridors of power in Abuja very lowly for their lack of foresight.”

    “They should know that they can never be allowed the luxury of holding society to ransome.” Spell-check: ransom.

    “…the president should concentrate his efforts in (on) the prime projects of his in the remaining part of his tenure.”

    “The president must be conversant with the types of ammunitions and explosions (explosives) kept in such big armouries.” Get it right: ‘ammunition’ is non-count.

    “For instance, in a case of ghastly (fatal) accident where many lives are lost….”

    “You may work on one side of the town, your children school on the other and you spend the days tensed up because either of the two sides can erupt in flames.” ‘Either of the two sides’ smacks of illiteracy. Either of the sides please.

    “If you as much as bumped into an Osun legislator on (in) the corridor….”

    “The Senate will be seen to be practicing (American) double standards (standard) if it does not heed the motion….”

    “The only difference this time around (round) was that the police was (were) striking against their masters and against themselves.”

    “If it is rented, it could fetch between N.8m to N1m per annum.” My perspective: between N.8m and N1m.

    “…they destroyed four government vans, while a private car packed (parked)….”

    MERRY CHRISTMAS!

     

  • The horrible year 2012 (2)

    The horrible year 2012 (2)

    We sowed the wind long ago and now, the whirlwind is here with a vengeance

    As captured in part 1, this trilogy which commenced with an analysis of the horrible events that shaped Nigeria in 2012, will today interrogate the roads, which if taken would have, most probably, turned things around significantly. When a newspaper columnist who, like yours truly, has not personally been tested in higher public office, sets out to interrogate issues of this nature, even apportioning blames here and there, all he is saying is that with the benefit of hindsight, some actions, other than those taken, would have redounded better to the country’s well-being and that the polity should have been a lot better than what it is today. We need not delay ourselves here by again enumerating things like insecurity, terror, corruption or the all-pervading fear in the land as some of the demons voraciously tearing at the very heart of Nigerians during the year. They have been too much of an everyday danger to forget, even momentarily. They have become so real they cumulatively succeeded in changing those things we have, for a very long time, come to regard as our unalterable lifestyles. For some, to now travel by air or by road has become a real problem. One now has to put his/her house in order, not knowing whether that journey would be the last since other real life-threatening demons are alive and kicking; waiting there in the wings: accidents, armed robbers –an army General was killed by some Hausa-Fulani urchins few kilometres to Lagos – and the fear of the ubiquitous kidnapper is real and present. Our already overwhelmed security people look on helpless, except where the kidnapped is the father or mother of a serving minister. That the spouse of the kidnapped is a former envoy, or legislator, now counts for nothing.

    Plato’s theory of the Philosopher king, formulated in the REPUBLIC, in which formal laws would have been unnecessary because of the presumed rationality and virtue of the ruler, has been shown for what it is – a mere wishful thinking – since no man is God.

    Leaders are therefore not immune to mistakes. What is, however, unforgivable, is a do-nothing leadership when horrors assail the citizenry at will as we have seen time and again in the course of the year. A leadership that shows no discernment, which knows not that infringements of the law should be handsomely punished, therefore merely increases the agony of a people. A leader has to lead by directing intelligently and effectively, or how did Professor Gana put it?One of the many problems Nigerians have had to endure this year has been mostly psychological and has to do with how corruption has simply ballooned. You no longer hear them steal in millions or even billions–though small ones like the pension woman in whose house stolen billions were found still do – they now basically do it in trillions. Listening to the National Assembly Committee on Pensions and Alhaji Maina bandy the many trillions that have been stolen from the pension funds of old people who now queue and die on pension lines had been thoroughly mind bogging. And the presidency looks on, happy and content, telling all that care that it has set up this committee or that since governance has since been concessioned to committees. Then, like Herod, the presidency simply washes off its hands from any responsibility, claiming that Jonathan is not the judiciary. And you begin to wonder whether the buck no longer stops at the president’s table.

    The year 2012 has been something of a harvesting time for us as a people. We sowed the wind long ago and now, the whirlwind is here with a vengeance. While we cared less as a people, our rulers – not leaders – in the real sense of the word messed us up beyond repairs. General Obasanjo had left office handing over to persons who possessed none of his dare- devilry and so to deal with the demons he created, and left behind, had since become the problem.

    Once his succession plan of self-perpetuation failed, he should have quickly re-ordered things and ensure that transparency became the order of the day, even, if only in the election process. Unfortunately, he elected to make our burden bigger by inflicting on us, as his immediate successor, a man who was ill and had n’t the wherewithal to shoulder the responsibilities of state. Were that limited to Yar Adua, may be, just maybe, we still could have put our house in order. But with President Jonathan’s own vaulting ambition, fuelled by the hate- induced politics of some PDP elders, our problems escalated. Edged on by the movers and shakers of the Southern wing of the PDP, with assurances that the North could do nothing, Jonathan threw his hat into the ring and the consequences have since bedeviled the country. The North, even if not as a conscious design, and by a very small portion of it, has since shown it can do a lot to make life real difficult for the average Nigerian but much more for its ruling class which today can no longer sleep with its two eyes closed. A little known, even beggarly Boko Haram, which was largely a helpmate to some insecure ANPP politicians in the North-East at the time, has since transmuted to a pan-regional, man-consuming terror gang with all the potentials to further transform to a regional army for those who lost power and want power back. Doubt this: look no further than President Jonathan shouting from the roof tops that Boko Haram has infiltrated his government. It has gotten far worse as Christians now go to church in the North, every Sunday, not knowing if they will not meet their maker therein.

    And now to the pertinent questions as to roads not taken: Why did it not occur to President Jonathan that he would have had no option to remaining Yar Adua’s loyal deputy for four more years if the late President did not die? Why would the PDP, at both the individual and corporate levels, display such indiscipline that it could so easily jettison its zoning formula? What was it that drove the southern protagonists of Jonathan against their Northern counterparts who rightly believed there was more than a gentleman’s agreement on the issue of rotational presidency? Were a Northerner the president today, would Boko Haram have become this deadly? And, finally, with the reported collaboration between Boko Haram and other international terror organisations, is n’t Nigeria destined to be branded a terrorist country with all the attendant consequences?

    Only the unappreciative would say that the South South, off which the country lives, does not deserve the presidency. But what would it have cost it to wait four more years?That faux pas, of Jonathan being pressured into contesting the last presidential election, is the very reason corruption has ballooned in the country. Candidate Jonathan had to outspend a very rich Abubakar Atiku, the ‘candidate’ of the North and a high net worth individual with an equally massive network. Funds subsequently came from sources known and unknown recouping which has seen the Jonathan government giving not a little helping hand to some of those who have subsequently fleeced the country. It is interesting, for instance, to note that before the Ribadu Report was messed up, it was already raking in billions of the monies owed the NNPC but that had to stop when the government panicked. Apparently some sacred cows must have been at work. A less compromised government would have been able to give the fight to those outright rogues who fraudulently claimed billions of naira on vessels that never as much as visited the West African coast, not to talk of bringing fuel to Nigeria. Now they are talking of plea bargaining; a route this government will ultimately support as it cannot bear to see its friends go to jail.

    To be concluded; as the final part takes a look at the South-West – the solitary oasis in the country.

  • Biafrans who still dream of leaving Nigeria

    Biafrans who still dream of leaving Nigeria

    In a quiet, dusty and fairly secluded corner of Enugu city, south-eastern Nigeria, a group of men unfurled a homemade flag and then sang. “Biafra will live forever. Nothing will stop us,” was the gist of their anthem in the Igbo language.

    They were not exactly belting it out and instead of hoisting the flag up a pole, it was tied to a metal gate. But there is good reason for discretion – in the eyes of the authorities the gathering is illegal.

    On 5 November, 100 men and women were arrested as they marched peacefully through the city’s streets after raising the Biafran flag.

    They were all imprisoned and accused of treason but then released when the charges were dropped. It appears the government is determined to ensure any agitation for secession is not allowed to gather momentum.

    Forty-two years after the end of the devastating civil war in which government troops fought and defeated Biafran secessionists, the dream of independence has not completely died.

    “No amount of threats or arrests will stop us from pursuing our freedom – self-determination for Biafrans,” said Edeson Samuel, national chairman of the Biafran Zionist Movement (BZM).

    “We were forced into this unholy marriage but we don’t have the same culture as the northerners. Our religion and culture are quite different from the northerners,” he told the BBC. The group broke away from the better-known Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB).

    The 1967-70 Civil War threatened to tear apart the young Nigerian nation. Ethnic tensions were high in the mid 1960s. The military had seized power and economic hardship was biting.

    With the perception that they were pushing to dominate all sectors of society – from business to the civil service – and while they were prominent in the military, the Igbo people were attacked.

    Thousands were killed, especially during the clashes between northerners, who are mostly Muslim, and Igbos. To save their lives, Igbos fled en masse back “home” to the east.

    “People used to meet fuel tanker drivers who allowed them to hide inside the tankers – some survived that way,” remembers Igwe Anthony Ojukwu, the traditional ruler of Ogui Nike in Enugu State.

    “As we were licking our wounds… it dawned on us that we could not just stay at home as they would come and fight us and that would mean… extinction,” he said, adding that this prompted the move to declare Biafra independent.

    Today on the streets of Enugu you can hear songs about the war. Booming out from a stall selling CDs and DVDs I heard a song praising the late Chief Emeka Ojukwu – the man who raised the Biafran flag in 1967 and was the leader of the breakaway nation that existed for 31 troubled months.

    “It was very terrifying. In the market place you hear a bang and you find limbs flying, people lying dead and others running helter-skelter,” said war veteran Chief Nduka Eya, recalling the aerial bombardment by the Nigerian forces.

    At his home he showed me the small card he was given after the Biafrans surrendered. It reads: “Clearance certificate for members of armed forces of defunct Biafra.”

    “Naturally when you lose a war it can be very depressing but what can you do? We took it. But history shows Biafra is defunct out of surrender,” said Chief Nduka Eya who is now the secretary general of Ohaneze Ndigbo, an umbrella group representing Igbos around the world.

    In the bottom right-hand corner of the card is Olusegun Obasanjo’s signature. The man who later became the president of Nigeria played a major role in the civil war, fighting on the federal government side.

    Although no-one knows the true number, more than one million people died in the war – some from the fighting but many more from the resulting famine in the east.

    In an effort to repair the bruised nation, the Nigerian head of state General Yakubu Gowan spoke of “No Victor, No Vanquished” and also promoted a policy of Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation.

    But to this day, many Igbos complain that they were punished economically after the war and still speak of being marginalised. The fact that no Nigerian president has come from the east is a source of much rancour.

    The prospect of an independent Igboland now seems impossible, especially as secessionists would want the area’s lucrative oil fields.

    While those publicly clamouring for independence are a very small minority, it is not hard to find young people who feel they would be better off as a separate nation. This ought to be of great concern to the government of Nigeria.

    “If this present government does not have the solution for us upcoming youth here, I’d rather the nation breaks,” said one young man playing football in Enugu near a statue of a Biafran soldier holding a gun aloft.

    “We are willing to fight for our rights. Without sacrifice there will be nothing like freedom. We have to pay the price if we want independence and we are ready to do that again,” he added.

    “Islams (sic) don’t want the east to rule the country and our opportunities and rights are denied so we are better off as an independent Biafra sovereign nation. Nothing is impossible,” another man in his 20s added.

    The renowned Nigerian author Chinua Achebe recently released his memoirs of the war entitled “There Was a Country.” The book includes an insight into what life was like for his family fleeing the city of Lagos and heading east.

    His account has angered some – especially non-Igbos – and has caused a stir in the Nigerian media as well as on the internet where there are plenty of reminders that ethnic divisions still run deep.

    Towards the end of his book Achebe asks: “Why has the war not been discussed, or taught to the young, over 40 years after its end?

    “Are we perpetually doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past because we are too stubborn to learn from them?”

    Today Nigeria faces massive security challenges – top of the list being the Islamist insurgency in the north that many Nigerians believe is being fuelled by politicians.

    Many would argue that some of the root causes of the civil war were also triggers of the rebellion in the north as well as the militancy in the Niger Delta.

    “Three words – injustice, inequality and unfair play,” says Chief Nduka Eya who, like Achebe, believes it is essential for young Nigerians to learn about the war.

    “If you think education is expensive try ignorance,” he says. “Ignorance is a very damaging disease. Our boys and girls need to know what actually happened. ‘Why did my father go to war?’ Someone in the north will ask: ‘Why did we go to fight them?’”

    Sitting on his throne and holding his ox tail staff of office, Igwe Anthony Ojukwu calls for the war to be studied in schools. “The experience of Biafra should be shared so that people outside Biafra will know when they are cheated and when they should start to fight for their own destiny,” says the traditional ruler.

    “The risk of not studying Biafra is that we will continue to subdue the subdueables no matter how justified they are in their demands. We will continue to live a life where the stronger animal kills the other,” he says, although he stresses that he is against further efforts to secede.

    “I think it is important that Nigeria stays together. Those who are singing for disintegration are doing so for selfish ends.”

    Forty-two years after the war, a beer has just been launched in eastern Nigeria. The choice of name, “Hero”, and the logo on the bottle of a rising sun similar to the one on the Biafran flag were no accident.

    These days “Bring me a Hero” is a popular call in the bars of Enugu where people have not entirely given up on the dream of raising a glass to “independence.”

    Source: BBC